Old_Test.
(Menu)
Genesis
Exodus
Leviticus
Numbers
Deuteronomy

Joshua
Judges
Ruth
1Samuel
2Samuel
1Kings
2Kings
1Chronicles
2Chronicles
Ezra
Nehemiah
Esther

Psalms
Proverbs
Job
Ecclesiastes
Song
Isaiah
Jeremiah
Baruch
Ezekiel
Daniel
Hosea
Joel
Amos
Obadiah
Jonah
Micah
Nahum
Habbakuk
Zephaniah
Haggai
Zechariah
Malachi

Tobit
Judith
1Maccabees
2Maccabees
Sirach
Wisdom
New_Test.
(Menu)
Matthew
Mark
Luke
John
Acts
Romans
1 Corinthians
2 Corinthians
Galatians
Ephesians
Colossians
1 Thessalonians
2 Thessalonians
Philemon
1 Timothy
2 Timothy
Titus
Hebrews
James
1 Peter
2 Peter
1-3John
Jude
Revelation

Ἡ Καινὴ Διαθήκη

Josephus
(Menu)
Who was Josephus?
Maps, Graphics
Highlights
Translation

THE JEWISH WAR
War, Volume 1
War, Volume 2
War, Volume 3
War, Volume 4
War, Volume 5
War, Volume 6
War, Volume 7

THE ANTIQUITIES
Ant. Jud., Bk 1
Ant. Jud., Bk 2
Ant. Jud., Bk 3
Ant. Jud., Bk 4
Ant. Jud., Bk 5
Ant. Jud., Bk 6
Ant. Jud., Bk 7
Ant. Jud., Bk 8
Ant. Jud., Bk 9
Ant. Jud., Bk 10
Ant. Jud., Bk 11
Ant. Jud., Bk 12
Ant. Jud., Bk 13
Ant. Jud., Bk 14
Ant. Jud., Bk 15
Ant. Jud., Bk 16
Ant. Jud., Bk 17
Ant. Jud., Bk 18
Ant. Jud., Bk 19
Ant. Jud., Bk 20

OTHER WRITINGS
Apion, Bk 1
Apion, Bk 2
Autobiog.



Daily Word 2019

SEASONS of:
Advent
Christmastide
Lent
Eastertide

SUNDAYS, Year A
Sundays, 1-34, Year A
SUNDAYS, Year B
Sundays, 1-34, Year B
SUNDAYS, Year C
Sundays, 1-34, Year C

WEEKDAYS
(Ordinary Time)
Weeks 1-11 (Year 1)
Weeks 1-11 (Year 2)
Wks 12-22 (Year 1)
Wks 12-22 (Year 2)
Wks 23-34 (Year 1)
Wks 23-34 (Year 2)

OTHER
Solemnities
Baptisms
Weddings
Funerals
Saints Days

Apocrypha
(Menu)
Introduction

Gospel of--
-- Nicodemus
-- Peter
-- Ps-Matthew
-- James (Protevangelium)
-- Thomas (Infancy)
-- Thomas (Gnostic)
-- Joseph of Arimathea
-- Joseph_Carpenter
Pilate's Letter
Pilate's End

Apocalypse of --
-- Ezra
-- Moses
-- Paul
-- Pseudo-John
-- Moses
-- Enoch

Various
Clementine Homilies
Clementine Letters
Clementine Recognitions
Dormition of Mary
Book of Jubilees
Life of Adam and Eve
Odes of Solomon
Pistis Sophia
Secrets of Enoch
Tests_12_Patriarchs
Veronica's Veil
Vision of Paul
Vision of Shadrach

Acts of
Andrew
Andrew & Matthias
Andrew & Peter
Barnabas
Bartholomew
John
Matthew
Paul & Perpetua
Paul & Thecla
Peter & Paul
Andrew and Peter
Barnabas
Philip
Pilate
Thaddaeus
Thomas in India
Patristic
(Menu)


Clement of Rome

Ignatius of Antioch

Polycarp of Smyrna

Barnabas,(Epistle of)

Papias of Hierapolis

Justin, Martyr

The Didachë

Irenaeus of Lyons

Hermas (Pastor of)

Tatian of Syria

Theophilus of Antioch

Diognetus (letter)

Athenagoras of Alex.

Clement of Alexandria

Tertullian of Carthage

Origen of Alexandria

Antiquities (Greek Text) Book 17.

Herod, from the death of Aristobulus to the exile of Archelaus

1. Antipater's fratricide. His bribes. Herod's wives and children

2. Trachonitis a buffer zone. Pharisees plot against against Herod

3. Herod's brother Pheroras is murdered. Herod sends Antipater to Caesar

4. A plot to poison Herod is revealed, and linked to his son Antipater

5. Antipater is prosecuted and defence. Caesar's judgment is awaited

6. Herod falls gravely ill, people riot against his rule; savage reprisals

7. Herod thinks of suicide, but instead has Antipater killed

8. Herod's final Will. Antipas, Archelaus and Philip. Herod' end

9. Riots against Archelaus. He and Antipas supported by Caesar in Rome

10. Rebellion during Archelaus' absence is quelled by Varus

11. Caesar confirms Herod's last testament

12. "Look-alike" claims Herod's throne but is unmasked by Caesar.

13. Archelaus is accused, then banished by Caesar to Vienne

Chapter 1. [001-022]
Antipater is hated for his fratricide. His bribes in Rome and Syria. Herod's wives and children

1.

[1] Ἀντιπάτρῳ δὲ ἀραμένῳ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀσεβείᾳ τε τῇ ὑστάτῃ καὶ ἀλαστορίᾳ τῇ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς τὸν πατέρα περιβεβληκότι οὔτι κατὰ γνώμας ἡ ἐλπὶς τοῦ αὖθις βίου ἦν: ἀπαλλαγεὶς γὰρ φόβου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ διὰ τὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν μὴ ἐπικοινωνῆσον, ἐργωδέστερον καὶ ἄπορον αὐτῷ εὕρισκεν τὸ τῆς βασιλείας περιγενέσθαι: τοσόνδ' ἐφύη τῷ ἔθνει μῖσος πρὸς αὐτόν. [2] ὄντος δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦδε χαλεποῦ πλειόνως παρελύπει τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἀλλοτρίως ἔχον τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰς οὓς τὰ πάντα ἦν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀνακείμενα τοῦ οἰκείου ἀσφαλοῦς, ὁπότε τύχοι τὸ ἔθνος νεωτέρων ὀριγνώμενον πραγμάτων: τοσόνδε κίνδυνον ἐμνήστευσεν αὐτῷ ὁ ὄλεθρος τῶν ἀδελφῶν. [3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ συνῆρχέν γε τῷ πατρὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ὡς βασιλεὺς ὢν καὶ ἐπιστεύετο παρ' αὐτῷ μειζόνως, ἐξ ὧν ἀπολωλέναι καλῶς εἶχεν εὐνοίας βεβαιώματα εὑρημένος, ὡς ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ σωτηρίας τῆς Ἡρώδου τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἐνδεδειχώς, ἀλλ' οὐκ ἔχθρᾳ τῇ πρὸς ἐκείνους καὶ πρὸ αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τοιαίδε αὐτὸν περιεσπένδον ἀραί. [4] ἅπερ δὴ πάντα μηχαναὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην ὁδοῦ ἵσταντο Ἀντιπάτρῳ, ἐρημοῦντι αὐτὸν μὲν κατηγόρων ἐφ' οἷς πράττειν διενοεῖτο, Ἡρώδην δὲ καταφυγῆς οἳ βοηθοῖεν αὐτῷ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου φανερῶς πολεμίου καταστάντος: [5] ὥστε μίσει μὲν τῷ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἔπρασσεν τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν ἀδελφῶν, τὸ δὲ ἥπτετο μειζόνως τοῦ ἐγχειρῶν μὴ ἀφίεσθαι τῆς πράξεως: ἀποθνήσκοντος μὲν γὰρ Ἡρώδου, βεβαίως αὐτῷ περιγενομένης τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐξικνουμένου δὲ εἰς τὸ πλέον ἔτι ζῆν, κινδύνων ἀντιπεριστάντων ἐξαγγέλτου γενομένης τῆς πράξεως, ἧς συνθέτης γεγονὼς πολέμιον ἠνάγκαζε τὸν πατέρα καταστῆναι. [6] καὶ διὰ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι πολυτελὴς ἦν τοὺς περὶ τὸν πατέρα, κέρδεσι μεγάλοις ἐκπλήσσων τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων μῖσος πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης φίλους πομπαῖς μεγάλων δωρεῶν εὔνους καθιστάμενος, πρὸ πάντων δὲ Σατορνῖνον τὸν τῆς Συρίας ἐπιμελητήν. [7] ὑπάξεσθαί τε ἦν ἐλπὶς αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν Σατορνίνου ἀδελφὸν μεγέθει δώρων, ἃ ἐδίδου, καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνδρὶ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην συνοικοῦσαν τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ χρώμενος. ψευσάμενός τε φιλίαν πρὸς τοὺς ὁμιλοῦντας δεινότατός τις ἦν πεπιστεῦσθαι καὶ μῖσος ἀράμενος ἐφ' οὕστινας ἐπικρύψασθαι συνετώτατος. [8] οὐ μὴν ἠπάτα γε τὴν τηθίδα προκατανενοηκυῖαν ἐκ πλείονος αὐτὸν καὶ μηκέθ' οἷαν οὖσαν παραλογισθῆναι καὶ διὰ τὸ ἤδη παρασκευῇ τῇ πάσῃ ἀντιτετάχθαι αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ κακότροπον. [9] καίτοι θυγατρὶ αὐτῆς συνῴκει θεῖος πρὸς μητρὸς Ἀντιπάτρου προνοίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου καὶ διαπράξει παραλαβὼν τὴν κόρην πρότερον Ἀριστοβούλῳ γεγαμημένην: τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν ὁ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς Καλλέα παῖς γυναῖκα εἶχεν. ἀλλ' οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ κατανοεῖσθαι πονηρὸν ὄντα ἦν ἡ ἐπιγαμία τεῖχος, ὥσπερ οὐδ' ἡ πρότερον συγγένεια πρὸς τὸ οὐ μεμισῆσθαι. [10] τὴν δὲ Σαλώμην Ἡρώδης ἐσπουδακυῖαν Συλλαίῳ τῷ Ἄραβι γαμηθῆναι κατ' ἐρωτικὴν ἐπιθυμίαν βιάζεται τῷ Ἀλεξᾷ συνοικεῖν συμπρασσούσης αὐτῷ Ἰουλίας καὶ πειθούσης τὴν Σαλώμην μὴ ἀνήνασθαι τὸν γάμον, μὴ καὶ ἔχθρα καθίσταιτο αὐτοῖς προύπτως ὀμωμοκότος Ἡρώδου μὴ ἂν εὐνοήσειν Σαλώμῃ μὴ ὑποδεξαμένῃ τὸν Ἀλεξᾶ γάμον. καὶ ἐπείθετο Καίσαρός τε οὔσῃ γυναικὶ τῇ Ἰουλίᾳ καὶ ἄλλως συμβουλευούσῃ πάνυ συμφέροντα. [11] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ τὴν Ἀρχελάου θυγατέρα τοῦ βασιλέως Ἡρώδης ὡς τὸν αὐτῆς πατέρα ἐξέπεμψεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνῳκηκυῖαν ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ τὴν προῖκα ἀποδούς, ὥστε ἀμφισβήτημα αὐτοῖς μηδὲν εἶναι.
****

001 When Antipater had done away with his brothers and led his father to such impiety that he was haunted by the furies, for the rest of his life things did not succeed as he hoped, for though safe from any fear of his brothers contesting the leadership, he still found it hard and almost impossible to gain the crown, because the nation had such hatred for him. 002 Besides this, the matter of the soldiers grieved him still more, on whom kings must depend for their safety; for they were alienated from him, on seeing the nation eager for change. He brought this danger upon himself by doing away with his brothers. 003 Now he ruled the nation jointly with his father, being already no less than a king, and he was the more trusted and firmly depended on, for the very reason for which he ought himself to have been put to death, since he seemed to have betrayed his brothers from concern for the safety of Herod rather than from ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself. Such was his accursed state. 004 Now all Antipater's plans were preparing his way to remove Herod, with nobody to accuse him his vile plotting, and giving Herod no refuge or helper, since this would make Antipater their open enemy. 005 Indeed, even his plots against his brothers were caused by his hatred for his father. But now he was more than ever determined to do away with Herod, because once he was dead, the leadership would be firmly his, while if he were let live any longer, there was danger of his plotting being found out, and his father would then necessarily become his enemy. 006 This was why he became very bountiful to his father's friends and bestowed large amounts on several of them, in order to surprise men with his good deeds and remove their hatred against him. He sent great gifts to his friends in Rome particularly, to gain their goodwill, and above all to Saturninus, the ruler of Syria. 007 He also hoped to gain the favour of Saturninus's brother through large gifts given to him, and he used the same method with the king's sister, who had married one of Herod's closest friends. When he pretended friendship with his conversation partners, he was very subtle in gaining their confidence and cunning in concealing his hatred against any whom he really did hate. 008 But he could not fool his aunt, who understood him from long ago and was not easily tricked, as she had already used all possible caution to avert his evil plans. 009 Although Antipater's uncle by the mother's side had managed to marry her daughter, though she had been formerly married to Aristobulus, and though Salome's other daughter of that husband was married to the son of Calleas, knowing how wicked he was, that marriage did not prevent her from revealing his plans, just as her former relationship to him could not prevent her hating him. 010 Herod had compelled Salome to marry Alexas, though she was in love with Syllaeus the Arabian. She submitted to this match for the sake of Livia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it in case he should become openly hostile to them, for Herod had sworn never to be friends with Salome if she refused to marry Alexas. So she submitted to Livia, who was Caesar's wife and on other occasions gave her no advice except what was much to her advantage. 011 Meanwhile Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, the former wife of Alexander, to her father, returning with her from his own estate the dowry he had received, to avoid any dispute about it between them.

2.

[12] Ἀνέτρεφεν δὲ αὐτὸς τῶν παίδων τὰ τέκνα πάνυ ἐπιμελῶς: ἦσαν γὰρ τῷ μὲν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐκ Γλαφύρας ἄρσενες δύο, Ἀριστοβούλῳ δὲ ἐκ Βερενίκης τῆς Σαλώμης θυγατρὸς ἄρσενές τε τρεῖς καὶ θήλειαι δύο. [13] καί ποτε παρόντων αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων παραστησάμενος τὰ παιδάρια καὶ τῶν υἱέων ἀνακλαύσας τὴν τύχην ηὔχετο μηδὲν τοιόνδε παισὶν τοῖς ἐκείνων συνελθεῖν, αὐξηθέντας δὲ ἀρετῇ καὶ συμφορᾷ τοῦ δικαίου τὰς τροφὰς ἀμείψασθαι, ἃς ποιοῖτο. [14] ἐγγεγύητό τε εἰς γάμον, ὁπότε ἀφικοίατο εἰς ὥραν τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ, τῷ μὲν πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου παίδων Φερώρου θυγατέρα, τῷ δὲ Ἀριστοβούλου τὴν Ἀντιπάτρου, καὶ θυγατέρα τὴν Ἀριστοβούλου ἐπωνόμαζε παιδὶ τῷ Ἀντιπάτρου, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τῶν Ἀριστοβούλου θυγατέρων Ἡρώδῃ παιδὶ τῷ αὑτοῦ: γίνεται δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ οὗτος ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρός: πάτριον γὰρ πλείοσιν ἐν ταὐτῷ ἡμῖν συνοικεῖν. [15] ἔπρασσε δὲ τὰς μνηστείας τῶν παίδων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐλέῳ τῶν ὀρφανῶν εἰς εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν ἐπιγαμίαν τὸν Ἀντίπατρον προκαλούμενος. [16] Ἀντίπατρος δὲ γνώμῃ τῇ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πολιτεύειν οὐκ ἐνέλιπεν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῖς γεγονότας, ἥ τε τοῦ πατρὸς σπουδὴ περὶ αὐτοὺς ἠρέθιζεν αὐτὸν μείζονας ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἀδελφῶν προσδεχόμενον, καὶ μάλιστα ὁπότε ἀνδρωθεῖεν, Ἀρχελάου προσληψομένου τοῖς θυγατριδοῖς βασιλέως ἀνδρὸς καὶ Φερώρου τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν θυγατέρα: τετράρχης δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἦν. [17] ἐπήγειρε δ' αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν πλῆθος ἐλέῳ μὲν τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ὀρφανοὺς χρώμενον, μίσει δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἐξαγαγεῖν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένον κακοτροπίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. ἐμηχανᾶτο οὖν διάλυσιν τῶν τῷ πατρὶ ἐγνωσμένων, ἐν δεινῷ τιθέμενος προσλήψει τοσῆσδε αὐτοὺς ὁμιλῆσαι δυνάμεως. [18] καὶ μετέπιπτεν Ἡρώδης εἴκων δεήσει τῇ Ἀντιπάτρου, ὥστε αὐτὸν μὲν τὴν Ἀριστοβούλου θυγατέρα γαμεῖν καὶ τὴν Φερώρου τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ. καὶ τὰ μὲν τῶν ὁμολογιῶν τοῦ γάμου τοῦτον κινεῖται τὸν τρόπον ἄκοντος τοῦ βασιλέως.
****

012 He reared his sons' children with great care, for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, and Aristobulus had three sons by Berenice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters. 013 Once, in company with his friends, he brought the children before them and deploring his sons, prayed that their children would not meet a similar fate but would grow in virtue and get what they deserved and repay him for his care of their education. 014 He had them to be betrothed when they reached the proper age for marriage, the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter and Antipater's daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He assigned one of Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son and Aristobulus's other daughter to his own son Herod, who was born to him by the high priest's daughter, for it is our ancient practice to have several wives at the same time. 015 The king made these espousals for the children, out of mercy to them now they were fatherless, and trying to win Antipater's favour for them by these marriages. 016 But Antipater did not cease to regard his brothers' children the same way that he had his brothers themselves, and his father's concern for them made him angry at them, thinking they would become greater than his brothers had been, and that Archelaus, as king, would support his daughter's sons and Pheroras, as tetrarch, would take one of the daughters as a wife to his son. 017 It also provoked him that the people pitied these orphans and so hated him that all would come out, for they knew of his vile disposition towards his brothers. So he managed to overturn his father's settlements, thinking it wrong for his relatives to be so powerful. 018 Herod yielded to him and changed his plan at Antipater's request, so that now he was to marry Aristobulus's daughter and Antipater's son marry Pheroras's daughter. But the espousals were changed in this way without the king's real approval.

3.

[19] Ἡρώδῃ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συνῴκουν ἐννέα γυναῖκες, ἥ τε Ἀντιπάτρου μήτηρ καὶ ἡ θυγάτηρ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ἐξ ἧς δὴ καὶ ὁμώνυμος αὐτῷ παῖς γεγόνει: ἦν δὲ καὶ ἀδελφοῦ παῖς αὐτῷ μία γεγαμημένη καὶ ἀνεψιὰ σὺν αὐτῇ. καὶ ταῖσδε μὲν τέκνον οὐδὲν ἐφύη. [20] ἦν δ' ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν κἀκ τοῦ Σαμαρέων ἔθνους μία καὶ παῖδες αὐτῆς Ἀντίπας καὶ Ἀρχέλαος καὶ θυγάτηρ Ὀλυμπιάς. καὶ ταύτην μὲν ὕστερον Ἰώσηπος γαμεῖ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς ὤν, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ καὶ Ἀντίπας ἐπὶ Ῥώμης παρά τινι ἰδίῳ τροφὰς εἶχον. [21] Κλεοπάτρα δὲ Ἱεροσολυμῖτις γεγάμητο αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδες ἐξ αὐτῆς Ἡρώδης τε ἐγεγόνεισαν καὶ Φίλιππος, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν Ῥώμῃ τροφὰς εἶχεν. καὶ Παλλὰς δὲ ἐν ταῖς γαμεταῖς Φασάηλον πεποιημένη παῖδα αὐτῷ, πρός γε μὴν ταύταις Φαῖδρα καὶ Ἐλπίς, ἐξ ὧν θυγατέρες δύο ἦσαν Ῥωξάνη καὶ Σαλώμη. [22] τὰς δὲ πρεσβυτέρας αὐτοῦ θυγατέρας ὁμομητρίας τῶν περὶ Ἀλέξανδρον, ὧν περιεώρα Φερώρας τὸν γάμον, συνῴκουν ἡ μὲν Ἀντιπάτρῳ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφῆς παιδὶ ὄντι, Φασαήλῳ δὲ ἡ ἑτέρα: καὶ οὗτος Ἡρώδου ἀδελφοῦ παῖς ἐγεγόνει. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν Ἡρώδου τὸ γένος ἦν. ** GK **

019 King Herod at this time had nine wives; one of them was Antipater's mother and another the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother's daughter and another his sister's daughter, neither of whom had children. 020 One of his wives was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus and whose daughter was Olympias. She later married Joseph, the king's brother's son, but Archelaus and Antipas were reared by a private citizen in Rome. 021 Cleopatra of Jerusalem also married him and his children by her were Herod and Philip, the latter of whom was reared in Rome. Pallas was another of his wives, and bore him his son Phasael. Other wives of his were Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome. 022 His elder daughters by the same mother as Alexander, the girls whom Pheroras would not marry, were given in marriage, one to Antipater, the king's sister's son and the other to Phasael, his brother's son. This was Herod's family.

Chapter 2. [023-045]
Through Zamaris, Trachonitis becomes a buffer zone. Pharisees friendly with Pheroras' wife, plot against against Herod

1.

[23] Τότε δὲ βουλόμενος πρὸς Τραχωνίτας ἀσφαλὴς εἶναι, κώμην πόλεως μέγεθος οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν ἔγνω Ἰουδαίων κτίσαι ἐν μέσῳ, δυσέμβολόν τε ποιεῖν τὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐξ ἐγγίονος ὁρμώμενος ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος κακουργεῖν. [24] καὶ ἐπιστάμενος ἄνδρα Ἰουδαῖον ἐκ τῆς Βαβυλωνίας σὺν πεντακοσίοις ἱπποτοξόταις πᾶσι καὶ συγγενῶν πλήθει εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν τὸν Εὐφράτην διαβεβηκότα κατὰ τύχας ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ Δάφνῃ τῆς Συρίας διαιτᾶσθαι Σατορνίνου τοῦ τότε στρατηγοῦντος εἰς ἐνοίκησιν αὐτῷ δεδωκότος χωρίον, [25] Οὐλαθὰ ὄνομα αὐτῷ, μετεπέμπετο τοῦτον σὺν τῷ πλήθει τῶν ἑπομένων, παρέξειν ὑπισχνούμενος γῆν ἐν τοπαρχίᾳ τῇ λεγομένῃ Βαταναίᾳ, ὡρίζετο δὲ αὕτη τῇ Τραχωνίτιδι, βουλόμενος πρόβλημα τὴν κατοίκησιν αὐτοῦ κτᾶσθαι, ἀτελῆ τε τὴν χώραν ἐπηγγέλλετο καὶ αὐτοὺς εἰσφορῶν ἀπηλλαγμένους ἁπασῶν, αἳ εἰωθυῖαι ἐγκατοικεῖν τὴν γῆν ἄπρακτον παρασχόμενος.
****

023 Wanting to be secure against the Trachonites, he resolved to build in the middle of that land a village as large as a city for the Jews, to secure his country and as a base from which he could raid the enemy with a sudden attack. 024 When he learned that a Jew had arrived from Babylon with five hundred mounted archers who had crossed the Euphrates with a hundred of his relatives, and now lived in Antioch beside Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, the then ruler, had given them a place named Oulatha to live in. 025 Sending for this man and his large body of followers, he promised them land in the district called Batanea which borders on Trachonitis, wishing to use his territory as a defensive buffer-zone, and exempted them from all taxation so that they could occupy that territory free of the customary tributes.

2.

[26] Τούτοις πεισθεὶς ὁ Βαβυλώνιος ἀφικνεῖται καὶ λαβὼν τὴν γῆν φρούρια ᾠκοδομήσατο καὶ κώμην, Βαρθύραν ὄνομα αὐτῇ θέμενος. πρόβλημά τε ἦν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Τραχωνίτας καὶ Ἰουδαίων τοῖς ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀφικνουμένοις κατὰ θυσίαν ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων τοῦ μὴ λῃστείαις ὑπὸ τῶν Τραχωνιτῶν κακουργεῖσθαι, πολλοί τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἀφίκοντο καὶ ἁπανταχόθεν, οἷς τὰ Ἰουδαίων θεραπεύεται πάτρια. [27] καὶ ἐγένετο ἡ χώρα σφόδρα πολυάνθρωπος ἀδείᾳ τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀτελοῦς, ἃ παρέμεινεν αὐτοῖς Ἡρώδου ζῶντος. Φίλιππος δὲ υἱὸς ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὀλίγα τε καὶ ἐπ' ὀλίγοις αὐτοὺς ἐπράξατο, [28] Ἀγρίππας μέντοι γε ὁ μέγας καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁμώνυμος καὶ πάνυ ἐξετρύχωσαν αὐτούς, οὐ μέντοι τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας κινεῖν ἠθέλησαν. παρ' ὧν Ῥωμαῖοι δεξάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ μὲν ἐλευθέρου καὶ αὐτοὶ τηροῦσιν τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ἐπιβολαῖς δὲ τῶν φόρων εἰς τὸ πάμπαν ἐπίεσαν αὐτούς. καὶ τάδε μὲν ᾗ καιρὸς ἀκριβώσομαι προιόντος τοῦ λόγου.
****

026 These offers induced the Babylonian to come, and he took over the land and built in it fortresses and a village named Bathyra. So this man became a defense to the inhabitants against the Trachonites and a haven for Jews coming from Babylon to sacrifice in Jerusalem, from being harmed by the Trachonite brigands, so that many people devoted to the ancestral Jewish ways came to him from all parts. 027 The district became very populous because of its exemption from taxes, which lasted throughout Herod's lifetime, but when his son Philip came to rule after him he made them pay some minor taxes for a short while. 028 Later, although they harassed them greatly, neither Agrippa the Great nor his son of the same name removed this exemption and in turn when the Romans took power, they still left them the privilege of their freedom but oppress them entirely with the burden of their taxes. I shall treat more fully of this matter as my story progresses.

3.

[29] Τελευτᾷ δὲ Ζάμαρις ὁ Βαβυλώνιος, ὃς ἐπὶ κτήσει τῆσδε τῆς χώρας Ἡρώδῃ προσποιεῖται, ζήσας τε μετὰ ἀρετῆς καὶ παῖδας λειπόμενος ἀγαθούς, Ἰάκειμον μέν, ὃς ἀνδρείᾳ γενόμενος ἐπιφανὴς ἱππεύειν συνεκρότησε τὸ ὑφ' αὑτῷ Βαβυλώνιον, καὶ ἴλη τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐδορυφόρει τούσδε τοὺς βασιλέας. [30] καὶ Ἰάκειμος δὲ ἐν γήρᾳ τελευτῶν Φίλιππον τὸν υἱὸν κατέλιπεν ἄνδρα κατὰ χεῖρας ἀγαθὸν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι παρ' ὁντινοῦν ἀξιόλογον. διόπερ φιλία [31] τε πιστὴ καὶ εὔνοια ἀσφαλὴς αὐτῷ πρὸς Ἀγρίππαν γίνεται τὸν βασιλέα, στρατιάν τε ὁπόσην ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔτρεφεν οὗτος ἀσκῶν διετέλει καὶ ὅπη ἐξοδεύειν δεήσειεν ἡγούμενος.
****

029 Finally the Babylonian, Zamaris, to whom Herod had entrusted the territory, died after a virtuous life and leaving worthy children behind him, one of them Jakeimos, who was famous for his bravery and taught his Babylonians how to ride horses, and a troop of them were bodyguards to the aforesaid kings. 030 When Jakeimos died in old age, he left a son called Philip, a very strong man and in many ways as eminent as the best of his contemporaries. 031 For this reason he was linked in friendship and goodwill with king Agrippa, and he trained any army maintained by the king and usually led it wherever it was going on campaign.

4.

[32] Ἡρώδου δ' ἐν οἷς εἶπον ὄντος ἀφεώρα τὰ πάντα πράγματα εἰς Ἀντίπατρον, κἀφ' οἷς ὠφελήσειεν κυροῦν οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο ἐξουσίας ἐπικεχωρηκότος τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἐλπίδι εὐνοίας καὶ πίστεως, καὶ περαιτέρω κτᾶσθαι τὴν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν τολμηρὸς καθιστάμενος διὰ τὸ ἄδηλος τῷ πατρὶ εἶναι κακουργῶν κἀφ' οἷς εἴπειεν πιστότατος. [33] ἦν τε πᾶσιν φοβερὸς οὐχ οὕτως ἰσχύι τῆς ἐξουσίας, ὡς τοῦ κακοτρόπου τῷ προμηθεῖ: μάλιστα δ' αὐτὸν Φερώρας ἐθεράπευεν καὶ ἀντεθεραπεύετο δεινῶς, πάνυ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου περιστοιχίσαντος αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν συνισταμένου τὰ πρὸς αὐτόν: [34] ἐδεδούλωτο γὰρ Φερώρας γαμετῇ τε καὶ μητρὶ ταύτης καὶ ἀδελφῇ καὶ ταῦτα μισῶν τὰς ἀνθρώπους ὕβρει θυγατέρων αὐτοῦ παρθένων: ἀλλ' ὅμως ἠνείχετο, πράσσειν τε οὐδὲν ἦν δίχα τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκπεριωδευκυιῶν τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ ἀλλήλαις εὐνοίᾳ συμπράσσειν τὰ πάντα μὴ ἀπηλλαγμένων, [35] ὥστε παντοίως ὁ Ἀντίπατρος ὑπῆκτο αὐτὰς καὶ δι' αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τῆς μητρός: ταὐτὸν γὰρ αἵδε αἱ τέσσαρες γυναῖκες ἔλεγον. καὶ Φερώρᾳ δὲ πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ἐπ' οὐδαμινοῖς τισιν αἱ γνῶμαι διήλλασσον. [36] ἀντίσπασμα δ' ἦν αὐτοῖς βασιλέως ἡ ἀδελφὴ περισκοποῦσά τε ἐκ πλείονος τὰ πάντα καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ κακοῖς τοῖς Ἡρώδου πρασσομένην εἰδυῖά τε καὶ μηνύειν οὐκ ἀποτετραμμένη. [37] καὶ γνόντες ἐν ἀπεχθείᾳ βασιλεῖ τὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν οὖσαν ἐπινοοῦσιν ὥστε φανερὰν μὲν μὴ εἶναι τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτῶν σύνοδον, μίσους δὲ καὶ λοιδοριῶν ᾗ καιρὸς προσποίησιν, καὶ μάλιστα Ἡρώδου παρατυγχάνοντος ἢ οἳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπαγγέλλειν ἔμελλον, κρυπτῶς δὲ τὰ τῆς εὐνοίας ὀχυρώτερα καθίστασθαι. [38] καὶ ἔπρασσον οὕτως. ἐλάνθανεν δὲ τὴν Σαλώμην οὔτε πρῶτον ἡ διάνοια αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ὡρμημένων οὔτε ἐπειδὴ Χρῆσθαι οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο αὐτή: πάντα δὲ ἀνίχνευέν τε καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν μειζόνως ἐκδεινοῦσα ἀπεσήμαινεν συνόδους τε κρυπτὰς καὶ πότους βουλευτήριά τε ἀφανῶς κατεσκευασμένα, ὧν μὴ ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τῷ ἐκείνου συντιθεμένων κἂν πεφανερῶσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι. [39] νῦν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ προὔπτου διαφόρους καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐπὶ βλάβῃ τῇ ἀλλήλων λέγοντας, εἰς δὲ τὸ ἀφανὲς τοῖς πολλοῖς τὴν εὔνοιαν ἀνατιθεμένους καὶ ὁπότε ἀλλήλοις συμμονωθεῖεν φίλια πράσσειν μὴ ἀπηλλαγμένους, ὁμολογεῖν πολεμεῖν πρὸς οὓς λανθάνειν χρώμενοι εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων ἐσπουδάκοιεν. [40] καὶ ἡ μὲν ταῦτ' ἀνίχνευέν τε καὶ ἀκριβῶν τυγχάνουσα τῷ ἀδελφῷ ἀνέφερεν συνιέντι μὲν ἤδη τὰ πολλὰ καὶ δι' ἑαυτοῦ, εἰς δὲ τὸ θαρσεῖν οὐ διακενῆς ὑπονοῶν καθισταμένῳ διαβολαῖς τῆς ἀδελφῆς. [41] καὶ ἦν γὰρ μόριόν τι Ἰουδαικὸν ἀνθρώπων ἐπ' ἐξακριβώσει μέγα φρονοῦν τοῦ πατρίου καὶ νόμων οἷς χαίρει τὸ θεῖον προσποιουμένων, οἷς ὑπῆκτο ἡ γυναικωνῖτις, Φαρισαῖοι καλοῦνται, βασιλεῖ δυναμένῳ μάλιστα πράσσειν προμηθεῖς κἀκ τοῦ προὔπτου εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν τε καὶ βλάπτειν ἐπηρμένοι. [42] παντὸς γοῦν τοῦ Ἰουδαικοῦ βεβαιώσαντος δι' ὅρκων ἦ μὴν εὐνοήσειν Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν, οἵδε οἱ ἄνδρες οὐκ ὤμοσαν ὄντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχίλιοι, καὶ αὐτοὺς βασιλέως ζημιώσαντος χρήμασιν ἡ Φερώρου γυνὴ τὴν ζημίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν εἰσφέρει. [43] οἱ δὲ ἀμειβόμενοι τὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῆς, πρόγνωσιν δὲ ἐπεπίστευντο ἐπιφοιτήσει τοῦ θεοῦ, προύλεγον, ὡς Ἡρώδῃ μὲν καταπαύσεως ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ θεοῦ ἐψηφισμένης αὐτῷ τε καὶ γένει τῷ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, τῆς δὲ βασιλείας εἴς τε ἐκείνην περιηξούσης καὶ Φερώραν παῖδάς τε οἳ εἶεν αὐτοῖς. [44] καὶ τάδε, οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν τὴν Σαλώμην, ἐξάγγελτα βασιλεῖ ἦν, καὶ ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν διαφθείροιέν τινας. καὶ βασιλεὺς τῶν τε Φαρισαίων τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους ἀναιρεῖ καὶ Βαγώαν τὸν εὐνοῦχον Κᾶρόν τέ τινα τῶν τότε προύχοντα ἀρετῇ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς καὶ παιδικὰ ὄντα αὐτοῦ. κτείνει δὲ καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι τοῦ οἰκείου συνειστήκει οἷς ὁ Φαρισαῖος ἔλεγεν. [45] ἦρτο δὲ ὁ Βαγώας ὑπ' αὐτῶν ὡς πατήρ τε καὶ εὐεργέτης ὀνομασθησόμενος τοῦ ἐπικατασταθησομένου προρρήσει βασιλέως: κατὰ χεῖρα γὰρ ἐκείνῳ τὰ πάντ' εἶναι, παρέξοντος αὐτῷ γάμου τε ἰσχὺν καὶ παιδώσεως τέκνων γνησίων.
****

032 When Herod was in the state already described, all public matters depended upon Antipater, and he had the power to help anyone he pleased, as his father gave him free rein, hoping to retain his goodwill and loyalty. This led him to expand his authority still further, for his schemes were concealed from his father, who believed everything he said. 033 He was also feared by all, not so much for his powerful authority as for his vile plotting. Pheroras mainly courted his friendship and was courted in return, and Antipater knew all about him through the women with whom he surrounded him. 034 Pheroras was in thrall to his wife and her mother and sister, despite his hatred of them for their insults to his virgin daughters. Yet he bore with them and could do nothing without the women, who had the man well surrounded and continued to operate in harmony with each other. 035 Antipater had them under his control, both directly and through his mother, for the four women shared the same outlook, and any differences between Pheroras and Antipater were on points of little consequence. 036 But the king's sister opposed them, who for a good while had looked into all their affairs and realising that their friendship was intended to do Herod some harm, she wanted to inform the king on them. 037 Since they knew that the king was averse to their friendship as something that could harm him, they would meet in secret and pretended in public to hate each other and insulted each other when occasion should arise, especially if Herod was present, or anyone was there who would tell him; but when they were in private their intimacy was all the closer. Such was their procedure. 038 But they could not conceal from Salome either their first intent, when they set about their project, or when they came closer to acting upon it, but she looked into everything, and reported ominously to her brother about their secret meetings and drinking sessions and cabals, which could have been open and in public if they were not in order to destroy him. 039 Openly they seemed to be at variance and spoke as if intending to wound each other, but were in harmony when out of sight of others, for then they professed undying friendship, in opposition those from whom they concealed their plans. 040 She found out these things in detail and told them to her brother. However, though he already knew about much of it he still dared not depend upon his sister's allegations because of his suspicions about her. 041 There was also a Jewish party called Pharisees, who claimed to set a high value on detailed knowledge of the ancestral laws which are pleasing to God, by whose guidance this circle of women was ruled. This party could have greatly helped the king but were set on opposing and harming him. 042 When all the rest of the Jews swore allegiance to Caesar and the rule of the king, more than six thousand of these men did not swear, and when the king imposed a financial penalty on them, Pheroras's wife paid the fine on their behalf. 043 To repay her goodwill, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of the future under divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's rule would end and the royalty be taken from his descendants and come to her and Pheroras and their children. 044 This prediction, of which Salome was also aware, was reported to the king, and how they had perverted some people around the court, so the king had the most seriously accused of the Pharisees killed as well as the eunuch Bagoas and the king's playmate, a man named Carus, whose beauty surpassed all others at that time. He also killed all in his own household who had agreed with what the Pharisee had said. 045 Bagoas was misled by them to think he would be named the father and benefactor of the one who was to be set up as king, who would have power to do everything and could enable him to marry and beget children of his own.

Chapter 3. [046-060]
Herod tries to make Pheroras put away his shameless wife. He sends his son Antipater to Caesar.

1.

[46] Ἡρώδης δὲ κολάσας τῶν Φαρισαίων τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ἐληλεγμένους συνέδριόν τε ποιεῖται τῶν φίλων καὶ κατηγορίαν τῆς Φερώρου γυναικός, τήν τε ὕβριν τῶν παρθένων τῇ τόλμῃ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀνατιθεὶς καὶ ἔγκλημα ταύτην ἀτιμίαν αὐτῷ ποιούμενος, [47] ὥστε ἀγωνοθετῶν στάσιν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πόλεμον ἐκ φύσεως αὐτοῖς καὶ λόγῳ καὶ δι' ἔργων ὁπόσα δύναιτο, τήν τε διάλυσιν τῆς ζημίας τῆς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἐπιβληθείσης τέλεσι διαφευχθείσης τοῖς ἐκείνης, τῶν τε νῦν πεπραγμένων οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐ μετ' αὐτῆς. [48] ἀνθ' ὧν, ὦ Φερώρα, καλῶς εἶχεν οὐ δεήσει οὐδὲ γνωμῶν εἰσηγήσεως τῶν ἐμῶν αὐτοκέλευστον ἀποπέμπεσθαι γυναῖκα ταύτην ὡς πολέμου τοῦ πρός μέ σοι αἰτίαν ἐσομένην: καὶ νῦν, εἴπερ ἀντιποιῇ συγγενείας τῆς ἐμῆς, ἀπείπασθαι τήνδε τὴν γαμετήν: μενεῖς γὰρ [49] οὕτως ἀδελφός τε καὶ στέργειν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένος." Φερώρας δὲ καίπερ λόγων ἀρετῇ περιωθούμενος οὔτε συγγενείας τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγε κινήσειν δίκαιον οὐδὲν οὔτε τῶν πρὸς τὴν γαμετὴν εὐνοιῶν, αἱρεῖσθαί τε πρότερον θανεῖν ἢ ζῶν τολμᾶν ἀπεστερῆσθαι γυναικὸς αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένης. [50] Ἡρώδης δὲ Φερώρᾳ μὲν ὑπερεβάλλετο τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργὴν καίπερ ἀνήδονον τιμωρίαν εἰσπεπραγμένος, Ἀντιπάτρῳ δὲ ἀπεῖπε καὶ μητρὶ τῇ ἐκείνου Φερώρᾳ τε μὴ ὁμιλεῖν καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν φυλάσσεσθαι τὸ εἰς ταὐτὸν συνεσόμενον. [51] οἱ δ' ὡμολόγουν μέν, συνῄεσαν δὲ ᾗ καιρὸς καὶ συνεκώμαζον Φερώρας καὶ Ἀντίπατρος. ἐφοίτα δὲ λόγος ὁμιλεῖν καὶ Ἀντιπάτρῳ τὴν Φερώρου γυναῖκα συμπρασσούσης αὐτοῖς τὰ εἰς τὴν σύνοδον τῆς Ἀντιπάτρου μητρός.
****

046 When Herod had punished the Pharisees convicted on those counts, he held a meeting of his friends and accused the wife of Pheroras, criticising her impudent insults to the young girls and blaming her for the dishonour she had brought on them. 047 Like an games-master she had sown an unnatural discord between him and his brother, doing all in her power to foster it by word and deed, and paying the imposed fines, so that through her the offenders escaped punishment, and none of the recent doings was done without her help. 048 "So then Pheroras," he said, "you would do well to put aside your wife on your own initiative and not because I say so, for between you and me she will always be a cause of conflict. If you value your ties with me, end this marriage so that you can remain my brother and not lose your affection for me." 049 Though much moved by those words, Pheroras said that he would neither renounce his family loyalty to his brother nor cease in his devotion to his wife, for he would rather risk death than live deprived of the woman so dear to him. 050 This caused Herod to check his anger at Pheroras although he would willingly have punished her himself. But he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation with Pheroras and told them to stop the women from meeting together. 051 They promised this but still they met whenever they could and Pheroras and Antipater continued their association. Rumour also had it that Antipater and Pheroras's wife were lovers and that Antipater's mother helped to arrange their meetings.

2.

[52] Ὑφορώμενος δὲ τὸν πατέρα καὶ δεδιώς, μὴ εἰς πλεῖον προχωροίη τὰ τοῦ μίσους ἐπ' αὐτῷ, γράφει πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλους κελεύων ἐπιστέλλειν Ἡρώδῃ πέμπειν ᾗ τάχος Ἀντίπατρον ὡς Καίσαρα. [53] οὗ γενομένου ἔπεμπεν Ἡρώδης Ἀντίπατρον δῶρα συμπέμψας ἀξιολογώτατα καὶ διαθήκην, ἐν ᾗ μετ' αὐτὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἀπεδείκνυε βασιλέα, ἢ φθάντος τελευτῆσαι Ἡρώδην τὸν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς υἱὸν αὐτῷ γεγενημένον. [54] συνεξορμᾷ δ' Ἀντιπάτρῳ καὶ Σύλλαιος ὁ Ἄραψ μηδὲν ὧν προσέταξε Καῖσαρ διαπεπραγμένος, καὶ Ἀντίπατρος αὐτοῦ κατηγορεῖ ἐπὶ Καίσαρος περὶ ὧν πρότερον Νικόλαος. κατηγορεῖτο δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ Ἀρέτα Σύλλαιος, ὡς πολλοὺς ἀπεκτονὼς τῶν ἐν Πέτρᾳ ἀξιολόγων παρὰ γνώμην τὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ μάλιστα Σόαιμον ἄνδρα τῇ ἐς πάντα ἀρετῇ τιμᾶσθαι δικαιότατον, ἀνῃρηκέναι δὲ καὶ Φάβατον Καίσαρος δοῦλον. [55] καὶ Σύλλαιος αἰτίαν εἶχεν ἐκ τοιῶνδε ἐγκλημάτων: Κόρινθος ἦν Ἡρώδου σωματοφύλαξ τοῦ βασιλέως μάλιστα πιστευόμενος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ. τοῦτον πείθει Σύλλαιος ἐπὶ χρήμασι μεγάλοις Ἡρώδην ἀποκτεῖναι, καὶ ὑπέσχετο. μαθὼν οὖν Φάβατος Συλλαίου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰρηκότος διηγεῖται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. [56] ὁ δὲ τόν τε Κόρινθον βασανίζει συλλαβὼν καὶ πάντα ἀνάπυστα ἦν αὐτῷ. συλλαμβάνει δὲ καὶ δευτέρους Ἄραβας καταγορεύσει τῇ Κορίνθου πειθόμενος τὸν μὲν φύλαρχον ὄντα τὸν δὲ Συλλαίου φίλον. [57] οἳ καὐτοί, βασανίζει γὰρ αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεύς, ὡμολόγουν ὅτι παρεῖεν ἐξοτρύνοντες μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι Κόρινθον καὶ εἴ που δεήσειεν καὶ συγχειρουργήσοντες αὐτῷ τὸν φόνον. καὶ Σατορνῖνος δηλώσεως αὐτῷ πάντων ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου γενομένης εἰς Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμψεν αὐτούς.
****

052 Antipater was now suspicious of his father and feared that his hatred towards him might increase, so he wrote to his friends in Rome asking them to contact Herod with a request to send Antipater to Caesar very soon. 053 Herod did send Antipater, along with very expensive gifts and his testament where Antipater was appointed as his successor, but if Antipater should pre-decease Herod, the succession went to his son by the high priest's daughter. 054 At the same time as Antipater, Syllaeus the Arab also went there, though he had fulfilled none of Caesar's orders and Antipater accused him of the same crimes as Nicholaus had earlier done. Syllaeus was also accused by Aretas of executing many of the principal people of Petra without his consent, and Soemus in particular, a virtuous man worthy of esteem by all, and that he had killed Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. 055 As Syllaeus stood accused of these things, by the offer of a large amount of money he persuaded Corinthus, Herod's bodyguard and a much trusted man, to kill Herod and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus learned of this, for Syllaeus himself told him, he told it to the king 056 who had Corinthus arrested and tortured and extracted from him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabs whom Corinthus had accused, one of them the head of a tribe and the other a friend to Syllaeus. 057 These were also tortured by the king and confessed that they had come to encourage Corinthus not to fail in his undertaking and, if need be, to offer him their own help in the murder. When Herod had told all this to Saturninus, he sent them to Rome.

3.

[58] Φερώραν δὲ ἰσχυρῶς ἐμμένοντα εὐνοίᾳ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀναχωρεῖν εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ Ἡρώδης κελεύει. ὁ δὲ ἀσμένως ἐπὶ τὴν τετραρχίαν ἀπῆρεν, πολλὰ ὀμόσας οὐ πρότερον ἥξειν ἢ πύθοιτο Ἡρώδην τετελευτηκότα, ὥστε καὶ νοσήσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἀξιωθεὶς ἥκειν ἐπί τινων πίστεσιν ἐντολῶν, εἰ μέλλοι τελευτᾶν, οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ ὅρκου. [59] οὐ μὴν Ἡρώδης γε μιμεῖται τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἐκείνου γνώμην προαποφηνάμενον ἣν ἔχει, ἀλλ' ἧκεν ὡς τὸν Φερώραν, ἐπειδὴ ὕστερον ἄρχεται νοσεῖν, καὶ μετακλήσεως αὐτῷ μὴ γενομένης, θανόντα δὲ περιστείλας ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ἀγόμενος ταφῆς ἠξίου καὶ πένθος μέγα ἐπ' αὐτῷ προέθετο. [60] τοῦτο Ἀντιπάτρῳ καίτοι γε ἐπὶ Ῥώμης πεπλευκότι κακῶν ἐγένετο ἀρχὴ τῆς ἀδελφοκτονίας αὐτὸν τινυμένου θεοῦ. διηγήσομαι δὲ τὸν πάντα περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγον παράδειγμα τῷ ἀνθρωπείῳ γενησόμενον τοῦ ἀρετῇ πολιτεύσοντος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν.
****

058 Since Pheroras strongly persisted in his devotion to his wife, Herod made him go to his own region, and he willingly retired to the tetrarchy, swearing solemnly not to return until he heard of Herod's death. But when the king was ill and about to die, and he was asked to visit him before he died, to be entrusted with some instructions, he did not keep his oath. 059 Herod did not imitate him in stating his intention in advance, but went uninvited to visit Pheroras when he fell ill, and when he died, took care of his funeral and arranged for his body to be brought to Jerusalem and buried there and decreed a solemn mourning for him. 060 Though Antipater had already sailed for Rome this became the start of his troubles, for God was to punish him for the murder of his brothers. I will explain all about this matter very clearly, to serve as a warning to mankind to conduct their whole lives by the standards of virtue.

Chapter 4. [061-082]
A plot to poison Herod is linked to his son Antipater.

1.

[61] Ἐπειδὴ Φερώρας τελευτᾷ ταφνίται ἐγεγόνεισαν αὐτοῦ ἀπελεύθεροι δύο τῶν Φερώρᾳ τιμίων οὗτοι προσελθόντες Ἡρώδῃ ἠξίουν μὴ ἀνεκδίκητον καταλιπεῖν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τὸν νεκρόν, ἀλλὰ ζήτησιν ποιεῖσθαι τῆς ἀλόγου τε καὶ δυστυχοῦς μεταστάσεως. [62] τοῦ δ' ἐπιστραφέντος τοῖς λόγοις, πιστὰ γὰρ ἐδόκει, δειπνῆσαι μὲν αὐτὸν ἔλεγον παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ τῇ προτέρᾳ τῆς νόσου, φάρμακον δὲ προσκομισθὲν ἐν βρώματι μὴ πρότερον εἰωθότι ἐμφαγόντα ὑπὸ τούτου τελευτῆσαι: κομιστὸν μέντοι γενέσθαι τὸ φάρμακον ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἐκ τῆς Ἀραβίας λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ προσποιήσεσιν ἐρώτων, φίλτρον γὰρ δὴ ὄνομα αὐτῷ εἶναι, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς ἐπὶ τῇ Φερώρου τελευτῇ. [63] φαρμακιστόταται δέ εἰσι γυναικῶν αἱ ἐκ τῆς Ἀραβίας: ᾗ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπεκάλουν καὶ τῆς Συλλαίου ἐρωμένης ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα ὡμολόγητο εἶναι φίλη, πείσουσαί τε αὐτὴν ἐπὶ πράσει τοῦ φαρμάκου εἰς τοὺς τόπους ἐληλύθεσαν ἥ τε μήτηρ τῆς τοῦ Φερώρου γυναικὸς καὶ ἡ ἀδελφὴ καὶ ἐπανῆκον αὐτὴν ἀγόμεναι τοῦ δείπνου πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ. [64] ὑπὸ τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν λόγων παροξυνθεὶς δούλας τε ἐβασάνιζε τῶν γυναικῶν καί τινας καὶ ἐλευθέρας, καὶ ὄντος ἀφανοῦς τοῦ πράγματος διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἐξειπεῖν τελευταία τις περιουσῶν αὐτῆς τῶν ἀλγηδόνων ἄλλο μὲν ἔφη οὐδέν, θεὸν δ' ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τοιαῖσδε αἰκίαις δώσειν περιβαλεῖν τὴν Ἀντιπάτρου μητέρα κακῶν τῶν ἐπεχόντων αἰτίαν πᾶσιν γενομένην. [65] ταῦτα εἰς ἐπίστασιν Ἡρώδην ἄγει, καὶ τὰ πάντα βασάνοις τῶν γυναικῶν ἀνάπυστα ἦν, οἵ τε κῶμοι καὶ κρυπταὶ σύνοδοι καὶ δὴ καὶ λόγων πρὸς μόνον τὸν υἱὸν εἰρημένων ἐξοίσεις πρὸς τὰς Φερώρου γυναῖκας: ἦν δὲ ταλάντων ἑκατὸν δωρεὰς ἐπικρύπτεσθαι φράζειν πρὸς Φερώραν τῷ Ἀντιπάτρῳ κέλευσις ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός: [66] μῖσός τε πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ ὀλοφυρμοὶ πρὸς τὴν μητέρα, ὡς ἐπὶ μήκιστον τοῦ πατρὸς βιοῦν ἐξηγμένου καὶ αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἐλάσσονος τοῦ γήρως ἐπικειμένου, ὡς μηδ' ἂν ἐλθοῦσαν τὴν βασιλείαν ὁμοίως εὐφρᾶναί ποτ' αὐτόν: παρατρέφεσθαί τε πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ ἀδελφοὺς καὶ ἀδελφῶν παῖδας οὐδαμῶς ἀδεῆ τὴν ἐλπίδα παρεχομένους τἀσφαλοῦς: [67] καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ νῦν, εἴ τι πάσχειν, αὐτὸν ἀδελφῷ μᾶλλον ἢ παιδὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ κελεύειν τὴν ἀρχὴν δίδοσθαι. ὠμότητά τε πολλὴν κατηγόρει τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν υἱέων, φόβῳ τε μὴ καὶ αὐτῶν ἅπτοιτο ἤδη τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἄρασθαι τέχνην ἐπινοῆσαι, Φερώραν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ τετραρχίας.
****

061 When Pheroras died and his funeral was over, two of his freedmen, held in esteem by Pheroras, came to Herod asking him not to leave his brother's murder unavenged, but to hold an enquiry into such an unexpected and untimely end. 062 As he was moved by these words which seemed to him true, they said that the man had dined with his wife the day before he fell sick and that poison had been brought to him in a kind of food not usually part of his diet, and that he died after eating it. This poison had been brought from Arabia by a woman as though it were an aphrodisiac for she called it a love-potion, but in truth it was meant to kill Pheroras. 063 For the women of Arabia are skillfull poisoners and they said that this woman was very friendly with the mistress of Syllaeus, and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had gone to where she lived, to persuade her to sell them this potion, and had brought it back with them the day before Herod's big supper. 064 Enraged by this, the king had the women slaves tortured and some free women too, but the truth did not emerge, as none of them would confess to it, until finally one of them, in the direst agony, called upon God to send the same agony to Antipater's mother, who had caused these woes to all of them. 065 This piqued Herod still more and he tortured the women until all was revealed, their trysts and secret meetings and then telling Pheroras's women all that he had said in private to his son, and about the hundred talents he gave him not to speak to Pheroras, which Herod had instructed Antipater to keep secret. 066 They spoke of his hatred for his father, and how he complained to his mother that his father was living too long, while he himself was growing so old that he could not enjoy the kingship if it ever came to him, and that there were many of his brothers, or their children, being prepared for the kingship, making his own hopes of it uncertain. 067 Even at that moment, if anything should happen, Herod had arranged for power to pass not to his son but to his own brother. He had also accused the king of much brutality and of killing his sons, and that it was the fear of the same happening to himself that made him arrange to go to Rome and drove Pheroras off to his own tetrarchy.

2.

[68] Ταῦτα συνῇδεν γὰρ τοῖς λόγοις τῆς ἀδελφῆς, καὶ πολὺ τοῦ μὴ ἀπιστίαν ἔτι ὑποπτεύεσθαι συνῆγεν αὐτοῖς, ὁ βασιλεὺς κρατυνάμενος ἐπὶ κακίᾳ τῇ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν Δῶριν τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ πάντα τὸν περὶ αὐτὴν κόσμον ταλάντων πολλῶν ὄντα ἀφελόμενος ἔπειτα αὐτὴν ἀποπέμπεται καὶ ταῖς Φερώρου γυναιξὶν φιλίαν ἐσπείσατο. [69] μάλιστα δ' ἐξώτρυνεν εἰς ὀργὴν κατὰ τοῦ παιδὸς τὸν βασιλέα Σαμαρείτης ἀνὴρ Ἀντίπατρος ἐπιτροπεύων τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀντίπατρον, ἄλλα τε αὐτοῦ ἐν ταῖς βασάνοις κατειπὼν καὶ ὅτι παρασκευασάμενος φάρμακον θανάσιμον δοίη Φερώρᾳ κελεύσας παρὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ, ἵν' ὡς πλεῖστον ἀφεστήκοι τῶν ἐν τοιούτοις ὑποτοπασμῶν, τῷ πατρὶ δοῦναι. [70] καὶ κομίσαι μὲν Ἀντίφιλον ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τὸ φάρμακον ἕνα τῶν Ἀντιπάτρου φίλων, σταλῆναι δὲ ὡς Φερώραν διὰ Θευδίωνος μητρὸς Ἀντιπάτρου ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως παιδός, καὶ οὕτως ἐλθεῖν τὸ φάρμακον εἰς τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν Φερώρου δόντος φυλάσσειν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς. [71] ἡ δὲ ὡμολόγει μὲν ἀνακρίναντος τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ δραμοῦσα ὡς κομίσειεν ῥίπτει κατὰ τέγους ἑαυτήν, οὐ μὴν τελευτᾷ ἐπὶ πόδας τῆς πτώσεως γενομένης. [72] καὶ οὕτως ἐπεὶ ἀνεκτήσατο αὐτὴν ἄδειάν τε αὐτῇ ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις μηδὲν ἐπ' ἀφανισμῷ τἀληθοῦς τρεπομένῃ, τρίψειν γε μὴν κακοῖς τοῖς ὑστάτοις ἀγνωμονεῖν προθεμένην, ὑπισχνεῖται καὶ ὤμοσεν ἦ μὴν ἐρεῖν τὰ πάντα ὃν ἐπράχθη τρόπον, λέγουσα μὲν, ὡς ἔφασαν οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀληθῆ τὰ πάντα. [73] "κεκόμισται γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὸ φάρμακον ὑπ' Ἀντιφίλου, ἀδελφὸς δ' ἐκείνῳ ἰατρὸς ὢν ἐπόρισεν, καὶ Θευδίωνος ὡς ἡμᾶς κομίσαντος ἐφύλασσον αὐτὴ παρὰ Φερώρου λαβοῦσα ἐπὶ σὲ ἡτοιμασμένον ὑπὸ Ἀντιπάτρου. [74] ἐπεὶ οὖν ἐνόσει Φερώρας καὶ ἐθεράπευες αὐτὸν ἀφικόμενος, ὁρῶν σου τὴν εὔνοιαν, ᾗ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐχρῶ, ἐπεκλάσθη τε τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ μετακαλέσας με, "ὦ γύναι, φησίν, περιώδευσέ με Ἀντίπατρος ἐπὶ πατρὶ μὲν τῷ αὐτοῦ, ἀδελφῷ δὲ τῷ 'μῷ, θανάσιμόν τε γνώμην συνθεὶς καὶ φάρμακον ᾧ διακονήσοιτο αὐτῇ πεπορισμένος. [75] νῦν οὖν, ἐπειδὴ ὅ τε ἀδελφὸς οὐδὲν ἀρετῇ πρότερον ᾗ ἐχρῆτο περὶ ἐμοῦ ὑφαιρῶν ὦπται ἐμέ τε ἐλπὶς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀπέσεσθαι τοῦ βίου, φέρε μὴ γνώμῃ ἀδελφοκτόνῳ ἀποτισοίμην προπάτορας τοὺς ἐμαυτοῦ, τὸ φάρμακον καίειν τε ἐμοῦ βλέποντος, κομίσασά τε οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς πράσσειν τοῦ ἀν [76] δρὸς τὰς ἐπιστολάς." καὶ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον καύσασαν τοῦ φαρμάκου τυχεῖν, ὑπολιπέσθαι δὲ ὀλίγον, ἵνα εἰ Φερώρου μεταστάντος περιέποι κακῶς αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεύς, μεθίσταιτο αὐτῷ διάδρασιν ποιουμένη τῶν ἀναγκῶν. [77] ταῦτα εἰποῦσα τό τε φάρμακον καὶ τὴν πυξίδα εἰς τὸ μέσον παρῆγεν. καὶ ἀδελφὸς δὲ Ἀντιφίλου ἕτερος καὶ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ ἀνάγκαις τε καὶ βασάνων σφοδρότητι ταὐτὰ ἔλεγον καὶ ἐγνώριζον τὴν πυξίδα. [78] κατηγορεῖτο δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἡ θυγάτηρ, γυνὴ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς πάντων ἵστωρ τούτων γενομένη κρύπτειν προθυμηθεῖσα αὐτά. καὶ διὰ τάδε Ἡρώδης ἐκείνην τε ἐξέβαλεν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς ἐξήλειψε τῶν διαθηκῶν εἰς ὃ βασιλεύσοι μενουσῶν, καὶ τὸν πενθερὸν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφείλετο Σίμωνα τὸν τοῦ Βοηθοῦ, καθίσταται δὲ Ματθίαν τὸν Θεοφίλου Ἱεροσολυμίτην γένος.
****

068 This agreed with what his sister had told him and strongly supported her testimony and freed her from the suspicion of being untrue to him. So having learnt how Antipater's mother, Doris, wished him ill, the king took back all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents and dismissed her and became friendly with Pheroras's women. 069 But the man who most angered the king against his son was the agent of Antipater himself, who, when he was tortured, said among other things, that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion and given it to Pheroras, asking him to give it to his father during his absence, when he would be too far away for the least suspicion about it to attach to him. 070 He said that one of Antipater's friends, Antiphilus, had brought the potion from Egypt, and that it was sent to Pheroras by Theudinos, the brother of Antipater's mother, and so came to the wife of Pheroras, when her husband gave it her to keep. 071 When the king asked her she confessed it, and as she hurried to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top but not kill herself because she fell upon her feet. 072 After he comforted her and had promised to pardon her and her household if they concealed nothing from him, while threatening the most extreme penalties if she remained obstinate, she promised and swore to tell everything and how it all was done; and most people accept that she told the whole truth.
073 "The poison was brought from Egypt by Antiphilus, provided by his brother who was a physician, and when Theudion supplied it to us, I took charge of it for Pheroras, though Antipater had prepared for you. 074 When Pheroras fell ill and you came and took care of him and he saw your goodwill, his attitude was changed and he called for me and said 'Listen, woman! Antipater has gotten me involved against his father, my own brother, planning to murder him, and has got a poison to serve that purpose. 075 But now that my brother still seems to feel his former goodwill towards me, and as I do not expect to live long, so that I may not defile my ancestors by a fratricide go and fetch the potion and burn it here in my sight." 076 Without delay she brought it and did as her husband requested, and burned most of the poison, keeping just a little of it aside so that if the king should ill-treat her after Pheroras had died, she could do away with herself and so escape being tortured. 077 Having said this, she brought the poison and its container out into plain view. Now there was another brother of Antiphilus and his mother who, under duress and extreme torture, confessed the same things and recognised the container. 078 The high priest's daughter too, the king's own wife, was accused of being aware of all this and of intending to conceal it, and so Herod divorced her and wrote her son out of his will, where he had been named as the person to rule after him, and he deposed his father-in-law, Simon, son of Boethus, of the high priesthood, appointing in his place Matthias, the son of Theophilus, a native of Jerusalem.

3.

[79] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Βάθυλλος ἐκ Ῥώμης ἀπελεύθερος Ἀντιπάτρου παρῆν καὶ βασανισθεὶς εὑρίσκεται φάρμακον κομίζων δώσειν τε τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μητρὶ καὶ Φερώρᾳ, ὡς εἰ τὸ πρότερον μὴ ἅπτοιτο τοῦ βασιλέως, τούτῳ γοῦν μεταχειρίζοιντο αὐτόν. [80] ἀφίκετο δὲ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλων τῷ Ἡρώδῃ γνώμῃ καὶ ὑπαγορεύσει Ἀντιπάτρου ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ Ἀρχελάου καὶ Φιλίππου συγκείμενα, ὡς δῆθεν διαβάλλοιέν τε τὸν πατέρα ἐπὶ σφαγῇ τῶν περὶ Ἀριστόβουλον καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον, δι' οἴκτου δὲ καὶ αὑτοὺς λαμβάνοιεν: ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ἐκαλοῦντο ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός, οὐχ ὡς ἐφ' ἑτέροις, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τοῖς κἀκείνους προσαπολωλεκόσι κατακλήσεως αὐτῶν γινομένης. [81] ταῦτα δὲ μεγάλων μισθῶν οἱ φίλοι τῷ Ἀντιπάτρῳ συνέπρασσον. γράφει δὲ καὐτὸς Ἀντίπατρος τῷ πατρὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ μεγίσταις τῶν αἰτιῶν καὶ παντελὲς ἀπαλλάσσειν φάσκων τὰ μειράκια, τῶν δὲ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τὴν ἀνάθεσιν ποιούμενος. αὐτὸς δὲ τὰ περὶ Σύλλαιον ἠγωνίζετο καὶ θεραπεία τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν ἐγεγόνει κόσμος τε ἀξιοπρεπὴς ταλάντων ἐώνητο διακοσίων. [82] θαυμάσειε δ' ἄν τις, ὅτι τοσούτων ἐν Ἰουδαίᾳ κατ' αὐτοῦ κεκινημένων μησὶ πρότερον ἑπτὰ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ δῆλον γένοιτο: αἴτιον δ' ἦν ἥ τε ἀκρίβεια καὶ φυλακὴ τῶν ὁδῶν καὶ μῖσος τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὰ πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον: οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἦν, ὃς προθύμως κινδύνῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ ποριστὴς τῶν ἐκείνου ἀσφαλειῶν καθίστατο.
****

079 At this time Antipater's freedman, Bathyllus, came from Rome, and under torture was found to have brought another potion, to give to Antipater's mother and Pheroras, so that if the earlier potion did not work on the king, at least this would dispose of him. 080 Letters also came from Herod's friends in Rome, with Antipater's knowledge and approval, accusing Archelaus and Philip of blaming their father for murdering Alexander and Aristobulus and expressing pity for their deaths and saying that, since they were recalled home by their father, they guessed they too were doomed to be killed. 081 These letters had been bought by Antipater's friends for large bribes. Antipater himself also wrote to his father about them, excusing the lads of the most serious allegations while saying that their words must be attributed to their youth. He claimed to be busy in the struggle Syllaeus and in making himself known to the great men, and that he had bought valuable furnishings, costing two hundred talents. 082 One might wonder how, with so many accusations made against him in Judea over the previous seven months, none of them was brought to his attention. The reasons were that the roads were closely monitored and that people hated Antipater, so that nobody would run any risk to himself for the sake of his safety.

Chapter 5. [083-145]
Antipater's prosecution and defence. He is condemned to death. Caesar's judgment is awaited.

1.

[83] Ἡρώδης δὲ Ἀντιπάτρου γεγραφότος πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς τὰ πάντα ᾗ χρῆν διαπεπραγμένος ἥξοι ἐν τάχει, ἐπικρυψάμενος τὴν ὀργὴν ἀντεπετίθει, κελεύων μὴ ἀπιέναι τῆς εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν, μὴ καί τι πάσχοι παρὰ τὴν ἐκδημίαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἅμα τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ κατηγορῶν ὡς ὀλίγον καταθήσεσθαι μέμψεις ἐπαγγελλόμενος τὰς πρὸς αὐτήν, [84] ὁπότε ἐκεῖνος ἀφίκοιτο, παντί τε τρόπῳ φιλότητα τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεδείκνυτο, δεδιὼς μὴ καί τι ὑποτοπηθεὶς ὑπερβάλλοιτο μὲν ὁδοὺς τὰς πρὸς αὐτόν, τῇ δὲ Ῥώμῃ ἐνδιαιτώμενος κτήσεις ἐφεδρεύοι τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ δὴ καὶ διαπράσσοι τι αὐτῇ. [85] τούτοις ἐν Κιλικίᾳ τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπιτυγχάνει, τοῖς δὲ τὴν Φερώρου τελευτὴν διασαφοῦσιν ἐν Τάραντι πρότερον, δεινῶς τε ἤνεγκεν οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ Φερώρου, διότι δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν οὐ διαπραξάμενος ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο ἀπέθανε. [86] περὶ δὲ Κελένδεριν τῆς Κιλικίας γενόμενος ἐνεδοίαζεν ἤδη περὶ τοῦ οἴκαδε πλοῦ δεινῶς τῇ ἐκβολῇ τῆς μητρὸς λελυπημένος, καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ μὲν ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν ταῦτά πῃ καραδοκοῦντα ἀνέχειν, οἱ δὲ μὴ διαμέλλειν τὸν οἴκαδε πλοῦν: λύσειν γὰρ παραγενόμενον αἰτίαν πᾶσαν, ὡς καὶ νῦν οὔτι ἑτέρωθεν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου ἀπουσίαν ἰσχὺν τοῖς κατηγόροις ὑπογενέσθαι. [87] τούτοις πεισθεὶς ἔπλει τε καὶ προσέσχε τῷ Σεβαστῷ λιμένι λεγομένῳ, ὃν κατασκευάσας Ἡρώδης πολλῶν χρημάτων ἐπὶ τιμῇ τῇ Καίσαρος καλεῖ Σεβαστόν. [88] ἐν προύπτοις δ' ἦν Ἀντίπατρος ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς μήτε προσιόντος αὐτῷ μηδενὸς μήτε προσαγορεύοντος ὥσπερ ὅτ' ἐξῄει μετ' εὐχῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπιφημισμάτων Ταῖς ἐναντιωτάταις ἀραῖς οὐκ ἐκωλύοντο αὐτὸν δέχεσθαι ποινὴν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀποτίνειν ὑπειληφότες.
****

083 When Antipater wrote to say he would come to him soon, after he had seen to everything, Herod concealed his anger and wrote back telling him not delay on the journey in case anything should happen to him in the meantime. He also made a small complaint about his mother, but promised to pardon her on his return. 084 He showed affection for him in every way, for fear he might somehow grow suspicious and postpone his journey to him, or that while living in Rome, he might plot to take the kingdom or take some action against it. 085 He came upon this letter in Cilicia, but had earlier at Tarentum received the bad news about Pheroras, which deeply troubled him, not from any affection for Pheroras, but because he had died without having fulfilled his promise to murder his father. 086 When he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate about the wisdom of sailing home, being much grieved at the expulsion of his mother. Some of his friends advised him to wait there for a time to see what would happen while others advised him to sail home without delay, where he would soon put an end to all accusations, since now nothing but his absence gave any weight to the accusations against him. 087 Persuaded by the latter, he sailed on and landed at the harbour named Sebastus, which Herod had built at great expense and called Sebastus in honour of Caesar. 088 Antipater now was in a quandary, as no one came to him or greeted him by name as at his departure, with prayers and joyful greetings, but met him with bitter curses, thinking he had come to receive his punishment for the murder of his brothers.

2.

[89] Ἐτύγχανεν δ' ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Οὔαρος Κοιντίλιος, διάδοχος μὲν Σατορνίνῳ τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ ἀρχῆς ἀπεσταλμένος, ἥκων δὲ αὐτός τε σύμβουλος Ἡρώδῃ περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων αὐτῷ δεηθέντι. [90] καὶ αὐτῶν συνεδρευόντων παρῆν ὁ Ἀντίπατρος οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ ἐκπύστου γεγονότος. εἴσεισιν δὲ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἔτι πορφυρίδας ἀμπεχόμενος, καὶ αὐτὸν μὲν δέχονται οἱ ἐπὶ θύραις, ἀνείργουσι δὲ τοὺς φίλους. [91] ἐθορυβεῖτο δὲ ἤδη σαφῶς οἷ ἐληλύθει κατανοῶν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ προσιόντα αὐτὸν ὡς ἀσπάσαιτο ἀπεώσατο, ἀδελφοκτονίαν τε ἐπικαλῶν καὶ βούλευσιν ὀλέθρου τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτῷ, πάντων τε ἀκροατὴν καὶ δικαστὴν ἔσεσθαι Οὔαρον τῇ αὔριον. [92] καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιούτου κακοῦ ἅμα τε ἀκροαθέντος καὶ παρόντος τῷ μεγέθει περιφερόμενος ᾤχετο, ὑπαντιάζουσιν δ' αὐτὸν ἥ τε μήτηρ καὶ γυνή, αὕτη δὲ ἦν ήδη Ἀντιγόνῳ παῖς τῷ πρὸ Ἡρώδου Ἰουδαίων βεβασιλευκότι, παρ' ὧν τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθὼν ἐν παρασκευαῖς τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἦν.
****

089 Quintilius Varus who been sent to succeed Saturninus as ruler of Syria was at this time in Jerusalem, having come as an assessor to Herod, who had asked his advice in his present situation. 090 As they were sitting together, Antipater appeared, and knowing nothing of the matter he arrived in the palace clothed in purple, and while the porters admitted him they kept his friends out. 091 As soon as he grasped his situation he was troubled, and when he went to greet his father, he pushed him aside and denounced him for fratricide and for plotting his own destruction, and told him that Varus would be his auditor and judge the very next day. 092 When he found out what great trouble he was in and was going away in confusion, he was met by his mother and his wife, who was the daughter of Antigonus, Herod's predecessor as king of the Jews, from whom he learned the details and then prepared himself for his ordeal.

3.

[93] Τῇ δ' ἑξῆς συνήδρευεν μὲν Οὔαρός τε καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς, εἰσεκλήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀμφοῖν φίλοι καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς βασιλέως Σαλώμη τε ἡ ἀδελφή, εἶτ' εἴ τινες μηνύσειν ἔμελλον καὶ ὧν βάσανοι γεγόνασιν, δοῦλοί τε μητρῷοι τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου μικρῷ πρότερον συνειλημμένοι ἢ 'κεῖνον ἥκειν, ἐπιστολὴν φέροντες, ἧς τὸ κεφάλαιον τῶν γεγραμμένων ἦν μὴ ἐπανιέναι ὡς πάντων τῷ πατρὶ ἡκόντων εἰς πύστιν, μόνην τε ἂν καταφυγὴν αὐτῷ λείπεσθαι Καίσαρα καὶ σὺν αὐτῇ τὸ μὴ πατρὶ ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι. [94] Ἀντιπάτρου δὲ προσπεσόντος τῷ πατρὶ πρὸς τὰ γόνατα καὶ ἱκετεύοντος μὴ προδιεγνωσμένην καταστῆναι δίκην, ἀλλ' ἀκροάσεως αὐτοῦ γενομένης παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ἀκεραίως μένειν δυναμένῳ, τοῦτον κελεύσας Ἡρώδης ἀπάγειν εἰς μέσον αὐτὸς ὠλοφύρατο τῶν παίδων τῆς ποιήσεως, ἣν ἐπὶ τοιαύταις αὐτῷ τύχαις γενομένην πρότερον ἢ τῆς δυσμενείας ἀνασπάσασθαι τῶν πρότερον εἰς Ἀντίπατρον ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὸ γῆρας, τροφάς τε καὶ παιδεύσεις ἃς ποιήσαιτο αὐτῶν ἐξηγούμενος καὶ πλούτου εὐπορίαν ἐν καιροῖς ὡς θελήσειαν προτεθεῖσαν εἰς πάντα: [95] ὧν οὐδὲν ἐπ' ἐμποδίσματι γενέσθαι τοῦ μὴ οὐκ ἐπιβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνων κινδυνεῦσαι τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ θᾶσσον δυσσεβῶς τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβεῖν ἢ φύσεως νόμῳ μεταστάντος εὐχῇ τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ δίκῃ. [96] τόν τε Ἀντίπατρον θαυμάζειν, τίνων ἐλπίδι ἐπαρθεὶς θαρσήσειεν ἐπὶ τοιαῦτα χωρεῖν μὴ ἀποτραπῆναι: διάδοχον μὲν γὰρ ἀποφήνασθαι διὰ γραμμάτων τῆς ἀρχῆς, ζῶντος δὲ ἐπ' οὐδενὶ μειονεκτεῖν ἀξιώματός τε ἐπιφανείᾳ καὶ δυνάμει ἐξουσίας, πεντήκοντα μὲν τάλαντα ἐπέτειον πρόσοδον κομισάμενον, δωρεὰν δ' εἰληφότα ὁδοῦ τῆς εἰς Ῥώμην τριακοσίων ταλάντων ἀριθμόν. [97] ἐπεκάλει δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰ μὲν πονηρῶν γεγονότων κατηγορίαν προθεμένῳ μιμητῇ γεγονότι, διακενῆς δὲ τοιῶνδε ἐπαγωγὰς ἐπάγοντι αὐτῇ τῶν συγγενῶν: [98] τὰ γὰρ πάντα οὐδαμόθεν ἀλλὰ μηνύσει τῇ ἐκείνου μεμαθηκότα πρᾶξαι τὰ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένα γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου, οὓς ἀπολύειν κακοῦ παντὸς κληρονόμον τῆς πατροκτονίας αὐτοῖς καθιστάμενον.
****

093 Next day, Varus and the king sat in judgment and the friends of both of them were called in, and the king's relatives, his sister Salome and any who had things to say after being tortured; and with them slaves of Antipater's mother who had been captured just before his arrival, bringing a letter from her saying, briefly, that he should not come back, because his father had come to know all and that Caesar was his only refuge to prevent both him and her from falling into his father's hands. 094 Antipater fell down at his father's knees and implored him not to judge his case until the facts were known, but to grant him a hearing by a father who was genuinely unprejudiced. Herod ordered him brought into the centre and said he was to be pitied about his children who had caused him such misfortunes, including Antipater's attacking him in his old age, despite his feeding and educating them, and all the money he had often sent at their request. 095 None of this had prevented them from plotting against him and in order to gain his kingdom, impiously threatening his very life, before their should father rightfully and willingly hand it over to them according to the law of nature itself. 096 He was amazed that Antipater despite his hopes should dare to attempt such a thing, for he had designated him in writing to succeed him as ruler and even while his father lived he was in no way less than him in splendour, power or authority, having a yearly income of fifty talents and another thirty talents for his journey to Rome . 097 He brought up the accusation he had made against his brothers, saying that if indeed they were guilty he had imitated them and if not, he had wronged his own kinsmen in vain. 098 Yes, it was he and nobody else who had reported all those things him, and under his guidance that he had done those deeds, so that having become heir to their role as patricides he now absolved them from all suspicion of guilt.

4.

[99] Ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγων εἰς δάκρυα τρέπεται λέγειν τε ἄπορος ἦν. καὶ Νικόλαος ὁ Δαμασκηνός, φίλος τε ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰ πάντα συνδιαιτώμενος ἐκείνῳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὃν πραχθεῖεν τρόπον παρατετευχώς, δεηθέντι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ λοιπὰ εἰπεῖν ὁπόσα ἀποδείξεών τε καὶ ἐλέγχων ἐχόμενα ἦν. [100] καὶ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου κατὰ δικαιολογίαν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τετραμμένου καὶ ὁπόσα παραδείγματα τῆς εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτὸν διεξιόντος, τὰς τιμὰς αἳ ὑπῆρχον αὐτῷ προφερόμενος, ἃς μὴ ἄν ποτε γενέσθαι μὴ οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἀξίῳ περὶ αὐτὸν γεγονότι: [101] καὶ γὰρ ὁπόσα προιδεῖν δεήσειε πάντων προβεβουλευκέναι σωφρόνως, εἴ τέ τινα ἐδεῖτο χειρῶν, πόνῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ ἐκπεπρᾶχθαι τὰ πάντα, εἰκός τε οὐκ εἶναι τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν ἐπιβουλῶν τὸν πατέρα ἐξελόμενον αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλευτὴν καταστῆναι ἀφανίζοντα ἀρετήν, ἣ ἐπ' ἐκείνοις ἐμαρτυρεῖτο αὐτῷ, κακίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε μελλούσῃ συνεῖναι. [102] καίτοι γε τοῦ μέλλοντος διάδοχον προαποδεδεῖχθαι καὶ τοῦ συναπολαυσομένου τιμῶν, αἳ εἰς τὸ παρὸν περιῆσαν, οὐκ ἐπικεκωλῦσθαι: εἰκός τε οὐκ εἶναι τὸν ἁπάντων ἀκινδύνως καὶ μετ' ἀρετῆς ἔχοντα τὴν ἡμίσειαν μετὰ ψόγων καὶ κινδύνου ἐφίεσθαι τοῦ ὅλου ἄδηλον εἰ δυναμένου περιγενέσθαι, καὶ ταῦτα τεθεαμένον τὴν ζημίαν τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ μηνυτὴν μὲν καὶ κατηγορητὴν γενόμενον λανθάνειν δυναμένων, κολαστὴν δ' ἐπεὶ φανεροὶ κατέστησαν πονηροὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ὄντες. [103] καὶ τάδε μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν ἐνταῦθα ἠγωνισμένων παραδείγματα εἶναι τῶν ἀκράτῳ εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα πεπολιτευμένων: τῶν δ' ἐπὶ Ῥώμης μάρτυρα εἶναι Καίσαρα ἐπίσης τῷ θεῷ ἀπατηθῆναι μὴ οἷόν τε ὄντα. [104] ὧν πίστιν εἶναι τὰ ὑπ' ἐκείνου γράμματα ἐπεσταλμένα, ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν ἰσχυροτέρας εἶναι τὰς διαβολὰς τῶν στασιάζειν αὐτοὺς προθεμένων τὰς πλείους ἀποδημίᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ συντεθῆναι σχολῆς τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐγγενομένης, ἣν οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐπιδημοῦντος παραγενέσθαι. [105] διαβάλλοντος δὲ καὶ τὰς βασάνους εἰς ψευδολογίαν, ὡς τῆς ἀνάγκης φύσιν ἐχούσης διδάσκειν τοὺς ὑποπεσόντας τὰ πολλὰ ἡδονῇ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων λέγειν, καὶ παρέχοντος αὑτὸν εἰς βάσανον,
****

099 After saying this he broke down in tears and could say no more, but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, his friend and constant companion who knew all about his activities, went on at the king's request to explain all the proofs and evidences of the facts. 100 In self defense, Antipater turned to his father and spoke of the many signs he had given him of his goodwill, and the honours shown to him, which would not have been so if he had not deserved them by his virtuous concern for him. 101 He had cared for him in every way and given him his best advice, and whenever called upon, had spared no efforts on his behalf. It was surely impossible that after saving his father from so many plots, he should then plot against him himself and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by following it up in this way. 102 All the more so, since now that he was named as successor there was nothing to stop him from enjoying royal honours along with his father. Was it likely that a person who securely held the half of it all with a good reputation, would seek the rest of it at the risk of infamy and danger, when it was doubtful if he could gain it or not? Also, the sad example of his brothers would deter him, whom he had unmasked and accused when they might otherwise have escaped detection and had them punished when they had clearly done wrong to their father. 103 These domestic struggles showed how he had always managed affairs with sincere regard for his father. What he had done in Rome was witnessed by Caesar, who could no more to be imposed upon than God himself, 104 and his views are clear from the letters he sent here. Surely it was right to trust those letters rather than people who had earlier tried to cause trouble, most of whose allegations were made in his absence, when his enemies had time to invent them, as they could not have done had he been present. 105 He denounced the lies people had told under torture, under the pain of which people are forced to say whatever will please those in power, and he even offered himself to be put to the torture.

5.

[106] ἐπὶ τούτοις τροπῆς τοῦ συνεδρίου γενομένης, σφόδρα γὰρ ᾤκτειραν τὸν Ἀντίπατρον δάκρυσίν τε καὶ αἰκίαις τοῦ προσώπου χρώμενον, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς δι' οἴκτου καταστῆναι φανερὸν δὲ ἤδη καὶ Ἡρώδην εἶναι καμπτόμενόν τι τῇ γνώμῃ καίπερ μὴ βουλόμενον ἔκδηλον εἶναι, Νικόλαος ἀρξάμενος οἷς τε ὁ βασιλεὺς κατήρξατο λόγοις παλιλλογεῖ μειζόνως ἐκδεινῶν καὶ ὁπόσα ἐκ βασάνων ἢ μαρτυριῶν συνῆγεν τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ ἐγκλήματος. [107] μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐπιπολὺ ἐξηγεῖτο τοῦ βασιλέως, ᾗ περί τε τροφὰς καὶ παιδεύματα χρησάμενος τῶν υἱέων οὐδαμόθεν εὕροιτο ὀνησιφόρον αὐτὴν περιπταίων ἑτέροις ἀφ' ἑτέρων. [108] καίτοι γε οὐχ οὕτως θαυμάζειν τῶν προτέρων τὴν ἀβουλίαν, νεωτέρους γὰρ καὶ κακίᾳ συμβούλων διεφθαρμένους ἀπαλεῖψαι τὰ τῆς φύσεως δικαιώματα ἀρχῆς θᾶσσον ἢ χρῆν μεταποιεῖσθαι σπουδάσαντας, [109] Ἀντιπάτρου δ' ἂν δικαίως τὴν μανίαν καταπλαγῆναι μὴ μόνον οἷς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργετηθείη τὸν λογισμὸν ὥσπερ τὰ ἰοβολώτατα τῶν ἑρπετῶν μὴ μαλαχθέντος, καίτοι γε κἀκείνοις τινὸς ἐγγινομένης μαλακίας τοῦ ἀδικεῖν τοὺς εὐεργέτας, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τὰς τύχας τῶν ἀδελφῶν πρὸς τὸ οὐ μιμητὴν αὐτῶν καταστῆναι τῆς ὠμότητος ἐμποδὼν στάντος. [110] καίτοι γε, ὦ Ἀντίπατρε, τῶν ἀδελφῶν μηνυτής τε ὧν τολμήσειαν αὐτὸς ἦς καὶ ἐρευνητὴς τῶν ἐλέγχων καὶ κολαστὴς πεφωραμένων. καὶ οὐ τοῦ ἐπ' ἐκείνοις ἐγκαλοῦμεν θυμῷ χρῆσθαι μὴ ἐλλιπόντος, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μιμεῖσθαι τὴν ἀσέλγειαν αὐτῶν σπουδάσαντος ἐκπεπλήγμεθα, εὑρίσκοντες κἀκεῖνά σοι οὐκ ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ τοῦ πατρός, ἀλλ' ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πεπραγμένα, ὅπως μισοπονηρίᾳ τῇ κατ' αὐτῶν φιλοπάτωρ εἶναι πεπιστευμένος ἀδεεστέραν ἐπ' αὐτῷ κακουργεῖν παραλάβοις δύναμιν, ὃ δὴ καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις παρέστησας. [111] ἅμα γὰρ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀνῄρεις ἐφ' οἷς ἤλεγχες πονηροὺς γεγονότας καὶ τοὺς ὁμοπραγήσαντας αὐτοῖς οὐχ ὑπεδίδους, φανερὸν τοῖς πᾶσιν καθιστάς, ὡς καὶ συνθήκην πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ποιησάμενος ἐπανείλω κατηγορεῖν, [112] βουλόμενος σοὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῆς πατροκτονίας κερδαίνεσθαι καταμόνας καὶ δυοῖν ἀγώνοιν εὐφροσύνην καρπούμενος τρόπου τοῦ σοῦ ἀξίαν, φανεροῦ μὲν τοῦ κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, ᾧ καὶ ἠγάλλου ὡς ἐπὶ τοῖς μεγίστοις, καὶ ἦν ἄξιον οὕτως φρονεῖν, [113] εἰ δὲ μήγε σὺ χείρων ἦς, κρυπτοῦ δέ, ὃν κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς συντιθεὶς ἐκείνους μὲν οὐχ ὡς τῷ πατρὶ ἐπιβεβουλευκότας μισῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐξώκειλας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πρᾶξιν παραπλησίαν, ἀλλ' ὡς διαδόχους τῆς ἡγεμονίας σου δικαιότερον ἂν γενομένους, τὸν δὲ πατέρα ἐπισφάζειν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, [114] ἵνα θᾶσσον ὡς ἐκείνων τε ἐπικαταψεύσαιο μὴ ἐλεγχθῇς καὶ ὧν αὐτὸς δίκας παρασχεῖν ἄξιος γένοιο ταύτην παρὰ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς εἰσπράξαιο πατρός, ἐπινοῶν πατροκτονίαν οὐ κοινήν, ἀλλ' οἵαν μέχρι νῦν οὐχ ἱστόρησεν ὁ βίος. [115] οὐχ υἱὸς γὰρ μόνον πατρὶ ἐπεβούλευες, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοῦντι καὶ εὐεργετηκότι, κοινωνὸς τῆς βασιλείας ὢν τοῖς ἔργοις καὶ διάδοχος προφανθεὶς καὶ τὴν μὲν ἡδονὴν τῆς ἐξουσίας ἤδη προλαμβάνειν μὴ ἐπικεκωλυμένος, ἐλπίδα δὲ τὴν εἰσαῦθις γνώμῃ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ γράμμασιν προησφαλισμένος. [116] ἀλλ' οὐκ ἄρα τῇ Ἡρώδου ἀρετῇ τὰ πράγματα, γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ πονηρίᾳ ἔκρινες τῇ σεαυτοῦ, βουλόμενος τοῦ πάντων σοι ὑπακούσαντος πατρὸς καὶ τὸ μέρος ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ ὃν προσεποιοῦ τοῖς λόγοις σώζειν τοῖς ἔργοις τοῦτον ἀφανίσαι ζητῶν, [117] καὶ μὴ μόνον αὐτὸς πονηρὸς καθιστάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν μητέρα ὧν ἐπενόεις πιμπλὰς καὶ στασιοποιῶν τὴν εὔνοιαν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ τολμῶν θηρίον ἀποκαλεῖν τὸν πατέρα, παντὸς ἑρπετοῦ χαλεπωτέραν τὴν διάνοιαν κατεσκευασμένος, ᾗ τὸν ἐκείνων ἰὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς συγγενεστάτους καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοσούτοις εὐεργέτας παρεκάλεις ἐπὶ συμμαχίαις φυλάκων καὶ τέχναις ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν φρασσόμενος κατὰ τοῦ γέροντος, ὥσπερ οὐκ ἀρκούσης τῆς διανοίας μῖσος τὸ ὑποικουροῦν παραστῆσαι. [118] καὶ νῦν ἐλήλυθας μετὰ βασάνους ἐλευθέρων οἰκετῶν ἀνδράσι γυναιξὶν διὰ σὲ γεγονυίας μηνύσεις τῶν συνωμοτῶν ἀντιλογεῖν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ σπεύδων, καὶ μονονουχὶ τὸν πατέρα ἀναιρεῖν μεμελετηκὼς ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου, ἀλλ' ἤδη καὶ νόμον τὸν κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένον καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τὴν Οὐάρου καὶ τοῦ δικαίου τὴν φύσιν, [119] οὕτως ἄρα τῇ ἀναιδείᾳ πέποιθας, ὥστε καὶ βασανίζεσθαι ἀξιοῖς, καὶ ψευδεῖς λέγων τὰς βασάνους τῶν προβεβασανισμένων, ἵν' οἱ μὲν ῥυόμενοί σου τὸν πατέρα ἐκκρουσθῶσιν τοῦ ἠληθευκέναι, αἱ δὲ σαὶ βάσανοι δοκῶσι πισταί; [120] οὐ ῥύσῃ Οὔαρε τὸν βασιλέα τῆς ἐπηρείας τῶν συγγενῶν; οὐδὲ πονηρὸν θηρίον, ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν εὔνοιαν προσποιούμενον τοῦ πατρός, ἔνθα δὲ μέλλοι καταμόνας ταχέως ἀποίσεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν πάντων αὐτῷ θανασιμώτατον ἀναφαινόμενον; γνοὺς ὅτι πατροκτονία κοινόν ἐστιν ἀδίκημα καὶ τῆς φύσεως καὶ τοῦ βίου τὴν πεφηνυῖαν ὡς οὐδὲν ἡσσόνως τοῦ βεβουλευμένου καὶ ὁ μὴ κολάζων ἀδικεῖ τὴν φύσιν."
****

106 At this a change was visible in the assembly who showed sympathy for Antipater due to his tears and agonised expression, so that even his enemies were moved to pity, and Herod's own attitude was clearly affected, though he did not want it to be obvious; still Nicolaus very sharply began as the king had done, with an even more damning resumé of all the evidence gathered from the tortures or from witnesses. 107 He dwelt on the goodness shown by the king in his sons' upkeep and education, from which he had never gained any return, but fell in one misfortune after another. 108 He admitted that the earlier misbehaviour of his sons was not so surprising, for they were young and misled by bad advisers so as to forget the dictates of nature and seek to rule sooner than was proper. 109 But he was astonished at the wickedness of Antipater, who, though his heart should have been softened by all the benefits given to him by his father, could no more be tamed than the most venomous of snakes, for even such creatures can be tamed by those who feed them, but Antipater learned no lesson from the fate of his brothers, but went on to imitate their cruelty. 110 "Yes, Antipater, as you have admitted, you denounced your brothers' crimes and searched for the evidence against them and when it was found, saw to their punishment. We do not accuse you for your zeal but we are astonished at you for imitating their lack of control, which shows that you were not acting on behalf of the your father's safety but to destroy your brothers, hoping by such hatred of their impiety to seem to love your father, and thereby have the power to harm him with impunity. Your actions indeed show your intention. 111 Yes, you disposed of your brothers after convicting them of plotting, but you did not hand over their accomplices, which makes it clear to all that even when you chose to make the accusation, you had already made a pact with them against your father. 112 You wanted the patricide to benefit yourself alone and so to enjoy a double pleasure, truly worthy of you. In your ill-will towards your brothers, you triumphed in their downfall; and you would have been right, except that you are worse than they. 113 While succeeding in hiding your own treachery to your father, your hatred of them was not for plotting against him, for then you would not have plotted such a crime yourself, but for having more right than yourself to succeed to his throne. 114 After slaying your brothers you sought to slay your father, in case your lies against them be detected. To avoid your just punishment, you wanted to kill your unfortunate father and planned a rare patricide such as history has never seen. 115 Despite being his son you schemed against your father who loved you and had done you good, and gave you a share in the kingship and publicly declared you his successor, and did not stop you from already tasting the pleasure of authority, for your father enshrined your hope for the future by the guarantee of his written testament. 116 But it was not according to Herod's virtue but according to your own thoughts and malice that you judged things, and wanting to take away the rest from the father who indulged you in every way, sought in practice to destroy the man whom you verbally professed to save. 117 Not content with being a villain yourself, you filled your mother's head with your plots and created dissension among your brothers, even daring to call your father a beast. In fact it is your mind that is worse than any snake, spreading poison among your nearest relatives and benefactors, asking them to help and guard you and protecting yourself on all sides, by the ruses of both men and women, against an old man, as though your own mind were not sufficient to house all the hatred you bear him. 118 After torturing free-men and domestics, men and women, all interrogated for your sake, here you stand, briefed by your fellow conspirators, ready to contradict the truth and well-prepared not only to get rid of your father but to annul the statute against you and the virtue of Varus and the very nature of justice. 119 With shameless confidence you ask to be put to the torture yourself, as though those already tortured had lied, so that those who are saving your father from you may be rejected as untrue, but that you under torture will tell the truth. 120 Will you not, Varus, defend the king from the plots of his relatives? Will you not destroy this evil beast, who pretended concern for his father only in order to destroy his brothers, but is himself preparing to seize the kingdom soon and seems the most deadly menace of them all to him? You know how both in nature and in life to intend to commit patricide is no less criminal than to carry it out, so that wanting to leave it unpunished does wrong to nature itself."

6.

[121] Προσετίθει δὲ ἤδη τὰ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀντιπάτρου ὁπόσα πρός τινας ἦν κουφολογίᾳ γυναικείῳ εἰρημένα, μαντείας τε καὶ θυσίας ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγονυίας καὶ ὁπόσα μετὰ τῶν Φερώρου γυναικῶν Ἀντιπάτρῳ ἠσέλγητο μετὰ οἴνου καὶ λύμης ἐρωτικῆς, τῶν τε βασάνων ἀνακρίσεις καὶ ὁπόσα μαρτυριῶν ἐχόμενα: πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παντοῖα ἦν τὰ μὲν προητοιμασμένα, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ὀξέως ἀπαγγέλλεσθαί τε καὶ βεβαιοῦσθαι ἐφευρημένα: [122] οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι κἂν εἴ τι κατὰ φόβον τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, μὴ διαδρὰς ἀμύνοιτο αὐτούς, σιγῇ παρεδίδοσαν, ὁρῶντες αὐτὸν ἐπιβατὸν ταῖς κατηγορίαις τῶν ἀρξάντων γεγονότα καὶ τὴν ποτὲ πολλὴν αὐτῷ συστᾶσαν τύχην προφανῶς αὐτὸν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς παραδεδωκυῖαν, οἳ καὶ ἀπλήστως μίσους τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεφοροῦντο: [123] κατέσπευδε δὲ τότε οὔτι τῇ ἔχθρᾳ τῶν ἐπικεχειρηκότων κατηγορεῖν, ὡς μεγέθει τόλμης ὧν ἐπενόησεν κακιῶν καὶ δυσμενείας τῆς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφούς, στάσεως καὶ ἀλληλοφθοριῶν ἀναπεπληκὼς τὸν οἶκον καὶ μήτε μίσει κατὰ δίκην μήτε φιλίᾳ δι' εὔνοιαν χρώμενος, ἀλλ' ὡς μελλήσοι αὐτῷ συμφέρειν: [124] ὧν ἁπάντων ἐκ πλέονος αὐτοῖς οἱ πολλοὶ προανεσκοπημένων, οἵπερ δὴ μάλιστα ἀρετῇ κρίνειν πεφύκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν διὰ τὸ καὶ ὀργῆς ἀπηλλαγμένως ἐπιψηφίζειν τοῖς γινομένοις, καταβοὰς ἐν τοῖς πρὶν εἱρχθέντες ποιεῖσθαι παραγενομένης ἀδείας ἐξέφερον εἰς μέσον ὁπόσα εἰδεῖεν. [125] πολύτροποί τε κακιῶν ἀποδείξεις ἦσαν οὐδαμόθεν ψεύδους αἰτίαν ἐγκαλεῖσθαι δυνάμεναι διὰ τὸ μήτ' εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς Ἡρώδην λέγειν τοὺς πολλοὺς μήτε ὑποψίᾳ κινδύνων σιγῆς ἐφ' οἷς ἔχοιεν εἰπεῖν ἐγκαλουμένης, ἀλλὰ τῷ πονηρά τε ἡγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὐκ ἀσφαλείᾳ τῇ Ἡρώδου, πονηρίᾳ δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ πάσης ἄξιον τιμωρίας. [126] πολλά τε ἦν καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν οἷς μὴ παρήγγελτο εἰπεῖν ἀγορευόμενα, ὥστε τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καίπερ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον πάντα δεινότατον ὄντα ψεύσασθαι καὶ ἀπερυθριάσαι μηδὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐπ' ἀντιλέξει τὴν ἰσχὺν εἰσφέρεσθαι.
[127] Νικολάου τε παυσαμένου τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τῶν ἐλέγχων Οὔαρος ἐκέλευσεν Ἀντίπατρον ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων χωρεῖν, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ παρασκευαὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐνόχῳ τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις εἶναι, καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς εὔχεσθαι τὸν πατέρα εἰδέναι τῶν ὁμοίων εὐχόμενον μηδὲν αὐτὸν ἀδικοῦντα φωρᾶν. [128] ὁ δ' ἐπὶ στόμα ἔκειτο ἀνατετραμμένος τε τῷ θεῷ καὶ πᾶσι προτιθεὶς τὸ ἐπιμαρτυρῆσον αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν, ἢ τεκμηρίοις ἐμφανέσι παραστῆσαι μὴ οὐκ ἐπίβουλον αὐτὸν τοῦ πατρὸς γεγονέναι, [129] εἰωθότες μὲν καὶ πάντες οἷς ἐπιλείπει ἀρετῆς, ὁπότε μὲν ἐγχειρηταί τινα κακῶν εἶεν τοῦ θείου τὸ πᾶσιν παρατυγχάνειν ἀφορίσαντες γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα χωρεῖν, ὁπότε δὲ φωρώμενοι κινδυνεύοιεν δίκην ὑποσχεῖν, κατ' ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ μαρτυρῶν τὰ πάντα ἐκτρέπειν. [130] ὃ δὴ καὶ τῷ Ἀντιπάτρῳ συμβεβήκει: τὰ πάντα γὰρ ὡς ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τοῦ θείου διαπεπραγμένος, κατειργούσης αὐτὸν πανταχόθεν τῆς δίκης ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν δικαιωμάτων, οἷς ἀπολύσαιτο τὰ ἐγκεκλημένα, αὖθις ἐνεπαροίνει τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ θείου, μαρτυρίαν ἐπισκήπτων αὐτῷ περὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐκείνου περιτο ἕως εἰς μέσους παραγαγόντος ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ πράσσειν τολμᾶν οὐκ ἐνέλιπεν. ** GK **

121 He continued with what Antipater's mother had said in her empty womanly way and the prophecies and sacrifices against the king, and about the drunken indecencies of Antipater and his affairs with Pheroras's women; the results of the torture, and the testimonies heard, which were many and varied, some of them well prepared others spontaneous, which clarified and confirmed what they had found out. 122 For the people who out of fear had concealed Antipater's actions, now, when they saw him accused by the earlier witnesses and that the good luck which up to then had supported him had now clearly handed him over to his enemies, gave full vent to their bitter hatred of him. 123 His ruin was now brought on less by the enmity of his accusers than by his own gross audacity and the ill-will he had practiced to his father and brothers. For he had filled their house with disturbance and caused them to be mutually murderous and was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but only did what served his own purpose. 124 There were many who for a long time already had seen all this and especially those who by nature tended to judge matters virtuously and without passion, but had up to now been restrained from speaking out, who now felt free to publicly tell all that they knew. 125 The multiple proofs of his wrongdoings deeds were incontestable, since the many accusers were speaking neither to win Herod's favour, nor were they in any danger for revealing the facts; they spoke out because they thought such actions were very wrong and that Antipater deserved every punishment, not so much for Herod's safety as for his own wickedness. 126 Much was therefore said by many persons who were under no constraint, so that Antipater, who was generally so shrewd at impudently concocting lies, was powerless to say a word to the contrary.
127 When Nicolaus ended his speech and had produced the evidence, Varus ordered Antipater to set about his defense, if he had prepared anything to show that he was not guilty of the accusations, for he hoped, and knew that his father hoped too, that he could prove his complete innocence. 128 The accused fell down on his face and appealed to God and everyone present to testify to his innocence, hoping that by some miracle God would show that he had not been involved in any plot against his father. 129 It is commonly the case with people of no virtue, that when they set about some wicked deed they do exactly as they feel inclined, as if they believing that God has no concern for human affairs, but once they are found out and are in danger of being punished for their crimes, they try to overturn the evidence against them by appealing to God. 130 This was the case now with Antipater, for whereas he had always acted as if there were no God in the world, now that justice hemmed him in on all sides and he could find no justification to disprove the accusations, he insulted the divine virtue by making claims which by God's help had already been rejected and continued to harp on about all he had done for his father's safety.

7.

[131] Ὁ δὲ Οὔαρος ἐπειδὴ πολλάκις ἀνακρίνων τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὐδὲν εὑρίσκετο πλέον τῆς ἀνακλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ, ὁρῶν ἀπέραντον ὂν τὸ γινόμενον ἐκέλευσε τὸ φάρμακον εἰς μέσους ἐνεγκεῖν, ἵν' εἰδῇ τὴν περιοῦσαν αὐτῷ δύναμιν. [132] καὶ κομισθέντος τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τις ἑαλωκότων πίνει κελεύσαντος Οὐάρου καὶ παραχρῆμα ἔθανεν. τότε δὲ ἐξαναστὰς ἀπῄει τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ τῇ ἑξῆς ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας, ᾗπερ δὴ καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἦσαν αὐτῷ διατριβαὶ διὰ τὸ Σύροις τοῦτο βασίλειον εἶναι. Ἡρώδης δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔδησε τὸν υἱόν. [133] ἄδηλοι δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἦσαν αἱ Οὐάρου πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁμιλίαι καὶ τί εἰπὼν ἀπεληλύθει. εἰκάζετο δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου πράσσειν ὁπόσα περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἔπραξεν. δήσας δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς Ῥώμην ὡς Καίσαρα ἐκπέμπει γράμματα περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ γλώσσης διδάξοντας τὸν Καίσαρα τὴν κακίαν τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου καὶ Κωπωνίου γνώμη τὴν Καίσαρος. [134] ἁλίσκεται δὲ ὑπὸ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ἐπιστολὴ ὑπὸ Ἀντιφίλου πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον γεγραμμένη, ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ αὐτὸς διέτριβεν, καὶ λυθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τάδε ἐδήλου: "ἔπεμψά σοι τὴν παρ' Ἀκμῆς ἐπιστολὴν μὴ φεισάμενος τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς: οἶσθα γὰρ, ὅτι αὖθις κινδυνεύω ὑπὸ δύο οἰκιῶν, εἰ γνωσθείην. [135] σὺ δ' εὐτυχοίης περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα." καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπιστολὴ τάδε ἐδήλου. ἐζήτει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐπιστολήν, οὐ μὴν φανερά γε ἦν, καὶ τοῦ Ἀντιφίλου δοῦλος ὃς τὴν ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἔφερεν ἠρνεῖτο ἑτέραν παραλαβεῖν. [136] ἀπορίας οὖν ἐχούσης τὸν βασιλέα τῶν φίλων τις τῶν τοῦ Ἡρώδου θεώμενος ὑπερραμμένον τοῦ δούλου τὸν ἐντὸς χιτῶνα, ἐνεδεδύκει γὰρ δύο, εἴκασεν ἐντὸς τῆς ἐπιπτυχῆς κρύπτεσθαι τὰ γράμματα: καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. [137] λαμβάνουσιν οὖν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐγγεγραμμένα τε ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ τάδε: "Ἀκμὴ Ἀντιπάτρῳ. ἔγραψα τῷ πατρί σου οἵαν ἤθελες ἐπιστολὴν καὶ ἀντίγραφον ποιήσασα τῇ πρὸς τὴν ἐμὴν κυρίαν ὡς παρὰ Σαλώμης ἔγραψα, ἣν ἀναγνοὺς οἶδ' ὅτι τιμω [138] ρήσεται Σαλώμην ὡς ἐπίβουλον." ἦν δὲ ἡ παρὰ τῆς Σαλώμης δοκοῦσα εἶναι πρὸς τὴν δέσποιναν αὐτῆς ὑπ' Ἀντιπάτρου ἐπ' ὀνόματι τῷ Σαλώμης ὅσα γοῦν ἡ διάνοια θέλοι ὑπηγορευμένη, λέξει δὲ συνέκειτο αὐτῆς. [139] τὰ δὲ γεγραμμένα ἦν τοιάδε: "Ἀκμὴ βασιλεῖ Ἡρώδῃ. ἐγὼ ἔργον ποιουμένη μηδέν σε λανθάνειν τῶν κατὰ σοῦ γινομένων, εὑροῦσα ἐπιστολὴν Σαλώμης πρὸς τὴν ἐμὴν κυρίαν κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένην ἐπικινδύνως ἐμαυτῇ σοὶ δὲ ὠφελίμως ἐξεγραψάμην καὶ ἀπέστειλά σοι. ταύτην δὲ ἐκείνη ἔγραψεν γήμασθαι θέλουσα Συλλαίῳ. κατάσχισον οὖν τὴν ἐπιστολήν, ἵνα μὴ κἀγὼ τῷ ζῆν κιν [140] δυνεύσω." πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν ἐγέγραπτο Ἀντίπατρον διασαφούσης, ὅτι διακονουμένη κελεύσματι τῷ ἐκείνου αὐτή τε γράψειε πρὸς Ἡρώδην, ὡς Σαλώμης ἐπιβούλως αὐτῷ πράσσειν ἐπειγομένης τὰ πάντα, καὶ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ὡς πρὸς δέσποιναν τὴν αὐτῆς πεμφθείσης ἐπιστολῆς ὑπὸ Σαλώμης ἀποπέμψειεν αὐτῷ. [141] ἦν δὲ ἡ Ἀκμὴ Ἰουδαία μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐδούλευε δὲ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος γυναικὶ καὶ ἔπρασσε ταῦτα φιλίᾳ τῇ Ἀντιπάτρου ὠνηθεῖσα ὑπ' αὐτοῦ μεγάλῃ δόσει χρημάτων συγκακουργεῖν κατά τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ κατὰ τῆς τηθίδος. ** GK **

131 After Varus had repeatedly questioned Antipater and found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God he saw that it could go on endlessly, he told them to bring the poison into the court, to see what strength it still had. 132 When at Varus's command it was brought and a condemned man drank it, he died on the spot. Then he got up and left the court and went away the next day to Antioch, where his usual residence was, as that was the royal city of the Syrians; and Herod then put his son in chains. 133 But what Varus said to Herod was not revealed to the public, nor what he said as he left, though it was generally held that what Herod later did to Antipater was done with his approval, for he put him in chains and sent letters to Caesar in Rome about him, with messengers who would orally inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness. 134 Within some days a letter was seized which had been written to Antipater by Antiphilus from Egypt, where he was then staying, and when it was opened by the king, it read: "I have sent you Acme's letter at the risk of my own life, for you know that I am in danger from two families, if I am discovered. I wish you success in your affair." 135 That was what this letter said, but the king also enquired about the other letter which had not appeared, and Antiphilus's slave, who brought the letter which had been read, denied having received the other. 136 But while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends noticed a seam on the slave's inner garment for it was two-layered, and guessed that the letter might be hidden within that layer, and so it proved to be. 137 They took out the letter therefore, and its contents were as follows: "Acme to Antipater. I have written to your father the kind of letter that you asked me. I have also taken a copy and sent it as if it came from Salome to my mistress, and I know that when he reads it he will punish Salome, as plotting against him." 138 This pretended letter to Acme's mistress was composed in the name of Salome,with ideas suggested by Antipater, but written in the style of Salome. 139 The writing was this: "Acme to king Herod. I have done my best that nothing that is done against you be unknown to you. So, when I found a letter of Salome written against you to my mistress, I have made a copy and sent it to you, at risk to myself, but for your good. It is one that she wrote when she wanted to be married to Syllaeus. Tear up this letter so that my life may not be in danger." 140 She had written to Antipater himself telling him how at his instructions she had written to Herod, to the effect that Salome was making all kinds of plots against him and she had also sent a copy of a letter, that purported to come from Salome to her mistress. 141 Now Acme was a Jewess by birth and a slave of Caesar's wife, Julia, and was acting out of friendship towards Antipater, who had bribed her with a large gift of money to help in his dangerous plans against his father and his aunt.

8.

[142] Ἡρώδης δὲ ἐκπλαγεὶς μεγέθει τῆς Ἀντιπάτρου κακίας ὥρμησεν μὲν καὶ παραχρῆμα αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν ὡς κύκηθρον μεγάλων γεγονότα πραγμάτων καὶ μὴ μόνον αὐτῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ ἀδελφῇ ἐπιβεβουλευκότα καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος διεφθαρκότα τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐξώτρυνεν δ' αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ Σαλώμη στερνοτυπουμένη καὶ κτείνειν αὐτὴν κελεύουσα, εἴ τινος ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε πίστεως αἰτίαν ἀξιόχρεων οἵα τε παρασχεῖν γένοιτο. [143] Ἡρώδης δὲ μεταπέμψας ἀνέκρινεν τὸν υἱὸν κελεύων εἴ τι ἀντειπεῖν ἔχοι λέγειν μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενον, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀχανὴς ἦν, ἤρετο αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ τὰ πάντα πανταχοῦ πεφώραται πονηρὸς ὤν, τοὺς γοῦν συγκακουργήσαντας αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα μὴ μελλῆσαι κατειπεῖν. [144] ὁ δὲ Ἀντιφίλῳ τὴν πάντων αἰτίαν ἀνετίθει, ἕτερον δ' οὐδένα προυτίθει. Ἡρώδης δὲ περιαλγῶν ὥρμησεν μὲν πέμπειν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης τὸν υἱὸν ὡς Καίσαρα λόγον ὑφέξοντα τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε βουλευμάτων, [145] ἔπειτα δείσας, μὴ καὶ βοηθείᾳ φίλων εὑρίσκοιτο τοῦ κινδύνου διαφυγάς, αὐτὸν μὲν δέσμιον ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐφύλασσεν, αὖθις δὲ πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμπε καὶ γράμματα ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τοῦ υἱέος ὁπόσα τε Ἀκμὴ συγκακουργήσειεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἀντίγραφα τῶν ἐπιστολῶν.
****

142 Astounded at the scale of Antipater's wickedness, Herod was about to order him to be killed immediately, as the instigator of major troubles, who had schemed not only against himself but against his sister and had even corrupted some of Caesar's own staff. Salome incited him too, by beating her breast and saying he should kill her if he could show any credible proof that she had acted in this way. 143 Herod also sent for his son and asked him about this matter, ordering him to speak out openly and contradict it if he could. When he said nothing, being fully caught out in his villainy, he was made to reveal his associates in the affair. 144 He blamed it all on Antiphilus, but did not denounce anybody else; and Herod was so aggrieved, that he was ready to send his son to Rome, there to account to Caesar about his scheming. 145 But then he feared that if he did so he might find a means of escape with the help of his friends, so he kept him under guard as before and sent more envoys and letters to accuse his son and tell of the help Acme had given him in his scheming, along with copies of the letters.

Chapter 6. [146-181]
Herod falls ill and the crowd riot against his rule. He takes savage reprisals.

1.

[146] Καὶ οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἠπείγοντο ὁπόσα τε ἀνακρινομένους δεήσοι λέγειν προσεκδιδαχθέντες καὶ τὰ γράμματα φέροντες: εἰς νόσον δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐμπεσὼν διαθήκας γράφει τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν υἱῶν τὴν βασιλείαν διδοὺς μίσει τῷ τε πρὸς τὸν Ἀρχέλαον καὶ Φίλιππον ἐκ τῶν Ἀντιπάτρου διαβολῶν, Καίσαρί τε ταλάντων χιλίων καὶ γυναικὶ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος καὶ τέκνοις καὶ φίλοις καὶ ἀπελευθέροις Καίσαρος πεντακοσίων. [147] ἔνεμε δὲ καὶ τοῖς υἱέσιν χρήματα καὶ προσόδους καὶ ἀγροὺς καὶ υἱέσι τοῖς ἐκείνων, Σαλώμην δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα ἐπλούτιζεν τὴν ἀδελφὴν εὔνουν τε αὐτῷ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν διαμεμενηκυῖαν καὶ μηδαμόθι θρασυνομένην κακουργεῖν. [148] ἀπεγνωκὼς δὲ περιοίσειν, καὶ γὰρ περὶ ἔτος ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἦν, ἐξηγρίωσεν ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ καὶ πικρίᾳ εἰς πάντα χρώμενος: αἴτιον δὲ ἦν δόξα τοῦ καταφρονεῖσθαι καὶ ἡδονῇ τὰς τύχας αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔθνος φέρειν: ἄλλως τ' ἐπειδή τινες τῶν δημοτικωτέρων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἐπανέστησαν αὐτῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν.
****

146 The envoys hurried to Rome, bringing the letters and instructed in advance what they were to reply to any questions. But the king now fell ill and made his will, bequeathing his kingdom to his youngest son, in his hatred of Archelaus and Philip on account of Antipater's allegations. He also willed a thousand talents to Caesar and five hundred to Caesar's wife Julia, and Caesar's children and friends and freedmen. 147 He distributed his money, revenues and lands among his sons and their sons, and made his sister Salome very rich, because she had continued faithful to him through all and had never rashly intended him any harm. 148 In his despair of recovering, for he was about seventy years old, he grew embittered and gave free rein to his fierce anger in all directions, because he felt himself scorned and that the nation was pleased by his misfortunes. Besides, some people with a popular following raised a revolt against him, as I shall now explain.

2.

[149] Ἦν Ἰούδας ὁ Σαριφαίου καὶ Ματθίας ὁ Μεργαλώθου Ἰουδαίων λογιώτατοι καὶ παρ' οὕστινας ἐξηγηταὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων, ἄνδρες καὶ δήμῳ προσφιλεῖς διὰ παιδείαν τοῦ νεωτέρου: ὁσημέραι γὰρ διημέρευον αὐτοῖς πάντες οἷς προσποίησις ἀρετῆς ἐπετετήδευτο. [150] οἵ τε πυνθανόμενοι τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν νόσον θεραπεύειν ἄπορον οὖσαν ἐξῆραν τὸ νεώτερον, ὥστε ὁπόσα παρὰ νόμον τοῦ πατρίου κατεσκεύαστο ἔργα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ταῦτα καθελόντες εὐσεβείας ἀγωνίσματα παρὰ τῶν νόμων φέρεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ δὴ διὰ τὴν τόλμαν αὐτῶν παρ' ὃ διηγόρευεν ὁ νόμος τῆς ποιήσεως τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ συντυχεῖν, οἷς παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου διετρίβη, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὴν νόσον. [151] ἦν γὰρ τῷ Ἡρώδῃ τινὰ πραγματευθέντα παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ἃ δὴ ἐπεκάλουν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰούδαν καὶ Ματθίαν. κατεσκευάκει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μεγάλου πυλῶνος τοῦ ναοῦ ἀνάθημα καὶ λίαν πολυτελές, ἀετὸν χρύσεον μέγαν: κωλύει δὲ ὁ νόμος εἰκόνων τε ἀναστάσεις ἐπινοεῖν καί τινων ζῴων ἀναθέσεις ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι τοῖς βιοῦν κατ' αὐτὸν προῃρημένοις. [152] ὥστε ἐκέλευον οἱ σοφισταὶ τὸν ἀετὸν κατασπᾶν: καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος τῷ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακειμένῳ, πολὺ τῆς ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡδονῆς λυσιτελεστέραν φαίνεσθαι τὴν προστιθεμένην ἀρετὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ πατρίου μελλήσουσι τελευτᾶν διὰ τὸ ἀίδιον τοῦ ἐπαινεῖσθαι φήμην κατασκευασαμένους ἔν τε τοῖς νῦν ἐπαινεθήσεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐσομένοις ἀειμνημόνευτον καταλείπειν τὸν βίον. [153] καίτοι γε καὶ τοῖς ἀκινδύνως διαιτωμένοις ἄφυκτον εἶναι τὴν συμφοράν, ὥστε καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς ὀριγνωμένοις τὸ κατεψηφισμένον αὐτοῦ μετ' ἐπαίνων καὶ τιμῶν δεχομένοις ἀπιέναι τοῦ βίου. [154] φέρειν γὰρ κούφισιν πολλὴν τὸ ἐπὶ καλοῖς ἔργοις ὧν μνηστῆρα τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι τελευτᾶν, καὶ ἅμα υἱέσι τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπόσοι τοῦ συγγενοῦς καταλείποιντο ἄνδρες γυναῖκες καὶ τοῖσδε περιποιῆσαι ὄφελος εὐκλείᾳ τῇ ἀπ' αὐτῶν.
****

149 Judas, son of Saripheus and Matthias, son of Margalothus, Jews of great learning and celebrated interpreters of the ancestral laws, were well beloved by the people as educators of the youth, for all those who were eager to learn about virtue attended their lectures each day. 150 When they discovered that the king's illness was incurable, they stirred up the young men to pull down all the structures the king had built contrary to the ancestral law and so win the rewards for piety promised in the law; since it was from Herod's rashness in making such things forbidden by the law that his other troubles came, more than was usual among mankind, and this illness of his too. 151 Herod was accused by the circle around Judas and Matthias of doing certain things contrary to the law, and indeed the king had at great expense built a large golden eagle over the main gate of the temple, while the law forbids those who claim to live under it from setting up or dedicating images or representations of any living creature. 152 So these scholars demanded that the eagle be pulled down, and said that even though people might endanger their lives by doing this, the virtue of the proposed deed would be of more value than the pleasures of life; since they would dying for the survival and defence of their ancestral law and so would leave this life with everlasting fame and renown. 153 For one's fate cannot be avoided just by living far from danger and it is noble for those who are devoted to virtue to face their departure from this life in a way worthy of praise and honour. 154 Danger of death is easier to face in the process of risking noble deeds, whereby to leave behind to their children and relatives, men and women, a reputation that will benefit them greatly.

3.

[155] Καὶ οἱ μὲν τοιούτοις λόγοις ἐξῆραν τοὺς νέους. ἀφικνεῖται δὲ λόγος εἰς αὐτοὺς τεθνάναι φράζων τὸν βασιλέα καὶ συνέπραττε τοῖς σοφισταῖς. καὶ μέσης ἡμέρας ἀνελθόντες κατέσπων τε καὶ πελέκεσιν ἐξέκοψαν τὸν ἀετὸν πολλῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διατριβόντων. [156] καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀγγέλλεται γὰρ ἡ ἐπιχείρησις πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀπὸ μείζονος διανοίας ἢ ἐπράσσετο ὑπολαβὼν ἄνεισι χεῖρα πολλὴν ἀγόμενος, ὁπόσοι ἀνθέξοιεν τῷ πλήθει τῶν πειρωμένων καθαιρεῖν τὸ ἀνάθημα, ἐπιπεσών τε μὴ προσδεχομένοις, ἀλλ' ὁποῖα ὄχλος φιλεῖ δόξῃ μᾶλλον ἀμαθεῖ ἢ προνοίᾳ ἀσφαλεῖ τετολμηκότας, ἀσυντάκτοις τε καὶ μηδὲν τοῦ ὀνήσοντος προανεσκοπημένοις, [157] τῶν τε νέων οὐκ ἐλάσσους τεσσαράκοντα ἀνδρῶν, οἳ θάρσει ἔμενον ἐπιόντα ἐς φυγὴν τοῦ λοιποῦ πλήθους καταστάντος, λαμβάνει καὶ τοὺς εἰσηγητὰς τοῦ τολμήματος Ἰούδαν καὶ Ματθίαν ἄδοξον ἡγουμένους ὑποχωρεῖν τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀνήγαγεν ἐπὶ τὸν βασιλέα. [158] ἐρομένου δὲ ἐπεὶ ἀφίκοντο ἐπ' αὐτὸν τοῦ βασιλέως, εἰ τολμήσειαν αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀνάθημα καθελεῖν, "ἀλλὰ καὶ πεφρόνηταί γε ἡμῖν τὰ φρονηθέντα καὶ πέπρακται τὰ πεπραγμένα μετ' ἀρετῆς ἀνδράσι πρεπωδεστάτης: τοῦ τε γὰρ θείου τῇ ἀξιώσει βεβοήθηται ὑφ' ἡμῶν καὶ τοῦ νόμου ἠκρόατο τὸ σῶφρον, [159] θαυμαστόν τε οὐδέν, εἰ τῶν σῶν δογμάτων ἀξιωτέρους τετηρῆσθαι ἡγησάμεθα νόμους, οὓς Μωσῆς ὑπαγορεύσει καὶ διδαχῇ τοῦ θεοῦ γραψάμενος κατέλιπεν. ἡδονῇ τε τὸν θάνατον οἴσομεν καὶ τιμωρίαν ἥντινα ἐπιβάλοις διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ' ἀδίκοις ἔργοις, ἀλλὰ φιλίᾳ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς [160] μέλλειν συνείσεσθαι τὸ ἐφομιλῆσον αὐτοῦ." καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα πάντες ἔλεγον οὐδὲν ἐλλιπεστέρᾳ τῇ τόλμῃ τοῦ λόγου χρώμενοι, ᾗ θαρσήσαντες τὸ ἔργον πράττειν οὐκ ἀπετράποντο. βασιλεὺς δὲ αὐτοὺς καταδήσας μετέπεμπεν εἰς Ἱεριχοῦντα Ἰουδαίων τοὺς ἐν τέλει, [161] καὶ παραγενομένων ἐξεκλησίασεν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ θέατρον ἐπὶ κλινιδίου κείμενος ἀδυναμίᾳ τοῦ στῆναι, γωνεῖστων τε ἐφόσον αἵτινες ἦσαν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς γεγονυῖαι ἀνηριθμεῖτο, [162] καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν κατασκευὴν ὡς μεγάλοις τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ γένοιτο μὴ δυνηθέντων ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιπέντε τῶν Ἀσαμωναίου ἐν οἷς ἐβασίλευον τοιόνδε τι ἐπὶ τιμῇ πρᾶξαι τοῦ θεοῦ, κοσμῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἀναθήμασιν ἀξιολόγοις. [163] ἀνθ' ὧν ἐλπίδα μὲν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι κἂν μεθὸ θάνοι καταλελείψεσθαι μνήμην τε αὐτοῦ καὶ εὔκλειαν. κατεβόα τε ἤδη, διότι μηδὲ ζῶντα ὑβρίζειν ἀπόσχοιντο εἰς αὐτόν, ἀλλ' ἡμέρας τε καὶ ἐν ὄψει τῆς πληθύος ὕβρει χρωμένους ἅψασθαι τῶν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἀνακειμένων καὶ καθαίρεσιν ὑβρίζοντάς τε ποιεῖσθαι, λόγῳ μὲν εἰς αὐτόν, ἀλήθειαν δὲ εἴ τις ἐξετάζοι τοῦ γεγονότος ἱεροσυλοῦντας.
****

155 With talk like this they roused the young men so that when, after what the scholars had said, word reached them that the king had died, they went up to the place around mid-day while many of the people were in the temple and pulled down the eagle and cut it into pieces with axes. 156 Hearing about what they were doing and thinking it was something more than it proved to be, the king's army general went up with a large troop, enough to put a stop to those who were pulling down the dedicated object and attacked them off guard, for like a mob acting on impulse with no advance planning they were in disorder and had made no provision for their escape. 157 He caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who were brave enough to stay behind when the rest ran away, along with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it would be shameful to retreat at his arrival, and led them to the king. 158 When they came to the king and he asked them how they dared to pull down what he had dedicated, they replied "Our thoughts and deeds stem from manly courage, for we were impelled to stand up for the majesty of God and act in a way worthy of men who hear the law. 159 It is not surprising if we value the laws written by Moses and handed on by him as taught by God more highly than your commands. So we will willingly face death and whatever punishments you inflict on us, since in our conscience we know that we shall die not for lawless actions but for our love for religion." 160 So said they all and their courage was no less as they spoke than when they had set about the task itself. The king then had them chained and sent them to Jericho. 161 Then he called together the leading Jews and had them assemble in the theatre and because he was unable to stand, he lay upon a couch and listed all his valiant efforts on their behalf. 162 He spoke of his great expenses in the building of the temple, whereas during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government the Hasmoneans had been unable to perform so great a work as this for the honour of God. 163 He had also adorned it with precious dedicated gifts, hoping to leave a memorial behind and to win himself a reputation after his death. Then he shouted that these had not refrained from insulting him even in his lifetime, but that in broad daylight and within sight of the crowd they had insolently attacked what he had dedicated and brazenly pulled it down. Ostensibly indeed, it was meant to insult him, but in truth if one ponders the event, it was a real sacrilege.

4.

[164] Οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν ὠμότητα αὐτοῦ, μὴ δὴ καὶ κατ' αὐτῶν ἐξαγριώσας εἰσπράττοιτο τιμωρίαν, οὔτε γνώμῃ ἔφασαν αὐτὰ πεπρᾶχθαι τῇ αὐτῶν, φαίνεσθαί τε αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένα κολάσεως αὐτὰ εἶναι. ὁ δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις πραυτέρως ἔσχεν, Ματθίαν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα παύσας ἱερᾶσθαι ὡς αἴτιον τοῦ μέρους τούτων γεγονότα καθίστα Ἰωάζαρον ἀρχιερέα, ἀδελφὸν γυναικὸς τῆς αὐτοῦ. [165] ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Μαθθίου τούτου ἱερωμένου συμβαίνει καὶ ἕτερον ἀρχιερέα καταστῆναι πρὸς μίαν ἡμέραν, ἣν Ἰουδαῖοι νηστείαν ἄγουσιν. [166] αἰτία δ' ἐστὶν ἥδε: ὁ Ματθίας ἱερώμενος ἐν νυκτὶ τῇ φερούσῃ εἰς ἡμέραν, ᾗ ἡ νηστεία ἐνίστατο, ἔδοξεν ἐν ὀνείρατι ὡμιληκέναι [γυναικί], καὶ διὰ τόδε οὐ δυναμένου ἱερουργεῖν Ἰώσηπος ὁ τοῦ Ἐλλήμου συνιεράσατο αὐτῷ συγγενὴς ὤν. [167] Ἡρώδης δὲ τόν τε Ματθίαν ἐπεπαύκει τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης καὶ τὸν ἕτερον Ματθίαν, ὃς ἐγηγέρκει τὴν στάσιν, καὶ ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ ἔκαυσεν ζώους. καὶ ἡ σελήνη δὲ τῇ αὐτῇ νυκτὶ ἐξέλιπεν. ** GK **

164 In light of his brutality and for fear he would punish them cruelly, the people said it had been done without their approval and that they thought the doers should be punished for it. But in fact he was mild enough towards others and simply deposed Matthias from the high priesthood for his part in causing it, and made Joazar, the latter's brother-in-law, high priest in his place. 165 During the high priesthood of this Matthias, another person happened to be high priest for a single day, the very day which the Jews observe as a fast. The reason was this: 166 On the night before the day of the fast, the high priest Matthias imagined in a dream that he had intercourse with a woman, and so could not officiate in person, but his kinsman Joseph, the son of Ellemus, took his place as priest. 167 But Herod deposed this Matthias from the high priesthood and burned alive the other Matthias, who had raised the revolt, along with his companions; and the moon was eclipsed that very night.

5.

[168] Ἡρώδῃ δὲ μειζόνως ἡ νόσος ἐνεπικραίνετο δίκην ὧν παρανομήσειεν ἐκπρασσομένου τοῦ θεοῦ: πῦρ μὲν γὰρ μαλακὸν ἦν οὐχ ὧδε πολλὴν ἀποσημαῖνον τοῖς ἐπαφωμένοις τὴν φλόγωσιν ὁπόσην τοῖς ἐντὸς προσετίθει τὴν κάκωσιν. [169] ἐπιθυμία δὲ δεινὴ τοῦ δέξασθαί τι ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν μὴ οὐχ ὑπουργεῖν, καὶ ἕλκωσις τῶν τε ἐντέρων καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ κόλου δειναὶ ἀλγηδόνες, καὶ φλέγμα ὑγρὸν περὶ τοὺς πόδας καὶ διαυγές: παραπλησία δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον κάκωσις ἦν, ναὶ μὴν καὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα, πνεύματός τε ὀρθία ἔντασις καὶ αὐτὴ λίαν ἀηδὴς ἀχθηδόνι τε τῆς ἀποφορᾶς καὶ τῷ πυκνῷ τοῦ ἄσθματος, ἐσπασμένος τε περὶ πᾶν ἦν μέρος ἰσχὺν οὐχ ὑπομενητὴν προστιθέμενος. [170] ἐλέγετο οὖν ὑπὸ τῶν θειαζόντων καὶ οἷς ταῦτα προαποφθέγγεσθαι σοφίᾳ πρόκειται, ποινὴν τοῦ πολλοῦ δυσσεβοῦς ταύτην ὁ θεὸς εἰσπράσσεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. [171] καίπερ δὲ μειζόνως ἢ ἀντίσχοι ἄν τις ταλαιπωρούμενος ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἀνασφαλοῦντος ἦν, ἰατρούς τε μεταπέμπων καὶ ὁπόσα ἀρωγὰ ὑπαγορεύσειαν χρῆσθαι μὴ ἀποτετραμμένος, ποταμόν τε περάσας Ἰορδάνην θερμοῖς τοῖς κατὰ Καλλιρρόην αὑτὸν παρεδίδου, ἅπερ σὺν τῇ ἐς πάντα ἀρετῇ καὶ πότιμά ἐστιν: ἔξεισιν δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ τοῦτο εἰς λίμνην τὴν ἀσφαλτοφόρον λεγομένην. [172] κἀνταῦθα τοῖς ἰατροῖς δοκῆσαν ὥστε ἀναθάλπειν αὐτόν, καθεθεὶς εἰς πύελον πλέων ἐλαίου δόξαν μεταστάσεως ἐνεποίησεν αὐτοῖς. τῶν δὲ οἰκετῶν οἰμωγῇ χρωμένων περιενεγκὼν καὶ μηδ' ἥντινα ἀμφὶ τοῦ σωθησομένου ἐλπίδα ἔχων τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνὰ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ κελεύει νεμηθῆναι: [173] πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν καὶ φίλοις τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἐδωρεῖτο. καὶ παρῆν αὖθις ἐπὶ Ἱεριχοῦντος μέλαινά τε αὐτὸν ᾕρει χολὴ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξαγριαίνουσα, ὥστε δὴ τελευτῶν πρᾶξιν τοιάνδε ἐπινοεῖ: [174] ἀφικομένων προστάγματι τῷ αὐτοῦ Ἰουδαίων ἀνδρῶν παντὸς τοῦ ἔθνους ὁποίποτε ἀξιολόγων: πολλοὶ δὲ ἐγένοντο ὡς τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους κατακεκλημένου καὶ πάντων ἀκροασαμένων τοῦ διατάγματος, εἰς γὰρ θάνατον ἦν ἀνακείμενα τοῖς ἀλογήσασι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν ἐμμαινομένου πᾶσιν τοῦ βασιλέως ὁμοίως τοῖς τε ἀναιτίοις καὶ παρεσχηκόσιν αἰτίαν: [175] συγκλείσας αὐτοὺς πάντας ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ τήν τε ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ Σαλώμην καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς Ἀλεξᾶν μεταπέμψας τεθνήξεσθαι μὲν οὐ πόρρω ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε τῶν ἀλγηδόνων αὐτὸν περιεπουσῶν: καὶ τόδε μὲν οἰστόν τε καὶ πᾶσι φίλον παρατυγχάνειν, τὸ δὲ ὀλοφυρμῶν τε ἄπορον καὶ πένθους ἐνδεᾶ ὁποῖον ἐπὶ βασιλεῖ πράσσοιτο ἂν μάλιστα αὐτῷ λυπηρὸν εἶναι: [176] οὐ γὰρ ἀποσκοποῦν τὴν Ἰουδαίων διάνοιαν, ὡς εὐκτὸς αὐτοῖς καὶ πάνυ κεχαρισμένος ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ καὶ ζῶντος ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει ἐπείγεσθαι καὶ ὕβρει τῶν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ προτιθεμένων: [177] ἔργον δ' ἄρα ἐκείνων εἶναι κούφισίν τινα αὐτῷ ψηφίσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἀλγεινοῦ: τὰ αὐτὰ γὰρ δὴ φρονῆσαι δόξῃ τῇ αὐτοῦ μὴ ἀπειπαμένων μέγαν τε αὐτοῦ τὸν ἐπιτάφιον γενέσθαι καὶ ὁποῖος οὐδ' ἄλλοις βασιλέων καὶ πένθος διὰ τοῦ ἔθνους ἅπαντος ἐκ ψυχῆς ὀλοφυραμένων ἐπὶ παιδιᾷ καὶ γέλωτι αὐτοῦ. [178] ἐπὰν οὖν θεάσωνται τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφέντα αὐτόν, περιστήσαντας τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἀγνοοῦν ἔτι τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ, μὴ γὰρ πρότερον εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐξενεγκεῖν ἢ τάδε πρᾶξαι κελεύειν, ἀκοντίσαι τοὺς ἐγκαθειργμένους, καὶ πάντας τοῦτον ἀνελόντας τὸν τρόπον διχόθεν αὐτὸν οὐχ ἁμαρτήσαντας τοῦ εὐφρανοῦντος, κυρώσει τε ὧν ἐπιστείλειεν αὐτοῖς μέλλων τελευτᾶν καὶ τῷ πένθει ἀξιολόγῳ τετιμῆσθαι. [179] καὶ ὁ μὲν μετὰ δακρύων ποτνιώμενος καὶ τοῦ συγγενοῦς τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν τοῦ θείου προσκαλῶν ἐπέσκηπτε μὴ ἠτιμῶσθαι ἀξιῶν, κἀκεῖνοι ὡμολόγουν οὐ παραβήσεσθαι.
****

168 Now Herod's illness became much worse, as God's judgment upon him for his sins, for his mild fever gave hardly any external symptoms but burned him inwardly, like a flame. 169 He had a terrible urge to scratch, which he could not resist, with a cramp in his intensines with the worst of the pain in his colon. A transparent fluid had also settled around his feet and something similar afflicted his abdomen, and his penis was gangrenous with worms coming from it. Whenever he sat upright his breathing was laboured, and his breath was foul, rapid and gasping, and all parts of his body suffered from convulsions, which grew to an insufferable degree. 170 It was said by those who claimed divine insight and were endowed with the wisdom to declare such things, that God had imposed this penalty on the king for his great impiety. 171 And yet, though his sufferings seemed quite unbearable he still held some hopes of recovery. He sent for physicians and did not neglect whatever they prescribed to help him, and went across the Jordan to bathe in the thermal baths at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; this water flows into the lake called Asphaltitis. 172 When the physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was thought that he was about to die, but when his household began the mourning wail he revived, and having no longer any hope of a recovery, he commanded that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae. 173 He also gave a large amount to their officers and his friends and then returned to Jericho, where he grew so ill-tempered that it caused him to act like a madman, and being now so near to his death, he laid the following plan. 174 All the leaders of the entire Jewish nation, wherever they lived, were ordered to come to him. Many did come, because the whole nation had been called and all had heard the summons and the death penalty was threatened for any who despised the letters of convocation, for the king was in a wild rage with them all, the innocent as well as those who had given him grounds for suspicion. 175 He had them all shut up within the hyppodrome, and sent for his sister Salome and her husband Alexas and told them: "My pain is so great that I shall die soon, and it is a fate to be cheerfully borne and accepted by all. But what mainly troubles me is that I shall die unlamented and without the kind of mourning that should accompany the death of a king. 176 He was not unaware of the temper of the Jews, that his death was something to which they looked forward with pleasure, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him and to pour scorn on his projects. 177 It would be their task to provide him with relief from this great worry, for if they do not refuse what he asked, there would be great mourning at his funeral, such as no king before him ever had, for the whole nation would be mourning from their very soul, which otherwise they would do only in sport and mockery. 178 As soon as they saw him dead they should station around the hippodrome soldiers who were not aware of his death, and not announce his death to the people until this is done. Then they should order them to spear all the prisoners, for this general slaughter would give him joy for two reasons: that they carried out his final wishes and that he would be honoured by a worthy mourning at his funeral. 179 With tears in his eyes he implored them to do his as a favour they owed him as his relatives and by their loyalty to God, not to leave him unmourned; and they promised not to disobey him.

6.

[180] Κατανοήσειεν δ' ἄν τις τὴν διάνοιαν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ ὅτῳ τὰ πρότερα ἤρεσκεν ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ φιλοζωεῖν πράξειε τὰ εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς πεπραγμένα, ἐκ γοῦν τῶν ἄρτι ἐπιστολῶν οὐδὲν ἀνθρώπειον εἰσφερομένην, [181] εἴγε καὶ ἀπιὼν τοῦ βίου πρόνοιαν εἶχεν, ὡς ἐν πένθει καὶ ἐρημίᾳ τῶν φιλτάτων τὸ πᾶν καταστήσειεν ἔθνος, ἕνα ἀπὸ ἑκάστου οἴκου κελεύων μεταχειρίσαι μηδὲν ἄδικον μήτε εἰς αὐτὸν δεδρακότας μήτε ἐφ' ἑτέροις ἐγκλήμασιν κατηγορίας αὐτῶν γενομένης, εἰωθότων οἷς προσποίησις ἀρετῆς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς δίκῃ ἐχθροὺς γεγονότας ἐν τοιοῖσδε καιροῖς τὰ μίση κατατίθεσθαι.
****

180 One can easily see the character of this man who not only was pleased to do as he formerly did to his relatives, in his attachment to his own life, but by those final, inhuman letters of his. 181 At the point of leaving this life, he wanted the whole nation put into grief and desolation for their dear ones, by the order to kill one from every family, though they had done him no wrong and were guiltless of other crimes; while it is the custom for people with any regard to virtue to set aside their hatred at such a time, even towards those they justly saw as their enemies.

Chapter 7. [182-187]
Herod thinks of suicide, but instead has Antipater killed.

1.

[182] Ταῦτα δὲ ἐπιστέλλοντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συγγενεῖς γράμματα παρῆν ὑπὸ τῶν εἰς Ῥώμην πρέσβεων ἀπεσταλμένων πρὸς Καίσαρα. καὶ ἀναγνωσθέντων τὸ κεφάλαιον ἦν, ὡς τῆς τε Ἀκμῆς ὀργῇ τῇ Καίσαρος ἀνῃρημένης ἐφ' οἷς Ἀντιπάτρῳ συγκακουργήσειεν, αὐτόν τε Ἀντίπατρον ὡς ἐπὶ γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου ποιοῖτο ὡς πατρὸς καὶ βασιλέως, εἴτε φυγάδα ἐλαύνειν ἐθελήσειεν, εἴτε καὶ κτιννύειν. [183] τούτων ἀκροώμενος Ἡρώδης βραχὺ μὲν ἀνήνεγκεν ἡδονῇ τῶν γεγραμμένων θανάτῳ τε τῆς Ἀκμῆς ἐπαιρόμενος καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ παιδὶ τιμωρίας, περιουσῶν δὲ εἰς μέγα τῶν ἀλγηδόνων παρίετο τεταλαιπωρημένος σιτίων: καὶ ᾔτησε μῆλον καὶ μαχαίριον: ἦν γὰρ ἐν ἔθει καὶ πρότερον αὐτῷ περιλέψαντι αὐτὸ δι' αὐτοῦ καὶ κατ' ὀλίγον τεμόντι ἐσθίειν. [184] λαβὼν δὲ καὶ περισκεψάμενος γνώμην εἶχεν παίσων ἑαυτόν, κἂν ἐπεπράχει μὴ φθάσαντος αὐτοῦ καταλαβεῖν τὴν δεξιὰν Ἀχιάβου: ἀνεψιὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ. καὶ μέγα ἀνακραγόντος οἰμωγή τε αὖθις ἀνὰ τὸ βασίλειον ἦν καὶ θόρυβος μέγας ὡς οἰχομένου τοῦ βασιλέως. [185] καὶ ὁ Ἀντίπατρος, πιστεύει γὰρ τέλος ἀληθῶς τὸν πατέρα ἔχειν, θάρσει τε ἐχρῆτο ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις ὅλος ὡς ἤδη τῶν δεσμῶν ἀφησόμενος καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀκονιτὶ δεξόμενος εἰς χεῖρας, καὶ τῷ εἱρκτοφύλακι περὶ ἀφέσεως ἦν αὐτοῦ διάλογος μεγάλα ὑπισχνουμένου εἰς τὸ παρὸν καὶ ταὖθις, ὡς ἂν περὶ τοιῶνδε τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐνεστηκότος. [186] ὁ δὲ οὐ μόνον ἀπειθὴς ἦν πράσσειν ἐφ' οἷς ἠξίου Ἀντίπατρος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀποσημαίνει διάνοιαν τὴν ἐκείνου πολλῇ καὶ προσεισφορᾷ παρ' αὑτοῦ χρώμενος. [187] ὁ δὲ Ἡρώδης καὶ πρότερον οὐχ ἡσσώμενος οὐδ' εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ υἱέος ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε τοῦ εἱρκτοφύλακος ταῦτα εἰρηκότος, ἀνεβόησέν τε ἀνατυψάμενος τὴν κεφαλὴν καίπερ ἐν τῷ ὑστάτῳ ὢν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγκῶνα περιάρας ἑαυτὸν κελεύει πέμψας τινὰ τῶν δορυφόρων μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος κτείνασιν αὐτὸν ἐν Ὑρκανίᾳ ταφὰς ἀσήμους ποιεῖσθαι.
****

182 As he was giving these instructions to his relatives, letters arrived through the envoys he had sent to Caesar in Rome. When these were read, their purport was that Caesar had executed Acme in his anger at her share in Antipater's evildoing, but left it to himself to act towards Antipater as a father and a king and either to banish or execute him, whichever he pleased. 183 When Herod heard this he felt somewhat better, pleased with the contents of the letters and delighted at the death of Acme and the power conceded to him to deal with his son. But as his pain became worse he was unable to eat anything. Once he called for an apple and a knife, for he had been accustomed to peel the apple himself and then cut and eat it. 184 When he took up the knife, he looked around and seemed about to stab himself, and would have done so if his first cousin, Achiabus, had not stopped him and held his hand and shouted aloud. A bitter lament echoed through the palace and there was a great hubbub, as if the king were dead. 185 At this Antipater, believing his father had finally died, spoke out boldly, hoping to be released from his chains immediately and take over the kingdom without any resistance. He spoke with the jailer about releasing him and promised him great things in return, both now and later, as if that were now the only thing relevant. 186 But the jailer not only refused to follow Antipater's wishes but told the king of his intentions and about the many favours he had asked of him. 187 When he heard the jailer's words, Herod, by now restrained by none of his former goodwill towards his son, shouted and struck his head, although he was at death's door. He raised himself on one elbow and sent for some of his guards and told them to kill Antipater without further delay and to bury him at Hyrcania without any honours.

Chapter 8. [188-205]
Herod changes his Testament in favour of his three sons. His death and burial

1.

[188] Τὰς δὲ διαθήκας αὖθις μετέγραφεν μεταβολῆς αὐτῷ περὶ τὴν διάνοιαν γενομένης, Ἀντίπαν μέν, ᾧ τὴν βασιλείαν καταλελοίπει, τετράρχην καθιστὰς Γαλιλαίας τε καὶ Περαίας, Ἀρχελάῳ δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν χαριζόμενος, [189] τὴν δὲ Γαυλωνῖτιν καὶ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Βαταναίαν καὶ Πανιάδα Φιλίππῳ παιδὶ μὲν τῷ αὐτοῦ Ἀρχελάου δὲ ἀδελφῷ γνησίῳ τετραρχίαν εἶναι, Ἰάμνειαν δὲ καὶ Ἄζωτον καὶ Φασαηλίδα Σαλώμῃ τῇ ἀδελφῇ κατανέμει καὶ ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου μυριάδας πεντήκοντα. [190] προυνόησε δὲ καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν, ὁπόσοι συγγενεῖς ἦσαν αὐτῷ, χρημάτων τε δόσεσι καὶ προσόδων ἀναφοραῖς ἑκάστους ἐν εὐπορίᾳ καθιστάμενος. Καίσαρι δὲ ἀργυρίου μὲν ἐπισήμου μυριάδας χιλίας, χωρὶς δὲ σκεύη τὰ μὲν χρυσοῦ τὰ δ' ἀργύρου καὶ ἐσθῆτα πάνυ πολλοῦ τέλους, Ἰουλίᾳ δὲ τῇ Καίσαρος γυναικὶ καί τισιν ἑτέροις πεντακοσίας μυριάδας. [191] ταῦτα πράξας ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ μεθ' ὃ Ἀντίπατρον κτείνει τὸν υἱὸν τελευτᾷ, βασιλεύσας μεθ' ὃ μὲν ἀνεῖλεν Ἀντίγονον ἔτη τέσσαρα καὶ τριάκοντα, μεθ' ὃ δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀπεδέδεικτο ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα, ἀνὴρ ὠμὸς εἰς πάντας ὁμοίως καὶ ὀργῆς μὲν ἥσσων κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ δικαίου, τύχῃ δὲ εἰ καί τις ἕτερος κεχρημένος εὐμενεῖ. [192] ἔκ τε γὰρ ἰδιώτου βασιλεὺς καταστὰς καὶ κινδύνοις περιστοιχιζόμενος μυρίοις πάντων ποιεῖται διάδρασιν καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐξίκετο. ὁπόσα δὲ τὰ κατ' οἶκον περὶ υἱεῖς τοὺς αὐτοῦ, ὅσα μὲν γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου καὶ πάνυ δεξιᾷ κεχρημένος διὰ τὸ κρίνας ἐχθροὺς κρατεῖν οὐχ ὑστερῆσαι, δοκεῖν δ' ἐμοὶ καὶ πάνυ δυστυχής.
****

188 After changing his mind, Herod changed his will again and appointed Antipas, to whom he had earlier left the kingdom, as tetrarch of Galilee and Perea and granted the kingship to Archelaus. 189 He also gave Gaulonitis and Trachonitis and Paneas to his son Philip, who was a full brother to Archelaus, under the title of a tetrarchy, and bequeathed Jamneia and Azotus and Phasaelis to his sister Salome, along with five hundred thousand silver coins. 190 He also made provision for all the rest of his relatives, giving them sums of money and annual revenues that left them all very wealthy. He further bequeathed to Caesar ten million in coin, and vessels of gold and silver and very costly garments, and besides five millions to Caesar's wife, Julia and some other people. 191 When he had done all this, he died, five days after having Antipater killed, having ruled for thirty four years after having Antigonus killed, and thirty seven since being declared king by the Romans. He was a very cruel man towards all people equally and a slave to his passions and had no concern for justice; yet he was favoured by fortune as much as any man ever was. 192 For from being a private citizen he came to be king, and although surrounded by countless dangers, he got clear of them all and lived out his life to a good age. But in the affairs of his family and children, in which he considered himself fortunate, since he succeeded in overcoming his enemies, he was, in my opinion, very unfortunate.

2.

[193] Σαλώμη δὲ καὶ Ἀλεξᾶς πρὶν ἔκπυστον γενέσθαι τὸν θάνατον τοῦ βασιλέως τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ἱππόδρομον κατακεκλημένους ἐκπέμπονται ἐπὶ τὰ αὐτῶν, φάμενοι βασιλέα κελεύειν ἀπιοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς νέμεσθαι τὰ οἰκεῖα, πράσσεταί τε αὐτοῖς ἥδε εὐεργεσία μεγίστη εἰς τὸ ἔθνος. [194] ἐφανεροῦτο δ' ἤδη ὁ θάνατος τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ Σαλώμη καὶ Ἀλεξᾶς συναγαγόντες τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον τὸ ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι πρῶτον μὲν ἐπιστολὴν ἀνέγνωσαν πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας γεγραμμένην ἐπὶ πίστεως εὐχαριστίᾳ καὶ εὐνοίας τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ παρακλήσει τῶν ὁμοίων παροκωχῆς Ἀρχελάῳ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ, ὃν βασιλέα καθίσταιτο. [195] εἶτα μέντοι Πτολεμαῖος τὸν σημαντῆρα τοῦ βασιλέως πεπιστευμένος τὰς διαθήκας ἀνέλεγεν, αἳ λήψεσθαι κύρωσιν οὐκ ἄλλως ἔμελλον ἢ Καίσαρος ἐντυχόντος αὐταῖς. βοὴ οὖν εὐθὺς ἦν ἐκτιμώντων Ἀρχέλαον βασιλέα, καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται κατὰ στίφη τε αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες εὔνοιάν τε ὑπισχνοῦνται καὶ προθυμίαν τὴν αὐτῶν καὶ συλλήπτορα τὸν θεὸν παρεκάλουν.
****

193 Before the king's death was announced, Salome and Alexas released those who were shut inside the hippodrome telling them that the king ordered them to go back to their fields and take care of their business, which was regarded by the nation as a major concession. 194 When the king's death was made public Salome and Alexas called the soldiers together into the amphitheatre at Jericho and first of all read out his letter to the soldiers, thanking them for their fidelity and goodwill towards him and urging them to show the same fidelity and goodwill towards his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed as their king. 195 Then Ptolemy, who was entrusted with the king's seal, read out the king's testament, which would only come into force after Caesar had inspected it. Soon afterwrds Archelaus was acclaimed as king, and the soldiers came in groups with their officers and pledged him the same goodwill and service as they had shown to Herod, and prayed to God to be his helper.

3.

[196] Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ τάφον ἡτοίμαζον τῷ βασιλεῖ μελῆσαν Ἀρχελάῳ πολυτελεστάτην γενέσθαι τὴν ἐκκομιδὴν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ πάντα τὸν κόσμον προκομίσαντος εἰς ὃ συμπομπεύσειε τῷ νεκρῷ. [197] ἐφέρετο δὲ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσέας λίθοις πολυτελέσιν καὶ ποικίλοις διαπεπασμένης, στρωμνή τε ἦν ἁλουργὴς καὶ ἠμπέσχετο πορφυρίσιν ὁ νεκρὸς διαδήματι ἠσκημένος ὑπερκειμένου στεφάνου χρυσέου σκῆπτρόν τε τῇ δεξιᾷ παρακείμενον. [198] περί τε τὴν κλίνην οἵ τε υἱεῖς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν τῶν συγγενῶν, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τὸ στρατιωτικὸν κατὰ οἰκεῖα ἔθνη ἢ προσηγορίας διέκειντο αὐτοῖς νεμηθέντες, πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ δορυφόροι, μετὰ δὲ τὸ Θρᾴκιον, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ὁπόσοι Γερμανῶν, καὶ τὸ Γαλατικὸν μετ' αὐτούς, ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ πάντες τῷ πολεμιστηρίῳ. [199] τούτων δὲ κατόπιν ἤδη πᾶς ὁ στρατὸς ὥσπερ ἐς πόλεμον ἐξοδεύοντες [ὥσπερ] ὑπὸ λοχαγῶν ἀγόμενοι καὶ τοῖς ταξιαρχοῦσιν αὐτῶν. τούτοις ἐπετετάχατο πεντακόσιοι τῶν οἰκετῶν ἀρωματοφόροι. ᾔεσαν δὲ ἐπὶ Ἡρωδίου στάδια ὀκτώ: τῇδε γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐγένοντο αἱ ταφαὶ κελεύσματι τῷ αὐτοῦ. Ἡρώδης μὲν δὴ τοῦτον ἐτελεύτα τὸν τρόπον.
****

196 They then prepared for the funeral, and Archelaus took care that the procession to his father's burial vault was be very sumptuous, and brought out all his ornaments to add to the pomp of the burial. 197 The remains were carried on a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of great variety and covered over with purple. The body itself wore a diadem and above it a crown of gold, and a scepter in the right hand. 198 Around the bier were his sons and his numerous relatives and next to them the soldiers, distinguished according to their nations and titles, in this order: First his bodyguards, then the band of Thracians and after them the Germans, and then the Galatians, each in their full battle-dress. 199 Behind these came the whole army marching as they used to go out to war and set in ranks by their captains and centurions. These were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they went the eight furlongs to Herodium, where by his own command he was to be buried. That is how Herod's life ended.

4.

[200] Ἀρχέλαος δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν πένθος τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ τιμῶν διετέλει: τόσας γὰρ διαγορεύει τὸ νόμιμον τοῦ πατρίου. ἑστιάσας δὲ τοὺς ὁμίλους καὶ καταλύσας τὸ πένθος ἄνεισιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. ἦσάν τε εὐφημίαι καὶ ἔπαινοι καθ' οὕστινας ἴοι ἑκάστων τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλοτιμουμένων εἰς τὸ δοκεῖν μείζοσι χρῆσθαι ταῖς εὐφημίαις. [201] ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ ὑψηλὸν βῆμα πεποιημένον ἀνελθὼν καὶ ἱδρυθεὶς εἰς θρόνον χρυσοῦν [πεποιημένον] ἀντεδεξιοῦτο τοὺς ὁμίλους χάρματι τῶν εὐφημιῶν τὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν ἡδονῇ φέρων, χάριν τε ὡμολόγει, διότι μηδὲν αὐτῷ μνησικακοῖεν ἀνθ' ὧν ὁ πατὴρ εἰς αὐτοὺς ὑβρίσειεν καὶ πειράσεσθαι μὴ ἐλλείψειν ἀμειβόμενον τὸ πρόθυμον αὐτῶν. [202] ἄρτι μέντοι φειδὼ ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ βασιλείου ὀνόματος, τετιμῆσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν τῇ ἀξιώσει ὅπερ βεβαίως Καῖσαρ ἐπικυρώσειε τὰς διαθήκας, αἳ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγράφησαν αὐτοῦ: δι' ἣν αἰτίαν οὐδὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι τὸ διάδημα αὐτῷ περιθέσθαι προθυμουμένου δέξασθαι τὸ περιμάχητον τῆς ἐνθένδε τιμῆς διὰ τὸ μηδέπω τὸν κυρίως ἀποδώσοντα φανερὸν εἶναι παρασχόμενον. [203] περιιόντων μέν γε εἰς αὐτὸν τῶν πραγμάτων οὐ λείψειν ἀρετῆς τοῦ ἀμειψομένου τὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν: σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν τὰ πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανεῖσθαι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων τὰ πάντα. [204] οἱ δὲ οἷον ὄχλος εἴωθεν, φιλεῖν οἰόμενοι τὰς πρώτας εἶναι τῶν ἡμερῶν τὰς διανοίας ἐμφανίζειν τῶν παριόντων ἐπὶ τοιάσδε ἀρχάς, ὅσῳ πρᾴως καὶ θεραπευτικῶς ὁ Ἀρχέλαος διελέγετο αὐτοῖς, τοσῷδε μειζόνως τε ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ἐπαίνοις καὶ κατὰ αἰτήσεις δωρεῶν ἐτετράφατο, οἱ μὲν εἰσφορὰς ἃς ἐνιαυσίους φέροιεν ἐπικουφίζειν βοῇ χρώμενοι, οἱ δὲ αὖ δεσμωτῶν, οἳ ὑφ' Ἡρώδου ἐδέδεντο, πολλοὶ δὲ ἦσαν κἀκ πολλῶν χρόνων, ἀπόλυσιν. [205] εἰσὶν δὲ οἳ ἄρσεις τῶν τελῶν ἃ ἐπὶ πράσεσιν ἢ ὠναῖς ἐπεβάλλετο πρασσόμενα πικρῶς ᾐτοῦντο. ἀντέλεγέν τε οὐδαμῶς Ἀρχέλαος ἐπειρᾶτο ὁμίλους σπουδαῖος ὢν ποιεῖν πάντα διὰ τὸ νομίζειν μέγα πρᾶγμα εἰς τήρησιν τῆς ἀρχῆς γενήσεσθαι τὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῷ τῆς πληθύος. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ θύσας τῷ θεῷ κατ' εὐωχίαν τρέπεται μετὰ τῶν φίλων.
****

200 Archelaus showed his father the respect of mourning him until the seventh day, which is the period assigned for it in the law of our fathers, and when he had treated the populace and ceased mourning, he went up into the temple. Acclamation and praise were heaped on him wherever he went, each man striving with his neighbour to be the loudest in his praise. 201 Then he ascended a high platform and took his seat on a golden throne and spoke kindly to the people, saying how gladly he welcomed their goodwill shown by their acclamations. He thanked them for not holding against him the wrongs his father had done them and promised to try do no less than they to reward their enthusiasm. 202 For the present he would refrain from the name of king, but would be honoured with that dignity if Caesar confirmed and settled the testament his father had made, and that was why, when the army wished tocrown him in Jericho, he would not accept that desirable object, as it was not yet clear that he who had power to bestow it would give it him. 203 But once matters were under his control he would not lack the power to reward their kindness to him and he would aim to show himself better than his father, in all that concerned them. 204 The masses believed, as they usuallly do, that the first days show the intentions of people entering into power, and so the more gently and obligingly Archelaus spoke to them, the more they commended him and applied to him to grant their requests. Some cried out for an easement of their annual taxes and others for the release of people imprisoned by Herod, for they were many, and some had been there for a long time. 205 Some urgently asked for the abolition of the heavy taxes imposed on what was publicly sold and bought. Archelaus said nothing against all this, being keen to do everything to get the goodwill of the people, which he regarded as a major element for securing his leadership. Finally he went and offered sacrifice to God and then went off to celebrate with his friends.

Chapter 9. [206-249]
Rioting against Archelaus. He and Antipas go to Rome for support, which Caesar grants

1.

[206] Ἐν τούτῳ δέ τινες τῶν Ἰουδαίων συνελθόντες νεωτέρων ἐπιθυμίᾳ πραγμάτων Ματθίαν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ ὑφ' Ἡρώδου ἀποθανόντας, οἳ παραχρῆμα τῆς εἰς τὸ πενθεῖσθαι τιμῆς φόβῳ τῷ ἐκείνου ἀπεστέρηντο, ἦσαν δὲ οἱ τῶν ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει τοῦ χρυσοῦ ἀετοῦ δεδικαιωμένων, ἐπὶ μέγα τε τῇ βοῇ καὶ οἰμωγῇ χρώμενοι καί τινα ὡς κούφισιν φέροντα τοῖς τεθνεῶσιν ἀπερρίπτουν εἰς τὸν βασιλέα. [207] συνόδου τε αὐτοῖς γενομένης ἠξίουν τιμωρίαν αὐτοῖς ὑπ' Ἀρχελάου γενέσθαι κολάσεσιν τῶν ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου τιμωμένων, καὶ πάντων γε καὶ πρῶτον καὶ ἐκδηλότατα τὸν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερέα καθεστῶτα παύσαντα νομιμώτερόν τε ἅμα καὶ καθαρὸν ἀρχιερᾶσθαι ἄνδρα αἱρεῖσθαι. [208] τούτοις Ἀρχέλαος καίπερ δεινῶς φέρων ἐπένευεν τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ὁδὸν ἀνύεσθαι προκείμενον αὐτῷ τάχος ἐπὶ περισκοπήσει τῶν δοξάντων Καίσαρι. [209] πέμψας δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν πειθοῖ χρῆσθαι, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μωρίας ἀποστάντας σκοπεῖν, θάνατόν τε, ὃς τοῖς φίλοις αὐτῶν συνέλθοι, μετὰ νόμων γεγονότα, καὶ τὰς αἰτήσεις ὡς ἐπὶ μέγα τοῦ ὑβρίζειν προίοιεν, τούς τε καιροὺς οὐκ ἐν τοιοῖσδε εἶναι, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ ὁμονοεῖν ἕως καταστησάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπινεύσει τῇ Καίσαρος ἀφίκοιτο ὡς αὐτούς: τότε γὰρ κοινῇ βουλεύσειν περὶ ὧν ἀξιοῖεν σὺν αὐτοῖς: ἄρτι δὲ ἀνέχειν, μὴ καὶ στασιάζειν δοκοῖεν.
****

206 Meanwhile some of the Jews gathered in rebellious mood. They lamented the affair of Matthias and those killed by Herod along with him, the men condemned for pulling down the golden eagle, who had not been properly mourned because the people feared him. There was loud shouting and complaint about it and insults were even hurled at the king as if to bring comfort to the dead. 207 They met and asked Archelaus to avenge them by punishing those who had been honoured by Herod, and first of all to depose the high priest appointed by Herod and choose a more law-abiding and unsullied man to officiate as high priest. 208 Although very offended at their insistence, Archelaus conceded this because he intended to go to Rome immediately to enquire about Caesar's decision in his own regard. 209 He sent the army general to persuade them not to be foolish, saying that their friends had been executed according to the law, and to point out that their petitions about it were very insulting to him and that it was not the proper time for them. They must stay united until by the consent of Caesar he was confirmed in power and returned to them; then he would consult with them about their wants, but for now they must remain calm in case they should appear to be in revolt.

2.

[210] Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ὑπειπὼν καὶ διδάξας τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκπέμπει πρὸς αὐτούς. οἱ δὲ βοῶντες λέγειν τε οὐκ εἴων καὶ εἰς κίνδυνον τοῦ ἀπολουμένου ἐκεῖνόν τε καθίστασαν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅστις γε ἐπὶ σωφρονισμῷ καὶ ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ μὴ τοιῶνδε ὀριγνᾶσθαι τολμήσειν φθέγξασθαι φανερὸς ἦν διὰ τὸ πάντα βουλήσει τῇ αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἢ ἐξουσίᾳ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων συγχωρεῖν, [211] δεινὸν ἡγούμενοι, εἰ ζῶντός τε Ἡρώδου στερηθεῖεν τῶν φιλτάτων καὶ τελευτῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης τιμωριῶν τῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, ὠργηκότες ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ νόμιμόν τε καὶ δίκαιον ἡγούμενοι ὅ τι μελλήσοι ἡδονὴν αὐτοῖς φέρειν, κίνδυνον δὲ τὸν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ προιδέσθαι τε ἀμαθεῖς καὶ εἴ τῳ ὑποπτευθείη, ὑπερβολῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης τῆς παραχρῆμα ἡδονῆς ἐκ τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς ἐχθίστους δοκοῦντας αὐτοῖς. [212] πολλῶν δὲ ὑπὸ Ἀρχελάου πεμπομένων, οἳ διαλέξοιντο αὐτοῖς, τῶν τε ἐνεστώτων μὲν ὑπ' ἐκείνου γνώμῃ δὲ τῇ αὐτῶν δοκεῖν παριόντων, ὅπως εἰς τὸ πραύτερον καταστήσονται αὐτούς, οὐδενὸς ἠνείχοντο εἰπεῖν ἀνάστασίς τε ἦν δεύειν ὀργῇ χρωμένων, φανεροί τε ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα αὐξήσοντες τὴν στάσιν πλήθους ἐπισυρρυέντος αὐτοῖς. ** GK **

210 Having told him what to say, the king sent the general to the people, but they roared and would not let him speak and threatened not only his life but that of anyone else who dared speak publicly with a view to bringing them down to reality and check them from their headlong course, for they were more concerned to have their own wishes fulfilled than to obey their superiors. 211 They thought it dreadful to have lost their dear ones in Herod's lifetime, and then after his death not see the doers punished. So they persisted in their views and reckoned whatever pleased them to be lawful and right, unable to foresee the risk they were taking, and even if they did suspect it, they set it aside for the immediate pleasure of punishing those they hated the most. 212 Although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, they treated them not as envoys expressing his mind but as people who came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would let none of them speak. It seemed the angry mob might stone them and it was evident that the revolt would grow all the greater, with such crowds rushing to join them.

3.

[213] Ἐνστάσης δὲ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν ἑορτῆς, ἐν ᾗ Ἰουδαίοις ἄζυμα προτίθεσθαι πάτριον: φάσκα δ' ἡ ἑορτὴ καλεῖται ὑπόμνημα οὖσα τῆς ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἀπάρσεως αὐτῶν γενομένης, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτὴν προθύμως πλῆθός τε ἱερείων ὡς οὐκ ἐν ἄλλῃ κατακόπτειν ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς νόμιμον: [214] κάτεισιν δὲ πληθὺς ἀναρίθμητος ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς ὑπερορίας ἐπὶ θρησκείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ οἱ νεωτερισταὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἰούδαν τε καὶ Ματθίαν ἐξηγητὰς τῶν νόμων ὀδυρόμενοι συστάντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τροφῆς ηὐποροῦντο τοῖς στασιασταῖς οὐκ ὂν ἐν αἰσχύνῃ μεταιτεῖν αὐτούς. [215] καὶ δείσας Ἀρχέλαος, μὴ καί τι δεινὸν βλαστήσειεν αὐτῶν τῇ ἀπονοίᾳ, πέμπει σπεῖράν τε ὁπλιτῶν χιλίαρχόν τε τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐνεστηκότων πρότερον τὸν πάντα ὅμιλον τοῦ μανιώδους αὐτῶν πλέω καταστῆναι, καὶ εἴ τινες διάδηλοι πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων καθίσταιντο προθυμίᾳ τοῦ στασιάζειν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἀγαγεῖν. [216] ἐπὶ τούτῳ οἱ στασιῶται τῶν ἐξηγητῶν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐξηγρίωσε βοῇ καὶ διακελευσμῷ χρώμενοι ὥρμησάν τε ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ περιστάντες λεύουσιν τοὺς πλείστους αὐτῶν. ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ ὁ χιλίαρχος τραυματίαι διέφυγον. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ταῦτα πράξασιν διὰ χειρῶν αὖθις ἡ θυσία ἦν: [217] Ἀρχελάῳ δὲ ἄπορον ἐδόκει σώζεσθαι τὰ πάντα μὴ οὐκ ἀνακόψειν τὴν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ὁρμὴν τῆς πληθύος, ἐκπέμπει δὲ πᾶν τὸ στρατόπεδον Οἳ τούς τε αὐτόθι ἐσκηνωκότας κωλύοιεν τοῖς κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν βοηθεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἐκπίπτοντας ὑπὸ τῶν πεζῶν δέχοιντο ἀντειλῆφθαι τἀσφαλοῦς ἤδη πεπιστευκότας. [218] καὶ εἰς μὲν τρισχιλίους ἄνδρας ἔκτειναν οἱ ἱππεῖς: τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ᾤχετο ἐπὶ ὄρη τὰ πλησίον ἰόντες. ἐκήρυσσε δ' Ἀρχέλαος ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ αὑτῶν πᾶσιν. οἱ δὲ ἀπῄεσαν τὴν ἑορτὴν καταλιπόντες φόβῳ κακοῦ μείζονος καίπερ θρασεῖς ὄντες διὰ τὸ ἀπαίδευτον. [219] Ἀρχέλαος δ' ἐπὶ θαλάσσης κατῄει μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς Νικόλαον καὶ Πτολεμαῖον καὶ Πτόλλαν τῶν φίλων ἐπαγόμενος, Φιλίππῳ τἀδελφῷ τὰ πάντα ἐφεὶς καθίστασθαι τοῦ οἴκου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς. [220] συνεξῄει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ Σαλώμη ἡ Ἡρώδου ἀδελφὴ γενεὰν ἀγομένη τὴν αὐτῆς, πολλοί τε τῶν συγγενῶν, λόγῳ μὲν ὡς συναγωνιούμενοι τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ ἐπὶ κτήσει τῆς βασιλείας, ἔργῳ δὲ ἀντιπράξοντες καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ποιησόμενοι καταβοάς. [221] ὑπαντιάζει δ' ἐν Καισαρείᾳ τὸν Ἀρχέλαον Σαβῖνος Καίσαρος ἐπίτροπος τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ πραγμάτων εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ὡρμημένος ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν Ἡρώδου χρημάτων. καὶ αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ὁρμῆς ἔσχεν ὁ Οὔαρος παρελθών: διὰ γὰρ Πτολεμαίου μετάπεμπτος ὑπ' Ἀρχελάου παρῆν. [222] καὶ Οὐάρῳ Σαβῖνος χαριζόμενος οὔτε τὰς ἄκρας, ὅσαι ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἦσαν, παρέλαβεν οὔτε τοὺς θησαυροὺς κατεσημήνατο, εἴα δ' ἔχειν Ἀρχέλαον μέχρι Καίσαρι δόξειέν τι περὶ αὐτῶν, καὶ ἔμενεν ἐν τῇ Καισαρείᾳ τοῦθ' ὑποσχόμενος. ἐπεὶ δ' ἐκπλεῖ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης Ἀρχέλαος, Οὐάρῳ δ' ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας ἐγένοντο κομιδαί, Σαβῖνος ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων χωρήσας παραλαμβάνει τὰ βασίλεια. [223] μεταπέμψας δὲ τοὺς φρουράρχους καὶ ὁπόσοι διοικηταὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἦσαν λόγους τε ἀπαιτεῖν πρόδηλος ἦν καὶ τὰς ἄκρας καθίστατο ᾗ αὐτῷ δοκοῖ. οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὰς Ἀρχελάου ἐπιστολὰς ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ' ἔμενον σώζοντες τὰ πάντα ᾗ προσετέτακτο αὐτοῖς. Καίσαρι δὲ φυλάσσειν ἕκαστ' ἦν προσποίησις αὐτοῖς.
****

213 As the festival time drew near, when the custom of the Jews is to use unleavened bread, the feast called the Pascha in memory of their departure from Egypt, when they zealously offer sacrifice and are expected to slay more victims than at any other festival, 214 and when unnumbered crowds came up to worship God from the country and even from beyond its borders, the rebels who were in mourning for the teachers of the law Judas and Matthias, kept together in the temple and had plenty of food for the dissidents, not being ashamed to beg for it. 215 Archelaus feared that some tragedy would come from their madness, so he sent an armed regiment under a tribune to suppress the violence of the rebels before the whole crowd was infected with their madness, with orders to bring to him any whom they found any more obviously rebellious and disorderly than the rest. 216 This infuriated those who were protesting about the teachers of the law, who stirred up the mob with cries of encouragement and rushed at the soldiers and the bystanders stoned many of them. Some of them, including the tribune, ran away wounded and then the people returned to offering their sacrifices. 217 Archelaus thought there was no way to save the situation except by destroying this uproar of the crowd so he sent the whole army upon them, with the cavalry to stop the people in tents outside from assisting those inside the temple and to kill any who escaped from the infantry, just when they thought they were out of danger. 218 His cavalry killed three thousand men and the rest fled to the nearby mountains. Then Archelaus had it proclaimed that all should return to their homes; so while they had been so daring and unskilled before, they left the festival, for fear of worse to follow. 219 Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, accompanied by Nicolaus and Ptolemy and many other friends, leaving his brother Philip in charge of both his household and the government. 220 Herod's sister Salome also went with him, taking along her children and many of her relatives, on pretext of going to help Archelaus gain the crown, but in reality opposed to him and they especially complained of what he had done in the temple. 221 Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs, as he was hurrying into Judea to guard Herod's effects, met with Archelaus in Caesarea, but at that time Varus came and restrained him from meddling with them, for Archelaus had sent for him, through Ptolemy. 222 And out of respect for Varus, Sabinus neither seized any of the Jewish citadels nor sealed up the treasures in them, but left them to Archelaus until Caesar should indicate what to do with them, and after giving this guarantee, stayed in Caesarea. But when Archelaus had sailed for Rome and Varus had moved to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem and took the royal palace. 223 He sent for the garrison commanders and all the administors of Herod's effects and publicly required them to account for what they held, proposing to reorganise the citadels. But the custodians did not disregard the instructions of Archelaus and continued to keep everything just as they had been ordered, claiming that they were keeping them all for Caesar,

4.

[224] Πλεῖ δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης καὶ Ἀντίπας Ἡρώδου μὲν παῖς, ἐπὶ δ' ἀντιποιήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑποσχέσεσι Σαλώμης ἠρμένος ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχειν καὶ πολὺ δικαιότερον Ἀρχελάου παραλήψεσθαι τὰ πράγματα ἠξιωκὼς τῷ κατὰ τὰς προτέρας διαθήκας βασιλεὺς ἀποπεφάνθαι, ἃς ἀσφαλεστέρας εἶναι τῶν ἐπιγραφεισῶν. [225] ἐπήγετο δὲ οὗτος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν Νικολάου Πτολεμαῖον φίλον τε Ἡρώδῃ τιμιώτατον γεγενημένον καὶ αὐτῷ προσκείμενον. [226] μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνῆγεν ἐπ' ἀντιποιήσει τῆς βασιλείας φρονεῖν Εἰρηναῖος ῥήτωρ ἀνὴρ καὶ δόξῃ δεινότητος τῆς περὶ αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν πεπιστευμένος. διὸ δὴ καὶ τῶν κελευόντων εἴκειν Ἀρχελάῳ πρεσβυτέρῳ τε ὄντι κἀν ταῖς ἐπιδιαθήκαις ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγγεγραμμένῳ βασιλεῖ οὐκ ἠνείχετο. [227] ἐπεὶ δ' εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀφίκετο, καὶ πάντων τῶν συγγενῶν ἀπόστασις ἦν πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου, μίσει δὲ τῷ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον, μάλιστα μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐλευθερίας καὶ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγῷ τετάχθαι, εἰ δ' ἄρα τι ἀντισταίη, λυσιτελέστερον Ἀρχελάου τὸν Ἀντίπαν λογιζόμενοι, συνέπραττον Ἀντίπᾳ τὴν βασιλείαν. καὶ Σαβῖνος κατηγόρει παρὰ Καίσαρι τοῦ Ἀρχελάου διὰ γραμμάτων. ** GK **

224 About that time another of Herod's sons, Antipas, sailed to Rome hoping to win the leadership, urged by the promises of Salome that he could become ruler and that he had a much better claim to it than Archelaus, since in his previous testament the king had designated him, and this was more valid than the portions added later. 225 He brought with him his mother and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, who had been Herod's most honoured friend and now gave his full support to Antipas. 226 But the one who most encouraged his bid for the kingship was Irenaeus, an orator highly reputed for shrewdness, who was entrusted with the affairs of the kingdom. That is why, when others advised him to cede it to his elder brother Archelaus who was designated as king in their father's last testament, he would not yield. 227 When he came to Rome, all his relatives came to his side, not because they favoured him, but out of hatred for Archelaus. In fact their first preference would be for liberty under a Roman governor, but if that were ruled out they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus and so joined forces to gain the kingdom for Antipas. Sabinus too wrote to Caesar with accusations against Archelaus.

5.

[228] Καῖσαρ δὲ Ἀρχελάου τε εἰσπέμψαντος ὡς αὐτὸν γράμματα, ἐν οἷς τὰ δικαιώματα προετίθει τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν διαθήκην τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λογισμοὺς τῶν Ἡρώδου χρημάτων σὺν τῷ σημαντῆρι κομίζοντα Πτολεμαῖον, ἐκαραδόκει τὸ μέλλον. [229] ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε ἀναγνοὺς τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὰς Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου ἐπιστολὰς ὁπόσα τε χρήματα ἦν καὶ τί ἐπ' ἔτος ἐφοίτα καὶ ὅσα Ἀντίπας ἐπ' οἰκειώσει τῆς βασιλείας ἐπεπόμφει γράμματα συνῆγεν ἐπὶ παροκωχῇ γνωμῶν τοὺς φίλους, σὺν οἷς καὶ Γάιον τὸν Ἀγρίππου μὲν καὶ Ἰουλίας τῆς αὐτοῦ θυγατρὸς υἱὸν ποιητὸν δὲ αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρῶτόν τε καθεδούμενον παρέλαβε, καὶ κελεύει λέγειν τοῖς βουλομένοις περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων. [230] καὶ πρῶτος ὁ Σαλώμης υἱὸς Ἀντίπατρος δεινότατός τε ὢν εἰπεῖν καὶ τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ ἐναντιώτατος ἔλεγεν Ἀρχελάῳ παιδιὰν τὸν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι λόγον ἔργῳ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῆς πρότερον ἢ Καίσαρα συγχωρῆσαι παρειληφότι, ἐπικαλῶν τὰ τετολμημένα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπολωλόσι κατὰ τὴν ἑορτήν: [231] ὧν καὶ ἀδικούντων ἄλλως ἔσχεν τὴν τιμωρίαν εἰς τοὺς ἔξω χρῆσθαι δυναμένους ἀνακειμένην εἶναι, καὶ μὴ ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς πεπρᾶχθαι, εἰ μὲν βασιλέως, ἀδικοῦντος τὸ Καίσαρος διαγνοίᾳ περὶ αὐτοῦ ἔτι χρώμενον, εἰ δὲ ἰδιώτου, πολὺ χειρόνως, διὰ τὸ μὴ βασιλείας ἀντιποιουμένῳ καλῶς ἂν συγκεχωρῆσθαι, διὰ τὸ Καίσαρα τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι. [232] καθήπτετο δὲ αὐτοῦ ἡγεμόνων τινῶν ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ μετάστασιν ἐπικαλῶν καὶ προκάθισιν ἐπὶ θρόνου βασιλείου καὶ δικῶν διάλυσιν ὡς ὑπὸ βασιλέως γενομένην κατανεύσεις τε αἰτήσεων τοῖς δημοσίᾳ αἰτουμένοις καὶ πάντων διάπραξιν, ὧν οὐδὲν ἂν μειζόνως ἐπινοῆσαι καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν. [233] ἀνετίθει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου δεσμωτῶν τὴν ἄφεσιν καὶ πολλὰ τὰ μὲν γεγονότα τὰ δὲ καὶ πιστεύεσθαι δυνάμενα διὰ τὸ φύσιν ἔχειν γίνεσθαι ὑπό τε νεωτέρων καὶ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ ἄρχειν προλαμβανόντων τὴν ἐξουσίαν, πένθους τε τοῦ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ ἀμελείας καὶ κωμασμοὺς αὐτονυκτὶ τῇ ἐκείνου τελευτῇ γεγονότας, [234] ἐφ' οἷς δὴ καὶ τὴν πληθὺν ἀρχὴν τοῦ στασιάζειν λαβεῖν, εἰ τοιαῦτα εὐεργετήσαντος αὐτὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ οὕτως μεγάλων ἠξιωκότος τοιοῖσδε ἀμείβεσθαι τὸν νέκυν, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σκηνῆς δακρύειν μὲν προσποιούμενον τὰς ἡμέρας, ἀπολαύοντα δὲ ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅσαι νύκτες. [235] φανεῖσθαί τε καὶ περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τοιόνδε ὄντα Ἀρχέλαον συγχωροῦντα τὴν βασιλείαν, ὁποῖος γένοιτο καὶ περὶ τὸν πατέρα: χορεύειν γὰρ καὶ ᾄδειν ὥσπερ ἐχθροῦ πεσόντος, ἀλλ' οὐκ ἀνδρὸς οὕτως μὲν συγγενοῦς, τηλικαῦτα δ' εὐεργετεῖν ἐξηγμένου. [236] δεινότατόν τε πάντων ἀπέφηνε τὸ νῦν ἥκειν ἐπὶ Καίσαρος κατανεύσει τῇ ἐκείνου χρησόμενον τῇ βασιλείᾳ πάντων αὐτῷ προπεποιημένων, ὁπόσα γένοιτο ἂν ὑπὸ σοῦ βεβαίως ἤδη τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος παρεσχηκότος πρασσόμενα. [237] μάλιστα δὲ τὴν σφαγὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐδείνου τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τὴν δυσσέβειαν, ὡς ἑορτῆς τε ἐνεστηκυίας καὶ ἱερείων ἐν τρόπῳ σφαχθεῖεν ἔνιοι μὲν ξένοι οἱ δὲ ἐγχώριοι, πλησθείη δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν νεκρῶν οὐχ ὑπ' ἀλλοφύλου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ καὶ μετὰ νομίμων ὀνομάτων τῆς βασιλείας ἐφιεμένου τῆς πράξεως, ὅπως δυνηθείη πληρῶσαι τῆς φύσει τυραννίδος τὴν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις μεμισημένην ἀδικίαν. [238] δι' ἣν μηδὲ ὄναρ ποτὲ ἑωρᾶσθαι βασιλείας αὐτῷ τὴν διαδοχὴν ἀρετῇ τοῦ πατρός: ἐπίστασθαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὸν τρόπον καί τοι ἐχθρὸν αὐτῷ [ἐκ] τῶν διαθηκῶν ἰσχυρότερον Ἀντιπάτρῳ καθίστασθαι: κληθῆναι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχὶ νοσοῦντος πρὸς τῷ σώματι καὶ τὴν ψυχήν, ἀλλὰ ἀκραιφνεῖ μὲν τῷ λογισμῷ χρωμένου, ἀλκῇ δὲ σώματος τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφεστηκότος. [239] εἰ δὲ καὶ πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπίσης τοῖς νῦν διατεθεῖσθαι τὸν πατέρα, ἀποπεφάνθαι ποταπὸς ἂν γένοιτο βασιλεὺς τὸν μὲν κύριον παρασχεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν Καίσαρα ἀφῃρημένον τοῦ δοῦναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ἰδιώτην ὄντα ἀκμὴν σφάζειν ἐν ἱερῷ μὴ ἀποτετραμμένον.
****

228 Archelaus too had written to Caesar, through Ptolemy, who also carried Herod's seal, pleading his claim and forwarding his father's testament and the accounts of Herod's money, and was awaiting the outcome. 229 When he read these papers and the letters from Varus and Sabinus, with the financial accounts and the annual revenue of the kingdom, and what Antipas had written of his claim to the kingdom, Caesar summoned his friends, to hear their opinions. He gave pride of place to Gaius, the son of Agrippa and his daughter Julia, whom he had adopted, and ordered any who wished to speak about the affairs now before them to do so. 230 First came Salome's son Antipater, a very subtle speaker and very opposed to Archelaus. He said it was laughable for Archelaus to now plead for the kingdom since he had, in effect, already taken power over it before Caesar had granted it to him, and reproached his rashness in killing people at the festival. 231 If they had done wrong, their punishment should have been left to those whose task it was. It should not been done by a man who by acting as king wronged Caesar, usurping the authority before it was granted to him; but if he saw himself as a private citizen his position was even worse, since his claim to the kingship could not be granted, now that he had already deprived Caesar of that power. 232 He sharply criticised him for the changing of officers in the army and prematurely sitting on the royal throne, and for judging law-suits as if he were king. He mentioned his granting of public petitions and acting in every way as if he thought himself no less powerful than if already confirmed as king by Caesar. 233 He also blamed him for releasing the prisoners in the hippodrome and many other things, that either he had actually done or was believed to have done, for they were typical of young men who, in their desire to rule, prematurely seize the leadership, including his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father and holding a celebration on the very night he died. 234 This was what caused the crowd to riot, and if Archelaus could so repay his late father, who had been so good to him and bequeathed such great things to him, pretending in daylight to weep for him, like an actor on the stage, but at night making merry for having gained power, 235 he would be the same towards Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, as he has been to his father. For he had gone dancing and singing as though an enemy of his had died, rather than mourning so close a relative, who had been such a benefactor to him. 236 But his greatest crime was that he came to Caesar now seeking the leadership while up to this he had behaved as though the emperor had already confirmed his power to act in this way. 237 What he most stressed was the slaughter around the temple and the impiety of it during the festival, and how they were killed like sacrificial victims, both aliens and natives, until the temple was full of corpses - and this was done by no foreigner but by one who pretended to become the lawful king, in order to fulfil his natural inclination to tyranny, which is hated by all mankind. 238 For this reason his father, while he was of sound mind, never even dreamed of making him his successor as king, for he knew his ways, and in his former and more valid testament, he appointed his opponent Antipas. His rival was called to that dignity by his father as he was dying both in body and mind; while Antipas was called while his he was of sound mind and in good health and fully in charge of things. 239 But even if his father had earlier thought of him as he finally did, he had clearly shown what kind of king he would become by depriving Caesar of his proper right to dispose of the kingship, and not refraining from slaughtering his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was only a private citizen.

6.

[240] Καὶ Ἀντίπατρος μὲν τοιάδε εἰπὼν καὶ μαρτύρων παραστάσεσιν τὰ εἰρημένα κρατυνάμενος πολλοῖς τῶν συγγενῶν παύεται τοῦ λέγειν. ἀνίσταται δὲ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ Ἀρχελάου καὶ ἔλεγεν τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γνώμῃ τῶν πεπονθότων ἀναθεὶς μᾶλλον ἢ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ Ἀρχελάου: τοὺς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἄρχοντας οὐ μόνον τῷ καθ' αὑτοὺς ὑβρίζοντι εἶναι πονηρούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ ἀναγκάζοντι εἰς τὴν ἄμυναν τῶν εὐγνωμονεῖν προαιρουμένων. [241] ὡς δὲ πολέμια ἔδρων λόγῳ μὲν κατ' Ἀρχελάου τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς εἰς Καίσαρα φανερὸν εἶναι: τοὺς γὰρ ὑβριοῦντας κωλυτὰς παραγενομένους ἢ ὑπ' Ἀρχελάου πεπομφότος κτεῖναι ἐπιθεμένους οὔτε τοῦ θεοῦ οὔτε τοῦ νόμου τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐν φροντίδι γενομένους, [242] ὧν Ἀντίπατρον οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθαι ἐκδικητὴν καθιστάμενον ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ ἔχθρας τῆς αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον ἢ φύσει τοῦ ἀρετῇ δικαίου. οἱ παρελθόντες καὶ μὴ πρὸς διανοουμένους ἄρχοντες ἀδίκων ἔργων, οἵδε εἰσὶν οἱ βιαζόμενοι καὶ μὴ θέλοντας τοὺς ἀμυνομένους ἐφ' ὅπλα χωρεῖν. [243] ἀνετίθει δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν βουλῇ τῶν κατηγόρων: οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅ τι μὴ οὐ μετὰ γνώμης τῆς αὐτῶν γεγενημένον αἰτίᾳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν ὑπάγεσθαι, οὐ τῇ φύσει τῇ οὕτως αὐτὰ γεγονότα πονηρὰ εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ βλάψειν ἂν δοκεῖν Ἀρχέλαον. τοσήνδε αὐτοῖς εἶναι βουλὴν τοῦ ὑβριοῦντος εἰς ἄνδρα συγγενῆ, καὶ πατρὸς μὲν εὐεργέτου, συνήθη δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς οἰκείως πεπολιτευμένον. [244] τάς γε μὴν διαθήκας ὑπό τε σωφρονοῦντος γεγράφθαι τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ κυριωτέρας τῶν γεγραμμένων πρότερον διὰ τὸ Καίσαρι δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων καταλελεῖφθαι τὴν κρίσιν τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς γεγραμμένων. [245] μιμήσεσθαί τε οὐδαμῶς Καίσαρα τὴν ὕβριν αὐτῶν, οἳ τῆς Ἡρώδου παντοίως ἀπολαύσαντες παρ' ὃν ἔζη καιρὸν δυνάμεως τὰ πάντα ἐπὶ ὕβρει γνώμης ἐπείγοιντο αὐτοῦ, οὐδ' αὐτῶν περὶ τὸν συγγενῆ τοιούτων γεγονότων. [246] οὔκουν Καίσαρά γε ἀνδρὸς ἐπ' αὐτῷ πεποιημένου τὰ πάντα καὶ φίλου καὶ συμμάχου καταλύσειν τὰς διαθήκας ἐπὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένας, οὐδὲ μιμήσεσθαι κακίαν τὴν ἐκείνων τὴν Καίσαρος ἀρετὴν καὶ πίστιν πρὸς ἅπασαν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀνενδοίαστον γενομένην, [247] καὶ μανίαν καὶ λογισμῶν ἔκστασιν κατακρίνειν ἀνδρὸς βασιλέως, υἱεῖ μὲν ἀγαθῷ τὴν διαδοχὴν καταλελοιπότος, πίστει δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ προσπεφευγότος: οὔτ' ἁμαρτάνειν Ἡρώδην ποτὲ περὶ κρίσιν τοῦ διαδόχου σωφροσύνῃ κεχρημένον ἐπὶ τῇ Καίσαρος γνώμῃ τὰ πάντα ποιεῖσθαι.
****

240 When Antipater had said this and confirmed it by the testimony of many of his relatives, he ended his speech. Then Nicolaus stood up on behalf of Archelaus and said, "What happened in the temple was the fault of those who were killed rather than an abuse of authority by Archelaus, because the ringleaders in such cases do wrong not only by the insolence of their action but by forcing peace-loving people to defend themselves. 241 While they claimed their fight was with Archelaus, clearly it was really aimed at Caesar himself, and they attacked and killed those whom Archelaus sent to put a stop to their doings, without respecting either God or the festival. 242 Yet Antipater is not ashamed to be their patron, whether to indulge his hostility to Archelaus, or from his aversion to virtue and justice. It is those who begin and instigate such wrongful actions who compel others even against their will to take to arms in self defence." 243 In effect he laid the blame on those who had brought the charges, for nothing that they now claimed as injustice had been done except with their approval, things that were not wrong of themselves, but were presented so as make Archelaus seem guilty, such was their desire to harm a man related to them, their father's benefactor who knew them well and had always lived in friendship with them. 244 As regards the testament, it was made by the king when he was of sound mind and should carry more authority than his former testament, since in it Caesar was left as judge to dispose of all that was written within it. 245 Caesar, surely, will not imitate the injustice of those who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions shared in his power and yet now tried to set aside his decision, showing little regard for their relationship. 246 Caesar would not therefore disannul the testament of a man who had entirely supported him as his friend and ally, and that which is entrusted to him to ratify, nor would Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition, known and accepted throughout the world, 247 pay heed to those who branded a king as a madman out of his mind when bequeathing the succession to a good son, who had fled to his fidelity for refuge. Nor could Herod ever have erred in his judgment about a successor, while showing such prudence as to submit everything to Caesar's decision."

7.

[248] Καὶ Νικόλαος μὲν τοιάδε διελθὼν καταπαύει τὸν λόγον: Καῖσαρ δὲ Ἀρχέλαον προσπεσόντα αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰ γόνατα φιλοφρόνως τε ἀνίστη φάμενος ἀξιώτατον εἶναι τῆς βασιλείας πολλήν τε ἀπέφαινε τροπὴν γνώμης τῆς αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἄλλα πράξειν, ἀλλ' ὁπόσα αἵ τε διαθῆκαι ὑπηγόρευον καὶ Ἀρχελάῳ συνέφερεν. [249] οὐ μέντοι γε ἐκεκύρωτο οὐδέν, ὡς ἂν ἐχεγγύῳ παραδείγματι χρώμενον ἐπ' ἀδείας Ἀρχέλαον εἶναι. καὶ διαλύσεως τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενομένης ἐσκοπεῖτο καθ' αὑτόν, εἴτε Ἀρχελάῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπικυρωτέον, εἴτε νομὴν αὐτῆς ποιεῖσθαι παντὶ τῷ Ἡρώδου γένει καὶ ταῦτα πάντων πολλῆς ἐπικουρίας δεομένων.
****

248 With this Nicolaus ended his plea. Caesar was so favourable to Archelaus who had thrown himself down at his feet that he raised him up, declaring him well deserving of the kingdom, and indicating that he favoured him to the extent that he would do nothing other than validate his father's testament in favour of Archelaus. 249 But he made no final decision about it, leaving Archelaus unsure of his intentions, and after the assembly ended, he pondered by himself whether to confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or to divide it among all Herod's family, because they were all in need of so much support.

Chapter 10. [250-298]
A Rebellion against Rome is quelled by Varus

1.

[250] Πρότερον δὲ ἢ κύρωσίν τινα τούτων γενέσθαι Μαλθάκη τε ἡ Ἀρχελάου μήτηρ νόσῳ τελευτᾷ καὶ παρὰ Οὐάρου τοῦ Συρίας στρατηγοῦ παρῆν γράμματα τὴν Ἰουδαίων ἀπόστασιν διασαφοῦντα: [251] τοῦ γὰρ Ἀρχελάου μετὰ τὸν ἔκπλουν ἐθορυβήθη τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος. καὶ Οὔαρος αὐτὸς ἐπεὶ παρὼν ὡς τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς κινήσεως τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλὼν καὶ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῆς στάσεως ἐπίσχεσιν ποιησάμενος πολλῆς γενομένης ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας τὴν ἀναζυγὴν ἐποιεῖτο, τάγμα ἓν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις λειπόμενος τὴν Ἰουδαίων νεωτεροποιίαν ἐπιστομιοῦντας. [252] οὐ μὴν ἐπεραίνετό γε οὐδὲν ἐπὶ παύλῃ τοῦ μὴ οὐ στασιάσοντος αὐτῶν. ὅτε γὰρ Οὔαρος ἀπῄει καὶ Σαβῖνος ὁ ἐπίτροπος τοῦ Καίσαρος ὑπομείνας αὐτόθι μεγάλως τοὺς στασιώτας κατεπόνει, στρατιᾷ τε τῇ καταλελειμμένῃ πιστεύων, ὡς καὶ περιέσοιτο αὐτῶν, καὶ τῷ πλήθει: [253] πολλοὺς δὲ ὄντας ὁπλίσας δορυφόροις ἐχρῆτο αὐτοῖς ἐπείγων τοὺς Ἰουδαίους καὶ ἐκταράσσων ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει: τάς τε γὰρ ἄκρας ἐβιάζετο παραλαμβάνειν καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν χρημάτων ἐπ' ἐρεύνῃ προθύμως ὥρμητο βίᾳ διὰ κέρδη καὶ πλεονεξιῶν ἐπιθυμίας.
****

250 But before these matters could be resolved, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, developed an illness from which she died, and letters came from Varus, the ruler of Syria, which told Caesar of the revolt of the Jews. 251 After Archelaus had sailed, the whole nation was in uproar, and since he was there, Varus punished the authors of the disturbance, and managed to restrain the majority from joining this rebellion, even though it was widespread. Then he left for Antioch, leaving one legion of his army in Jerusalem to keep guard on the Jews, who were now very apt to rebel. 252 Still this did not avail to put an end to their revolt, for after Varus had left, Caesar's agent, Sabinus, stayed on and greatly harried the rebels, relying on the size of the forces that were left there to protect him by their sheer numbers. 253 He armed many of them as his bodyguards, and was so oppressive to the Jews that finally they rebelled; for he seized the citadels with violence and went eagerly in search of the king's money to lay hold of it, due to his greed and love of gain.

2.

[254] Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς, ἑορτὴ δὲ ἡμῶν ἐστιν πάτριος τοῦτο κεκλημένη, οὔτι κατὰ τὴν θρησκείαν μόνον παρῆσαν, ἀλλ' ὀργῇ φέροντες τὴν παροινίαν τῆς Σαβίνου ὕβρεως μυριάδες συνηθροίσθησαν ἀνθρώπων καὶ πάνυ πολλαὶ Γαλιλαίων τε καὶ Ἰδουμαίων, Ἱεριχουντίων τε ἦν πληθὺς καὶ ὁπόσοι περάσαντι Ἰορδάνην ποταμὸν οἰκοῦσιν, αὐτῶν τε Ἰουδαίων πλῆθος πρὸς πάντας συνειλέχατο καὶ πολὺ προθυμότεροι τῶν ἄλλων ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ Σαβίνου ὡρμήκεσαν. [255] καὶ τρία μέρη νεμηθέντες ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε στρατοπεδεύονται χωρίων, οἱ μὲν τὸν ἱππόδρομον ἀπολαβόντες, καὶ τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν δύο μερῶν οἱ μὲν τῷ βορείῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν τετραμμένοι, οἱ δὲ ἑῴαν μοῖραν εἶχον, μοῖρα δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ τρίτη τὰ πρὸς δυόμενον ἥλιον, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ βασίλειον ἦν. ἐπράσσετο δὲ τὰ πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἁπανταχόθεν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκλεισμένων. [256] καὶ Σαβῖνος, ἔδεισε γὰρ τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ φρονήματα ἀνδρῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὸ θανεῖν ποιουμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡττᾶσθαι μὴ ἐθέλειν ἐφ' οἷς ἀρετὴν κρίνειαν τὸ νικᾶν, παραχρῆμά τε ὡς τὸν Οὔαρον ἔπεμπε γράμματα καὶ τὸ σύνηθες οὐκ ἀνίει κελεύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος βοηθεῖν, ὡς κινδύνου μεγίστου τὸ ἐγκαταλειφθὲν στράτευμα περιεσχηκότος διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς μακρὰν ἐλπίζειν κατακοπήσεσθαι ληφθέντας αὐτούς. [257] αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ φρουρίου τὸν ὑψηλότατον τῶν πύργων καταλαβόμενος Φασάηλον ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ Ἡρώδου ἀδελφοῦ Φασαήλου ᾠκοδομημένον τε καὶ οὕτως εἰρημένον τελευτῆς ὑπὸ Παρθυαίων αὐτῷ γενομένης, κατέσειε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδ' εἰς τοὺς φίλους τολμῶν κατιέναι, τοὺς δ' ἄλλους προαποθνήσκειν αὐτοῦ τῆς πλεονεξίας δικαιῶν. [258] τολμησάντων δ' εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων μάχη συνῄει καρτερά, καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πολλῶν μὲν ἔργων ἐκράτουν, οὐ μὴν τὰ φρονήματά γε τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἔκαμνε τῇ ὄψει τοῦ δεινοῦ πολλῶν αὐτοῖς πεπτωκότων, [259] περιοδεύσαντες δ' ἀνίασιν ἐπὶ τὰς στοάς, αἵπερ ἦσαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἔξω περίβολον περιέχουσαι, καὶ πολλοῖς ἀμάχου γενομένης λίθους τε ἠφίεσαν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς ὑπάραντες, οὓς δὲ σφενδονῶν, ἀθληταὶ τρόπου τοιαύτης μάχης ὄντες. [260] καὶ οἱ τοξόται πάντες παρατεταγμένοι μεγάλα ἔβλαπτον τοὺς Ῥωμαίους διὰ τὸ ὑπερδέξιοί τε εἶναι καὶ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι μὲν ἄποροι διὰ τὸ ἀνέφικτον τοῖς εἰσακοντίζειν πειρωμένοις εἶναι, ῥᾴους δὲ κρατεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἔχοντες. καὶ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἡ μάχη συνέστη τοιάδε οὖσα. [261] ἔπειτα Ῥωμαῖοι δεινῶς φέροντες τοῖς δρωμένοις πῦρ ἐνιᾶσιν ταῖς στοαῖς λαθόντες Ἰουδαίων τοὺς ἀναβεβηκότας ἐπ' αὐταῖς. καὶ τὸ πῦρ ὑπό τε πολλῶν προστεθειμένον καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἐγείρειν φλόγα δυναμένων ἥπτετο τοῦ ὀρόφου ᾗ τάχος. [262] ὁ δὲ ξύλωσιν παρέχων πίσσης τε καὶ κηροῦ πλέον ἔτι δὲ χρυσὸν ἐπαληλιμμένον εὐθέως ήκειν, ἔργα τε μεγάλα ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ἠφανίζετο. καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν στοῶν ὄλεθρος οὗτος ἀπροσδόκητος κατέλαβεν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ὀρόφου καταρραγέντος συγκατεφέροντο αὐτῷ, τοὺς δὲ περισταδὸν ἔβαλλον οἱ πολέμιοι: [263] πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπορίᾳ σωτηρίας τε καὶ ἐκπλήξει κακοῦ τοῦ περιεστηκότος, οἱ μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἵεσαν αὑτούς, οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ξίφεσι χρώμενοι διάδρασιν αὐτοῦ ἐποιοῦντο, ὁπόσοι δὲ εἰς τὸ κατόπιν χωρήσαντες ὁδῷ ᾗ ἀναβεβήκεσαν ἐσώζοντο, οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πάντας ἔκτεινον γυμνούς τε ὄντας καὶ τὰ φρονήματα ἐκλελυμένους, οὐδὲν τῆς ἀπονοίας διὰ τὸ ἄνοπλον βοηθεῖν δυναμένης. [264] ἐσώθη τε τῶν ἀνελθόντων ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος οὐδ' ὁστισοῦν. καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διὰ τοῦ πυρὸς ᾗ παρείκοι ὠσθέντες ἐκράτουν τοῦ θησαυροῦ, καθ' ὃν ἱερὰ ἦν χρήματα. καὶ διεκλάπη μὲν πολλὰ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, Σαβῖνος δὲ περιεποίησεν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν τετρακόσια τάλαντα.
****

254 But many thousands gathered, shortly before our ancestral festival called Pentecost. They came not only from piety, but enraged at the excessive scorn with which Sabinus treated them. Thousands gathered, Galileans and Idumaeans and many from Jericho and others who had crossed the river Jordan to join the Judean crowd. All of these very eagerly came together to make an attack on Sabinus. 255 They divided up into three groups and camped in three places. Some of them took the hippodrome and one of the other two groups occupied from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east side, and the third group held the western part of the city, near the royal palace. Their plan was to besiege the Romans and to close them in on all sides. 256 Sabinus took fright from the number and resolve of these men, who had little regard for their lives and were determined not to be defeated, and made it a point of honour to score a victory, so he immediately sent a letter to Varus, as usual urging him to come quickly to his aid, because the forces he had left were in grave danger and expected to be taken soon and cut to pieces. 257 He himself went up to the highest tower of the Phasael fortress, built in honour of king Herod's brother Phasael, and named after him after he died at the hands of the Parthians, and from there signalled to the Romans to attack the Jews, though he himself did not dare even to come down to his friends, but expected others to risk death for the sake of his avarice. 258 The Romans risked a sally out from the place and fought a fierce battle in which, although the Romans won, the Jews were undaunted in their resolve, even when they saw how many of them were killed. 259 They went around and got up on the porticoes which surrounded the outer court of the temple, while the fighting raged they threw stones at the Romans, some with their hands and some with slings, being practiced in fighting of this kind. 260 The many archers standing beside them also did the Romans a large amount of harm, because they shot from above and were not easy to attack, being beyond reach of those who tried to shoot upwards at them, so that they were easily having the better of their enemy and so the fight went on for a long time. 261 In their desperate situation, the Romans finally set fire to the porticoes, so secretly that those who were up on the roof did not noticee it. This fire being fed by many hands and much combustible material, caught hold of the roof immediately, 262 so that the wood, which contained pitch and wax and whose gold was laid on it with wax, soon yielded to the flame and those vast works of such great value were utterly destroyed, and at the same time those up on the roof unexpectedly died, for as the roof collapsed, some died in the fall and others were killed by their enemies who surrounded them. 263 There was many who, despairing of being saved and appalled by the awful fate facing them, jumped into the fire, or fell on their swords to escape it. Any who retreated back the way they had come up were killed by the Romans, being unarmed and with their courage failing, since their wild fury could not help them, being unarmed. 264 None of those who had gone up on the roof escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire wherever they could do so and captured the treasury where the sacred money was kept, and most of it was stolen by the soldiers, while Sabinus himself openly got four hundred talents.

3.

[265] Ἰουδαίους δὲ ἐλύπει μὲν τὸ πάθος τῶν φίλων, οἳ ἐν τῇδε ἔπεσον τῇ μάχῃ, ἐλύπει δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἡ ἀφαίρεσις, οὐ μὴν ἀλλ' ὅπερ αὐτῶν ἐτύγχανεν συνεστραμμένον καὶ μαχιμώτατον τούτῳ ἐμπεριέχοντες τὸ βασίλειον ἠπείλουν πῦρ τε ἐνήσειν αὐτῷ καὶ πάντας κτείνειν, κελεύοντες ᾗ τάχος ἀπιέναι καὶ πειθομένοις ὑπισχνούμενοι ἄδειαν καὶ Σαβίνῳ σὺν αὐτοῖς. [266] καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν τὸ πλεῖστον ηὐτομολήκεσαν σὺν αὐτοῖς, Ῥοῦφος δὲ καὶ Γρᾶτος τρισχιλίους τὸ μαχιμώτατον τοῦ Ἡρώδου στρατεύματος ἔχοντες ἄνδρας τοῖς σώμασι δραστηρίους Ῥωμαίοις προστίθενται. καί τι καὶ ἱππικὸν ἦν τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ Ῥούφῳ τεταγμένων, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ προσθήκη τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐγεγόνει. [267] Ἰουδαίοις δὲ οὐκ ἠμέλητο ἡ πολιορκία, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τείχη μετήλλευον καὶ τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις ἐκέλευον μὴ ἐμποδισταῖς εἶναι τοῦ ἀποληψομένου χρόνῳ παροῦσαν αὐτοῖς ἐλευθερίαν τὴν πάτριον. [268] Σαβίνῳ μὲν οὖν εὐκτὸν ἀπιέναι μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, πιστεύειν δ' οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν διὰ τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ τὸ λίαν εὔγνωμον τῶν πολεμίων ἐπ' ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ κατασταθησομένου εἶχεν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν Οὔαρον ἥξειν προσδοκῶν ὑπέμενε τὴν πολιορκίαν.
****

265 The Jews were grieved by the fate of their friends who fell in this battle, and also at this theft of the sacred treasure. The most organised and warlike of them surrounded the palace and threatened to set burn it and kill all who were in it, but then they ordered them to leave it without delay, promising that if they did, they and Sabinus would not be harmed. 266 Most of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, with three thousand of the best and fittest warriors of Herod's army, went over to the Romans. A band of cavalry under the command of Rufus also joined the Romans. 267 The Jews went on with the siege and dug mines under the palace walls and begged those who had gone over to the other side not stop them, now they had such an opportunity to regain their country's ancient freedom. 268 Much though Sabinus would have wished to leave with his soldiers, he could not trust them, due to the harm he had already done, and he took the enemy's too great generosity as a reason for not accepting, and so, because he hoped that Varus was coming, he held on under the siege.

4.

[269] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα μυρία θορύβων ἐχόμενα τὴν Ἰουδαίαν κατελάμβανεν πολλῶν πολλαχόσε οἳ κατ' οἰκείων ἐλπίδας κερδῶν καὶ Ἰουδαίων ἔχθρας ἐπὶ τὸ πολεμεῖν ὡρμημένων: [270] δισχίλιοι μὲν τῶν ὑφ' Ἡρώδῃ ποτὲ στρατευσαμένων καὶ ἤδη καταλελυκότες ἐν αὐτῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ συστάντες προσεπολέμουν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ἀντιστατοῦντος αὐτοῖς Ἀχιάβου τοῦ Ἡρώδου ἀνεψιοῦ, καὶ τῶν μὲν πεδίων εἰς τὰ μετέωρα ἀνεωσμένου δι' ἐμπειρίαν τὴν εἰς τὰ πολεμικὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ταῖς δὲ δυσχωρίαις σώζοντος ὁπόσα δυνατά.
****

269 Meanwhile countless other riots took place in Judea, for many rose up to go to war, either from hopes of gain to themselves, or from enmity to the Jews. 270 Two thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been disbanded, gathered in Judea and fought the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them, but as he was driven from the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he retreated to the most inaccessible places and saved whatever he could.

5.

[271] Ἰούδας δὲ ἦν Ἐζεκίου τοῦ ἀρχιλῃστοῦ υἱὸς ἐπὶ μέγα δυνηθέντος ὑφ' Ἡρώδου δὲ μεγάλοις ληφθέντος πόνοις. οὗτος οὖν ὁ Ἰούδας περὶ Σέπφωριν τῆς Γαλιλαίας συστησάμενος πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀπονενοημένων ἐπιδρομὴν τῷ βασιλείῳ ποιεῖται καὶ ὅπλων κρατήσας ὁπόσα αὐτόθι ἀπέκειτο ὥπλιζε τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποφέρεται χρήματα ὁπόσα κατελήφθη αὐτόθι, [272] φοβερός τε ἅπασιν ἦν ἄγων καὶ φέρων τοὺς προστυγχάνοντας ἐπιθυμίᾳ μειζόνων πραγμάτων καὶ ζηλώσει βασιλείου τιμῆς, οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἐμπειρίᾳ τοῦ δὲ ὑβρίζειν περιουσίᾳ κτήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν γέρας. ** GK **

271 A fellow called Judas, son of the Ezekias who had been leader of the brigands and a very strong man whom Herod had captured only with great dificulty, gathered a crowd of rogues near Sepphoris in Galilee. There he attacked the palace and seized all the weapons stored there and with them armed his companions and took whatever money was kept there. 272 He terrorized everyone by tearing and rending those who came near him, all for self aggrandisement and an ambition to be king, which he hoped to obtain not by the practice of virtue, but by the extent he could dominate others.

6.

[273] Ἦν δὲ καὶ Σίμων δοῦλος μὲν Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἄλλως δὲ ἀνὴρ εὐπρεπὴς καὶ μεγέθει καὶ ῥώμῃ σώματος ἐπὶ μέγα προύχων τε καὶ πεπιστευμένος. οὗτος ἀρθεὶς τῇ ἀκρισίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων διάδημά τε ἐτόλμησε περιθέσθαι, [274] καί τινος πλήθους συστάντος καὶ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς ἀναγγελθεὶς μανίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων καὶ εἶναι ἄξιος ἐλπίσας παρ' ὁντινοῦν τό τε ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι βασίλειον πίμπρησιν δι' ἁρπαγῆς ἄγων τὰ ἐγκατειλημμένα, πολλάς τε καὶ ἄλλας τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰκήσεων πολλαχοῦ τῆς χώρας πῦρ ἐνιεὶς ἠφάνιζεν, τοῖς συνεστηκόσιν λείαν ἄγειν τὰ ἐγκαταλελειμμένα ἐπιτρέπων. [275] ἐπέπρακτο δ' ἄν τι μεῖζον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ μὴ ταχείας ἐπιστροφῆς γενομένης: ὁ γὰρ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν στρατιωτῶν Ῥωμαίοις προστεθειμένος μεθ' ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως ὑπαντιάζει τὸν Σίμωνα, [276] καὶ μάχης αὐτοῖς μεγάλης ἐπὶ πολὺ γενομένης τό τε πολὺ τῶν Περαίων ἀσύντακτοι ὄντες καὶ τόλμῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ μαχόμενοι ἐφθάρησαν, καὶ αὐτοῦ Σίμωνος διά τινος φάραγγος σώζοντος αὑτὸν Γρᾶτος ἐντυχὼν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτέμνει. [277] κατεπρήσθη δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπ' Ἰορδάνῃ ποταμῷ ἐν Ἀμμάθοις βασίλεια ὑπό τινων συστάντων ἀνδρῶν Σίμωνι παραπλησίων. οὕτως πολλὴ ἀφροσύνη ἐνεπολίτευσε τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τὸ βασιλέα μὲν οἰκεῖον οὐκ εἶναι τὸν καθέξοντα τὸ πλῆθος ἀρετῇ, τοὺς δ' ἀλλοφύλους ἐπελθόντας σωφρονιστὰς τοῦ μὴ στασιάσοντος τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπέκκαυμα αὐτῶν διά τε τοῦ ὑβρίζειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν γενέσθαι. ** GK **

273 There was a slave of king Herod called Simon, a handsome, large and strong man who hoped for great things. Puffed up by the disorderly state of affairs, this man dared to put a crown on his head, 274 while some people supported him and madly hailed him as king and he thought himself more worthy of it than anyone else. He burned down the royal palace at Jericho and plundered whatever remained from it, and set fire to many other royal residences in various parts of the country and utterly destroyed them after letting his companions plunder what was left in them. 275 He would have gone on to greater things if he had not been quickly taken in hand, for Gratus, leader of the royal forces joined with some Roman forces and faced up to Simon. 276 The fight was hard and long and many of those who came from Perea, who were disorderly and fought with more bravery than skill, were destroyed; and though Simon escaped through a certain ravine, Gratus overtook him and cut off his head. 277 The royal palace also at Amathus by the river Jordan was burned down by a party of men who were like those belonging to Simon. In this way a wild fury spread across the nation, because they had no native king of moral stature to keep the populace in order, and because the foreigners who came to quell the rebels inflamed people still more, by offensive behaviour and their greed.

7.

[278] Ἐπεὶ καὶ Ἀθρόγγης ἀνὴρ οὔτε προγόνων ἐπιφανὴς ἀξιώματι οὔτε ἀρετῆς περιουσίᾳ ἤ τινων πλήθει χρημάτων, ποιμὴν δὲ καὶ ἀνεπιφανὴς τοῖς πᾶσιν εἰς τὰ πάντα ὤν, ἄλλως δὲ μεγέθει σώματος καὶ τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀλκῇ διαπρέπων, ἐτόλμησεν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ φρονῆσαι τῷ κτώμενόν τε αὐτὴν ἡδονῆς πλέον ὑβρίσαι καὶ θνήσκων οὐκ ἐν μεγάλοις τίθεσθαι τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἀνάλωμα γενησόμενον. [279] ἦσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες μεγάλοι τε καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἐπὶ μέγα προύχειν τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀρετῇ πεπιστευμένοι, πρόεχμα εἶναι τῆς καθέξεως τῆς βασιλείας δοκοῦντες, λόχου τε αὐτῶν ἦρχεν ἕκαστος: συλλέγεται γὰρ μεγάλη πληθὺς πρὸς αὐτούς. [280] καὶ οἵδε μὲν στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν καὶ ὑπεστράτευον αὐτῷ ὁπόσα εἰς τὰς μάχας φοιτῶντες δι' αὐτῶν, ὁ δὲ διάδημα περιθέμενος βουλευτήριόν τε ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις καὶ τὰ πάντα γνώμῃ ἀνακείμενα εἶχεν τῇ αὐτοῦ. [281] διέμενέ τε ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἡ ἰσχὺς βασιλεῖ τε κεκλημένῳ καὶ ἃ πράσσειν ἐθέλοι μὴ ἀποστερουμένῳ, φόνῳ τε καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα προσκείμενοι Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ βασιλικῶν μίσει πολιτεύοντες ὁμοίως πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τοῦτο μὲν ὕβρει ᾗ χρήσαιντο ἐπὶ τῆς Ἡρώδου ἀρχῆς, Ῥωμαίους δὲ ὧν τὸ παρὸν ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖν. [282] προιόντος δὲ χρόνου καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον ὁμοίως ἐξηγριώθησαν διάφευξίς τε οὐκ ἦν τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐμπεσεῖν, τὰ μὲν κέρδους ἐλπίδι, τὰ δὲ καὶ συνηθείᾳ τοῦ φονεύειν. ἐπιτίθενται δέ ποτε καὶ Ῥωμαίων λόχῳ κατὰ Ἐμμαοῦντα, οἳ σῖτόν τε καὶ ὅπλα τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔφερον. καὶ περιστάντες Ἄρειον μὲν τὸν ἑκατόνταρχον, ὃς ἡγεῖτο τοῦ παντὸς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πεζῶν τοὺς κρατίστους κατηκόντισαν. [283] οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δείσαντες πρὸς τὸ πάθος αὐτῶν Γράτου σὺν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν, σκέπης αὐτοῖς γενομένης σώζονται τοὺς νεκροὺς καταλιπόντες. καὶ πολὺν μὲν τοιουτοτρόποις χρώμενοι χρόνον μάχαις Ῥωμαίους τε παρελύπησαν οὐκ εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐκάκωσαν ἐπὶ μέγα. [284] χειροῦται δὲ αὐτῶν χρόνῳ ὕστερον ὁ μὲν Γράτῳ συμβαλὼν ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ, καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον Ἀρχελάου λαβόντος ὁ τελευταῖος πάθει τε τῷ ἐκείνου λελυπημένος καὶ ἄπορον ἐπὶ πλέον ὁρῶν τὴν σωτηρίαν ὑπὸ μονώσεως καὶ καμάτου πολλοῦ ψιλωθεὶς τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ δεξιαῖς καὶ πίστει τοῦ θείου Ἀρχελάῳ παραδίδωσιν αὑτόν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ὕστερον γίνεται.
****

278 Athronges was a man neither eminent through his ancestors, nor for any personal virtue, and had been merely an unknown shepherd, yet because he was tall and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he dared to aspire to be king, in which position he could abuse others as he pleased, and did not much care if he lost his life in gaining such a goal. 278 He had four brothers, all tall men who were were confident in their physical and whom he thought would help him achieve his desire to rule, as each of them had his own band of men, for many had joined them. 279 Each commanded his own group, but when they came to battle they obeyed him and fought for him, and he put a crown on his head and assembled a council to debate on what should be done and everything was done as he pleased. 281 This man held power a long time and was also called king, with nothing to stop him from doing what he wished. With his brothers he killed many of the Romans and of the king's soldiers, whom he hated and attacked on account of the licentiousness allowed them under Herod's rule, and hated the Romans for the recent wrongs they had received from them. 282 As time passed they grew more brutal to everyone, and there was no escape from one or other of them, since they killed some for the sake of gain and others from their habit of killing. In Emmaus they once attacked a company of Romans who were bringing corn and weapons to the army and surrounding Arius the centurion in charge, they speared forty of the best of his foot soldiers. 283 The others were scared on seeing their fate that they left the dead behind them, but were saved by Gratus, who came to their help with his royal troops. These four brothers continued the war a long while by attacks of this kind and harried the Romans, but also did much harm to their own nation. 284 But they were later subdued, one in a battle with Gratus, another with Ptolemy. Archelaus took the eldest of them prisoner, while the last of them was so dejected at the other's fate and saw so plainly that he had no way out, with his army worn down by sickness and continual effort, that he surrendered to Archelaus, on his promise and sacred oath to spare his life. But this happened a good while later.

8.

[285] Λῃστηρίων δὲ ἡ Ἰουδαία πλέως ἦν, καὶ ὃς παρατύχοι τινῶν οἳ συστασιάσοιεν αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς προιστάμενος ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τοῦ κοινοῦ ἠπείγετο, ὀλίγα μὲν καὶ ἐπ' ὀλίγοις Ῥωμαίοις λυπηροὶ καθιστάμενοι, τοῦ δὲ ὁμοφύλου φόνον ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐμποιοῦντες. ** GK **

285 Judea was full of robberies, and as the various rebel groups chose anyone the found to head them, he immediately became king, to the public ruin. They harmed only a few of the Romans, and in small ways, but committing terrible murders among their own people.

9.

[286] Οὔαρος δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρῶτον πυνθάνεται [τὰ πεπραγμένα] Σαβίνου γράψαντος πρὸς αὐτόν, δείσας περὶ τοῦ τάγματος δύο τὰ λοιπὰ ἀναλαβών, τρία γὰρ ἐπὶ Συρίας τὰ πάντα ἦν, καὶ ἴλας ἱππέων τέσσαρας ὁπόσα τε ἐπικουρικὰ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς οἵ τινες τετράρχαι τότε παρεῖχον, ἠπείγετο βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἐν Ἰουδαίᾳ τότε πολιορκουμένοις. [287] εἴρητο δὲ πᾶσιν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα ἐπείγεσθαι ὁπόσοι προεξεπέμποντο. διδόασί τε αὐτῷ καὶ Βηρύτιοι διιόντι αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐπικούρους πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους, πέμπει δὲ καὶ Ἀρέτας ὁ Πετραῖος ἔχθει τῷ Ἡρώδου φιλίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων κτώμενος οὐκ ὀλίγην χεῖρα πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων. [288] σταθείσης δ' ἐν Πτολεμαίδι πάσης ἤδη τῆς δυνάμεως μέρος τι ταύτης τῷ υἱῷ παραδοὺς [καὶ] ἑνὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων Γαλιλαίους ἐξέπεμπεν πολεμεῖν, οἳ ὑπὲρ τῆς Πτολεμαίδος ἐχόμενοι κατοικοῦσιν. [289] ὃς ἐμβαλὼν τούς τε ἀντικαταστάντας εἰς μάχην τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν ἑλὼν τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἠνδραποδίσατο, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν. αὐτὸς δὲ Οὔαρος ἐπὶ Σαμαρείας τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ προιὼν τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο διὰ τὸ ἀνέγκλητον ἐπὶ τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς εἶναι, στρατοπεδεύεται δὲ ἔν τινι κώμῃ Πτολεμαίου κτήματι, Ἀροὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ. [290] καὶ οἱ Ἄραβες μίσει τῷ Ἡρώδου ἐμπιπρᾶσιν αὐτὴν ἐχθρῶς καὶ πρὸς φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου ἔχοντες. κἀνθένδε προιόντες Σαμφὼ κώμην ἑτέραν διήρπασάν τε οἱ Ἄραβες καὶ ἔκαυσαν πάνυ ἐρυμνὴν οὖσαν, καὶ ἔφυγεν ἐν τῇ προόδῳ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, [291] ἀλλὰ πυρὸς καὶ φόνου τὰ πάντα μεστὰ ἦν. πίμπραται δὲ καὶ Ἐμμαοῦς Οὐάρου κελεύσαντος ἐπ' ἐκδικίᾳ τῶν συντετελευτηκότων προεκλειφθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκητόρων. [292] ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ Ἱεροσολύμοις ἤδη συνῆπτε, καὶ Ἰουδαίων οἱ κατὰ πολιορκίαν τοῦ τάγματος τῇδε στρατοπεδευόμενοι τὴν ὄψιν τῆς προσόδου τῶν στρατευμάτων οὐχ ὑπομείναντες ᾤχοντο ἡμίεργον τὴν πολιορκίαν καταλιπόντες. [293] οἱ δ' ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις Ἰουδαῖοι δεινῶς τοῦ Οὐάρου σφίσιν ἐγκαλοῦντος ἀπελύοντο τὰς αἰτίας, ὡς τῆς μὲν συνόδου τῆς πληθύος διὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν γενομένης, τοῦ δὲ πολέμου μηδαμὰ γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν, τόλμῃ δὲ τῶν ἐπηλύδων συνελθόντες αὐτοῖς καὶ συμπολιορκηθέντες Ῥωμαίοις μᾶλλον ἢ πολιορκεῖν προθυμίαν σχόντες. [294] προαπηντήκασιν δὲ τῷ Οὐάρῳ Ἰώσηπός τε ἀνεψιὸς Ἡρώδου βασιλέως Γρᾶτος τε καὶ Ῥοῦφος τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτοῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἄγοντες καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οἱ πολιορκούμενοι. Σαβῖνος δὲ οὐκ ἀφίκετο Οὐάρῳ εἰς ὄψιν, ἀλλ' ὑπεξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θάλασσαν. ** GK **

286 When Sabinus wrote to him of the state of Judea Varus was afraid for the legion he had left there, so he took the other two of the three legions that were assigned to Syria, and four troops of cavalry, with the various allied forces given him by the kings and some of the tetrarchs and hurried to the aid of those who were under siege in Judea. 287 He ordered all he had sent ahead to hurry to Ptolemais and the citizens of Berytus gave him fifteen hundred allies as he passed through their city, and Aretas of Petra, who in his hatred to Herod had befriended the Romans, sent him significant numbers of infantry and cavalry. 288 As soon as he had now collected all his forces in Ptolemais, he put part of them under his son and one of his friends and sent them to fight the Galileans in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais. 289 The son attacked his opponents and put them to flight and took Sepphoris and enslaved its inhabitants and burned the city. Varus himself marched for Samaria with his whole army, but spared the city, because it had not joined the rebels, and camped at a village belonging to Ptolemy, named Arus. 290 This the Arabs burned, from hatred to Herod and enmity toward his friends. From there they marched to another village, Sampho, which the Arabs plundered and burned, though it was well fortified, and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all was filled with fire and slaughter. 291 Emmaus too, once its inhabitants had fled, was burnt at Varus's orders to avenge those who had been killed there. 292 From there he marched on Jerusalem, and the Jews who were camped there besieging the Roman legion, unable to face his advancing army, abandoned the siege. 293 But when Varus bitterly rebuked the Jews in Jerusalem, they excused themselves by saying that the influx of the people was on account of the feast and that the war was not started with their approval, but by the rashness of the visitors, while they were on the side of the Romans and were besieged with them, rather than giving any support to the besiegers. 294 Coming out to meet Varus were Joseph, king Herod's cousin, and Gratus and Rufus, with their soldiers and those Romans who had been besieged. Sabinus however did not come into Varus's presence, but stole secretly from the city to the coast.

10.

[295] Οὔαρος δὲ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πέμψας τοῦ στρατοῦ μέρος ἐπεζήτει τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως. καὶ σημαινομένων τοὺς μὲν ἐκόλασεν ὡς αἰτιωτάτους, εἰσὶ δ' οὓς καὶ ἀφῆκεν: ἐγίνοντο δὲ οἱ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν σταυρωθέντες δισχίλιοι. [296] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὴν μὲν αὐτοῦ στρατιὰν ἀποπέμπεται, χρήσιμον μὲν ὁρῶν ἐπ' οὐδαμοῖς οὖσαν πράγμασιν: πολλὰ δὲ ἠτάκτητο αὐτοῖς καὶ παρήκουστο τῶν δογμάτων καὶ ὧν ἠξίου Οὔαρος ἐφέσει κερδῶν, ἃ ἐκ τοῦ κακουργεῖν περιεγίνοντο αὐτοῖς. [297] αὐτὸς δὲ μυρίους Ἰουδαίους συνεστηκέναι πυνθανόμενος ἠπείγετο εἰς κατάληψιν αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ οὐδ' ἧκον εἰς χεῖρας, ἀλλὰ παρέδοσαν αὑτοὺς γνώμῃ τῇ Ἀχιάβου συνελθόντες. καὶ Οὔαρος τῷ πλήθει συγχωρῶν τὰς αἰτίας τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα ὁπόσοι ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν αὐτῶν. [298] Καῖσαρ δὲ τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν πολλοὺς διῆκεν, ὁπόσοι δὲ συγγενεῖς ὄντες Ἡρώδου συνεστράτευον αὐτοῖς τούσδε ἐκόλασεν μόνους, εἰ μηδὲν φροντίσαντες τοῦ δικαίου κατὰ τῶν οἰκείων ἐστράτευον.
****

295 Varus sent part of his army into the country, to seek out those who had started the revolt, and of those who were pointed out, he punished the most guilty and dismissed some others; and in the process two thousand were crucified. 296 After this he disbanded his army, which he saw as no longer useful. They behaved very badly and disobeyed whatever Varus ordered or asked them to do, simply to protect the profits they made from their misdeeds. 297 When he was told that ten thousand Jews had gathered, he hurried after them, but they did not go so far as to fight him, but on the advice of Achiabus, they came and surrendered. Varus pardoned the people their crime of revolt, but sent their officers to Caesar. 298 Many of these Caesar dismissed, and some relatives of Herod who had taken part in this war were the only ones he executed, for fighting against their own relatives without the least regard to justice.

Chapter 11. [299-323]
Caesar confirms Herod's last testament

1.

[299] Οὔαρος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα καταστησάμενος καὶ φρουρὰν Ἱεροσολύμων τὸ καὶ πρότερον καταλιπὼν τάγμα ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας ἠπείγετο. Ἀρχελάῳ δ' ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἑτέρων πραγμάτων ἐφύοντο ἀρχαὶ κατὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. [300] ἀφίκετο εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρεσβεία Ἰουδαίων Οὐάρου τὸν ἀπόστολον αὐτῶν τῷ ἔθνει ἐπικεχωρηκότος ὑπὲρ αἰτήσεως αὐτονομίας. καὶ ἦσαν οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις οἱ ἀποσταλέντες γνώμῃ τοῦ ἔθνους πεντήκοντα, συνίσταντο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης Ἰουδαίων ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχίλιοι. [301] Καίσαρός τε συνέδριον φίλων τε τῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ Ῥωμαίων τῶν πρώτων συνάγοντος ἐν ἱερῷ Ἀπόλλωνος μεγάλοις τέλεσιν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἱδρυμένῳ, οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν αὐτόθι Ἰουδαίων ἀφικνοῦνται, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ μετὰ τῶν φίλων. [302] ὁπόσοι δὲ συγγενεῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ἦσαν Ἀρχελάῳ μὲν συντετάχθαι διὰ μῖσος τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑστέρουν, τοῖς δὲ πρέσβεσιν ὁμοψηφεῖν κατ' αὐτοῦ δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο ἐν αἰσχύνῃ τῇ αὐτῶν οἰόμενοι γενήσεσθαι παρὰ Καίσαρι κατ' ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου τοιάδε πράσσειν προθυμεῖσθαι. [303] παρῆν δὲ ἤδη καὶ Φίλιππος ἀπὸ Συρίας ἐξοτρύναντος αὐτὸν Οὐάρου τὸ μὲν κεφάλαιον ἐπὶ συνηγορίᾳ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, πάνυ γὰρ εὐνόει Οὔαρος αὐτῷ, γινομένης δὲ τῇ βασιλείᾳ μεταπτώσεως, καὶ τάδε ὑπώπτευεν Οὔαρος νέμησιν αὐτῆς γενήσεσθαι διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς εἶναι τοὺς αὐτονομίας γλιχομένους, οὐχ ὑστεριῶν τοῦ κἂν αὐτὸς μοῖραν αὐτῆς τινα φέρεσθαι.
****

299 When Varus had settled these matters and had placed the former legion in Jerusalem, he returned to Antioch, but Archelaus in Rome had some new troubles for the following reasons. 300 A delegation of the Jews, whom Varus had allowed the nation to send, came to Rome to petition for the freedom to live by their own laws. Fifty envoys were sent by the nation and they were joined by more than eight thousand of the Jews already living in Rome. 301 Caesar assembled his friends and the leading Romans in the temple of Apollo, which he had built at vast expense, and the envoys arrived with a crowd of the Jews who were there already, as well as Archelaus and his friends. 302 But many relatives of the king refused to join with Archelaus out of hatred to him, and still feared to help the envoys, thinking it would disgrace them in Caesar's eyes if they so opposed a relative of theirs. 303 Philip too had come from Syria, persuaded by Varus, mainly to help his brother with whom Varus was very friendly, but also in case there were any change in the kingdom, as Varus suspected there would be. If there was to be any shift of power due to the number who asked for autonomy, he did not want to be left out, but to have his share in it.

2.

[304] Λόγου οὖν τοῖς Ἰουδαίων πρέσβεσι δοθέντος, οἳ ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς βασιλείας ἤλπιζον λέγειν, ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῶν Ἡρώδου παρανομιῶν τρέπονται, βασιλέα μὲν ὀνόματι ἀποφαίνοντες αὐτόν, τῶν δ' ἐν ταῖς τυραννίσιν ἑκάστης τὸ ἀνήκεστον ἀναδεξάμενον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τῶν Ἰουδαίων συνθέντα χρῆσθαι τὰ πολλὰ καὶ φύσει τῇ αὐτοῦ προσκαινουργεῖν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένον. [305] πολλῶν γοῦν ὄντων, οἳ ὀλέθροις ἀπολώλοιεν οὐχ ἱστορήσειν πω πρότερον, πολλῷ δὲ δυστυχεστέρους πάθους ἐκείνων τοὺς ζῶντας εἶναι, οὐ μόνον ὧν ὄψει καὶ διανοίᾳ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἀνιαθεῖεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧν ταῖς οὐσίαις. [306] πόλεις τε τὰς μὲν περιοικίδας καὶ ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων οἰκουμένας κοσμοῦντα ῶν ἐκ παύσασθαι καὶ καταλύσεώς τε καὶ ἀφανισμῷ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ αὐτοῦ κατῳκημένων. [307] πενίας δὲ ἀπόρου τὸ ἔθνος ἀναπεπληκέναι σὺν ὀλίγοις εὔδαιμον παρειληφότα, τῶν τε εὐπατριδῶν ὁπότε κτείνειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπ' ἀλόγοις αἰτίαις τὰς οὐσίας ἀποφερόμενον καὶ οἷς συγχωρήσειε τὴν ἀηδίαν τοῦ ζῆν ψίλωσιν χρημάτων καταδικάζοντα. [308] καὶ χωρὶς μὲν πράσσεσθαι φόρους ἐπιβαλλομένους ἑκάστοις τὸ ἐπ' ἔτος, χωρὶς δὲ εὐπορίας εἶναι παρακαταβολὰς αὐτῷ τε καὶ οἰκείοις καὶ φίλοις καὶ τῶν δούλων οἳ ἐπ' ἐκπράξει τῶν φόρων ἐξίοιεν διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι κτήσει τοῦ ἀνυβρίστως μηδ' ὅπως μηδ' ἀργυρίων διδομένων. [309] παρθένων μέντοι φθορὰς καὶ γυναικῶν αἰσχύνας, ὁπόσας ἐπὶ παροινίᾳ καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου δρώμενα σιγᾶν διὰ τὸ ἡδονὴν ἴσην εἶναι τοῖς πεπονθόσι τοῦ μὴ γεγονέναι τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀνέκπυστα αὐτὰ εἶναι: τοσήνδε Ἡρώδην ἐπεισάγεσθαι τὴν ὕβριν αὐτοῖς, ὁπόσην οὐδ' ἂν θηρίον ἀνθρώπων ἐπιστατεῖν δυνάμεως αὐτῷ παραγενομένης. [310] πολλῶν γοῦν ἀναστάσεων καὶ μεταστάσεων παραλαβουσῶν τὸ ἔθνος οὐδεμίαν ἱστορεῖσθαι πώποτε τοιάνδε δυστυχίαν ἐπελθοῦσαν αὐτῷ, παράδειγμά τε κακώσεως ἣν αὐτῷ Ἡρώδης ἐπετίθει τὸ ἔθνος: [311] καὶ ταῦτ' εἰκότως ἂν γενέσθαι τὸ ἀσμένως Ἀρχέλαον βασιλέα προσειπεῖν οἰήσει τοῦ πάντ' ὅντιν' οὖν τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐσόμενον Ἡρώδου μετριώτερον φαίνεσθαι, καὶ τόν τε πατέρα συνολοφύρεσθαι αὐτῷ θεραπεύοντας, εἴ γε μετρίου τυγχάνειν δυνηθεῖεν, καὶ τἆλλα οἰκειουμένους. [312] τοῦ δὲ δείσαντος μὴ οὐχὶ Ἡρώδου γνήσιος πιστεύοιτο υἱός, οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐπάξειν ἂν τῷ ἔθνει τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ταῦτα μηδέπω τέλεον κρατυνάμενον ἡγεμονίαν διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ Καίσαρι δοῦναι καὶ μὴ τὴν ἐξουσίαν εἶναι, [313] καὶ παράδειγμα τὴν τῆς εἰς αὖθις ἀρετῆς τιθέναι τοῖς ἀρχθησομένοις μετριότητος καὶ εὐνομίας, ᾗ χρήσαιτο ἂν πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν πρώτοις ἀποδειχθείσης πράξεως ἐπί τε τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τῷ θεῷ τρισχιλίων ὁμοφύλων ἀνδρῶν σφαγὴν ἐν τῷ τεμένει ποιησάμενον. πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἤδη καὶ δικαίῳ μίσει χρῆσθαι κατ' αὐτῶν πρὸς τῇ λοιπῇ ὠμότητι καὶ ἔγκλημα τῆς ἀντιστάσεως καὶ ἀντιλογίας ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ προφερόμενον; [314] ἦν δὲ κεφάλαιον αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀξιώσεως βασιλείας μὲν καὶ τοιῶνδε ἀρχῶν ἀπηλλάχθαι, προσθήκη δὲ Συρίας γεγονότες ὑποτάσσεσθαι τοῖς ἐκεῖσε πεμπομένοις στρατηγοῖς: φανερωθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὕτως, εἴτε ἀληθῶς στασιώδεις εἶεν καὶ νεωτερισμοῖς τὰ πολλὰ προσησκημένοι εἴτε καὶ οὔ, μετριωτέρων τυχόντες οἳ ἐπιστήσονται αὐτοῖς."
****

304 When the Jewish envoys were allowed to speak, those who hoped to obtain the end of monarchy accused Herod of his wrong-doings, and declared that while in name he was a king, he had arrogated the unlimited authority exercised by tyrants over their subjects and had abused his authority to destroy the Jews and did not hesitate to bring on them many novelties according to his own inclinations. 305 Many had died in the ruin he caused, worse than was ever known before, and the survivors were worse off than those who had died because of they had seen and being threatened with the loss of their property. 306 He was ceaselessly adorning the surrounding cities inhabited by foreigners, while the cities under to his own rule were left ruined and desolate. 307 When he took over the kingdom, it was in a flourishing state, but he had brought the nation to utter poverty, and when, on spurious pretexts, he killed any of the nobility, he took their estates, and if he let any of them live, he deprived them whatever they owned. 308 On top of the annual taxes he took from each of them, they had to make him generous gifts, as well as to his domestics and friends and any of his slaves as were sent out as his tax-gatherers, for there was no safety from outrage without paying a bribe. 309 They would not speak of the corruption of their virgins and the drunken debauching of their wives and other inhuman behaviour, since sufferers want such things concealed, almost as much as to avoid them. This Herod had abused them more than a wild beast would if it had power to rule over people, 310 and though their nation had seen many revolts and changes of government, their history had no plight to compare with what Herod had brought upon them. 311 Knowing this, they had gladly greeted Archelaus as king, thinking that whoever was set over their kingdom would seem milder to them than Herod. In order to gratify him, they had joined him in mourning his father, and would serve him in other ways tooo, if they could receive more moderation from him. 312 However, he seemed to fear he might not be thought Herod's own son and soon let the nation know his mind, even before being well established on the throne, since the power to grant it belonged to Caesar, who could confirm him or not, as he pleased. 313 He gave his subjects a sample of his future "virtue" and of the fairness and goodness towards them, by his first public act against his citizens (and against God,) by killing three thousand of his countrymen at the temple. How then could one avoid righteously hating one who, along with other cruelties, branded as criminal any opposing or thwarting him in the exercise of his authority? 314 The main thing they asked was to be spared from kingship and similar forms of government, and to be joined with Syria, placing them under the authority of whatever officers were sent to them. This would show whether they really were a rebellious people, merely fond of novelty, or would be law-abiding, once more moderate officers were assigned to them.

3.

[315] Τοιαῦτα δὲ τῶν Ἰουδαίων εἰρηκότων Νικόλαος τούς τε βασιλεῖς ἀπήλλασσε τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, Ἡρώδην μὲν διὰ τὸ παρ' ὃν ἔζη χρόνον τυχεῖν ἀκατηγόρητον: οὐ γὰρ δὴ τοὺς ἐγκαλεῖν ἔχοντας ἐπὶ μετρίοις παρὰ τοῦ ζῶντος τιμωρίαν λαβεῖν δυναμένους ἐπὶ νεκρῷ κατηγορίαν συντιθέναι: [316] τὰ δὲ ὑπ' Ἀρχελάου πραχθέντα ὕβρει τῇ ἐκείνων ἀνετίθει, οἳ ὀριγνώμενοι πραγμάτων παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ σφαγῆς ἄρξαντες τῶν κωλύειν ὑβρίζοντας προμηθουμένων ἀμύνης γενομένης ἐγκαλοῖεν. ἐνεκάλει δὲ νεωτεροποιίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ στασιάζειν ἡδονὴν ἀπαιδευσίᾳ τοῦ πείθεσθαι δίκῃ καὶ νομίμοις ὑπὸ τοῦ θέλειν τὰ πάντα νικᾶν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Νικόλαος.
****

315 After the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings against these accusations and said that Herod had never been accused throughout his lifetime, so it was wrong to accuse him now after his death when they could have accused him of lesser crimes than those now alleged, and sought to have him punished during his lifetime. 316 He said Archeaus had reacted because they had insulted him and behaved contrary to the laws and killed those who sought to curb their arrogance. They complained of him because they desired too much freedom. He accused them of their revolt and of taking pleasure in rioting, as they had not learned to submit to justice and law, and wanted their own way in everything. This was what Nicolaus declared.

4.

[317] Καῖσαρ δ' ἀκούσας διαλύει μὲν τὸ συνέδριον, ὀλίγων δ' ἡμερῶν ὕστερον Ἀρχέλαον βασιλέα μὲν οὐκ ἀποφαίνεται, τῆς δ' ἡμίσεως χώρας ἥπερ Ἡρώδῃ ὑπετέλει ἐθνάρχην καθίσταται, τιμήσειν ἀξιώματι βασιλείας ὑπισχνούμενος, εἴπερ τὴν εἰς αὐτὴν ἀρετὴν προσφέροιτο. [318] τὴν δ' ἑτέραν ἡμίσειαν νείμας διχῇ δυσὶν Ἡρώδου παισὶν ἑτέροις παρεδίδου Φιλίππῳ καὶ Ἀντίπᾳ τῷ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀμφισβητήσαντι περὶ τῆς ὅλης ἀρχῆς. καὶ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε Περαία καὶ τὸ Γαλιλαῖον ὑπετέλουν, φορά τε ἦν τάλαντα διακόσια τὸ ἐπ' ἔτος. [319] Βαταναία δὲ σὺν Τράχωνι καὶ Αὐρανῖτις σύν τινι μέρει οἴκου τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου λεγομένου Φιλίππῳ τάλαντα ἑκατὸν προσέφερεν: τὰ δ' Ἀρχελάῳ συντελοῦντα Ἰδουμαῖοί τε καὶ Ἰουδαία τό τε Σαμαρειτικόν. τετάρτην μοῖραν οὗτοι τῶν φόρων παραλέλυντο Καίσαρος αὐτοῖς κούφισιν ψηφισαμένου διὰ τὸ μὴ συναποστῆναι τῇ λοιπῇ πληθύι. [320] καὶ ἦσαν πόλεις αἳ Ἀρχελάῳ ὑπετέλουν Στράτωνός τε πύργος καὶ Σεβαστὴ σὺν Ἰόππῃ καὶ Ἱεροσολύμοις: Γάζαν γὰρ καὶ Γάδαρα καὶ Ἵππον, Ἑλληνίδες εἰσὶν πόλεις, ἀπορρήξας αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀκροάσεως Συρίας προσθήκην ποιεῖται. προσῄει δὲ Ἀρχελάῳ φορὰ χρημάτων τὸ κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς τάλαντα ἑξακόσια ἐξ ἧς παρέλαβεν ἀρχῆς. ** GK **

317 When Caesar had heard the case he dissolved the court and a few days later appointed king Archelaus not over the whole country, but as ethnarch of half the territory that had been subject to Herod, promising to give him the royal title later, if he ruled his area well. 318 The other half he divided into two parts and gave to two other of Herod's sons, Philip and Antipas, the brother who had disputed the whole kingdom with Archelaus. To him Peres and Galilee paid a tax, amounting to two hundred talents a year. 319 Batanea, along with Trachonitis and Auranitis, and part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid one hundred talents in tax to Philip, while Idumaea, Judea and the district of Samaria paid tax to Archelaus, though a quarter of that tax was remitted by order of Caesar, as a reward for not joining in this revolt with the rest of the people. 320 Among the cities that paid tax to Archelaus were Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem, but Gaza and Gadara and Hippos were Greek cities, which Caesar separated from his government and added to the province of Syria. The tax-money to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents.

5.

[321] Καὶ τάδε μὲν τοῖς Ἡρώδου υἱέσιν τῶν πατρῴων παρῆν. Σαλώμῃ δὲ πρὸς οἷς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἀπονέμει, Ἰάμνεια δὲ ἦν ταῦτα καὶ Ἄζωτος καὶ Φασαηλὶς καὶ ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου μυριάδες πεντήκοντα, Καῖσαρ χαρίζεται καὶ τὴν ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι βασίλειον οἴκησιν. ἦν δὲ καὶ ταύτῃ πρόσοδος ἐκ πάντων ταλάντων ἑξήκοντα τὸ ἐπ' ἔτος: καὶ αὐτῆς ὁ οἶκος ἦν ἐν τῇ Ἀρχελάου ἀρχῇ. [322] κομίζονται δὲ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενεῖς ὁπόσα αἱ διαθῆκαι διηγόρευον. δυοῖν δ' αὐτοῦ θυγατράσιν παρθένοις χωρὶς ὧν ὁ πατὴρ κατέλιπεν Καῖσαρ ἑκατέρᾳ δωρεὰν ἐπετίθει μυριάδων ἀνὰ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου καὶ συνῴκισεν αὐτὰς τοῖς Φερώρου υἱέσιν. [323] χαρίζεται δὲ καὶ ὁπόσα αὐτῷ καταλέλειπτο τοῖς παισὶν τοῦ βασιλέως ὄντα πεντακοσίων ταλάντων καὶ χιλίων, ὀλίγα τῶν σκευῶν ὑπεξελόμενος οὐχ οὕτως μεγέθει τέλους ὡς μνήμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένα. ** GK **

321 That was Herod's inheritance to his sons. Now Salome, besides what her brother left her in his will, which were Jamneia, Azotus, Phasaelis and five hundred thousand in coined silver, received from Caesar the gift of a royal dwelling at Askelon. Her total revenues were sixty talents a year and her house was within Archelaus's domain. 322 The king's other relatives got whatever was assigned them in his will. And to each of his two virgin daughters, besides what their father left them, Caesar made a gift of two hundred and fifty thousand silver coin and married them to Pheroras's sons. 323 He also passed on to the king's children all that was bequeathed to himself, which was a thousand five hundred talents, except a few of the vessels which he kept for himself, valuing them not so much for their great worth as because they were mementos to him of the king.

Chapter 12. [324-338]
An Alexander look-alike tries to claim Herod's succession. Unmasked by Caesar, he is sent to the galleys

1.

[324] Τούτων δὲ ταύτῃ διαπεπραγμένων ὑπὸ Καίσαρος νεανίας Ἰουδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Σιδωνίων τεθραμμένος πόλεως παρά τινι τῶν Ῥωμαικῶν ἀπελευθέρων εἰσῴκισεν αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν Ἡρώδου συγγένειαν ὁμοιότητι μορφῆς, ἣ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτῷ τὸν ἀνῃρημένον Ἡρώδου υἱὸν ἐμαρτυρεῖτο παρὰ τοῖς θεωροῦσιν. [325] καὶ τοῦτο παρόρμημα ἦν αὐτῷ εἰς τὸ μεταποιεῖσθαι τῆς ἡγεμονίας. καὶ ὁμοπράγμονα παραλαβὼν ὁμόφυλον ἄνδρα, ἔμπειρον δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸ βασίλειον πονηρόν τε ἄλλως καὶ ταράξαι μεγάλα πράγματα φύσιν ἔχοντα καὶ τοιαύτης κακίας διδάσκαλον αὐτῷ γενόμενον, [326] ἀπέφαινεν αὑτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ Ἡρώδου παῖδα ὄντα διακεκλεμμένον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν ἐσταλμένων: κτείναντα γὰρ ἑτέρους, οἳ ἀπατήσειν ἔμελλον τοὺς θεωροῦντας, αὐτόν τε περιποιῆσαι καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀριστόβουλον. [327] καὶ τούτοις αὐτός τε ἀνεπτέρωτο, καὶ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο ἀπατᾶν, ἀλλὰ Κρήτῃ προσενεχθεὶς Ἰουδαίων ὁπόσοις εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἀφίκετο ἐπηγάγετο εἰς πίστιν, καὶ χρημάτων εὐπορηθεὶς δόσει τῇ ἐκείνων ἐπὶ Μήλου διῆρεν. πολὺ πλέονα δὲ ἦν ἐντεῦθεν ὁπόσα αὐτῷ προσῄει χρήματα πίστει τῆς βασιλείου συγγενείας καὶ ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἀπολαβεῖν τὴν πάτριον ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀμείψασθαι τοὺς εὐεργέτας. [328] ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἠπείγετο παραπομπῇ τῶν ἰδιοξένων, καὶ Δικαιαρχείᾳ προσβαλὼν οὐκ ἠτύχει καὶ τοὺς τῇδε Ἰουδαίους ἀφ' ὁμοίας ἀπάτης προσαγαγέσθαι, προσῄεσάν τε ὥσπερ βασιλεῖ οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ ὁπόσοις ξενία πρὸς Ἡρώδην καὶ εὔνοια ἦν. [329] αἴτιον δὲ ἦν τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὸ ἡδονῇ δεχόμενον τοὺς λόγους σὺν τῷ φερεγγύῳ τῆς μορφῆς: καὶ γὰρ τοῖς πάνυ ὡμιληκόσιν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πολὺ τὸ πιστὸν ἐνετίθει τοῦ μὴ οὐχ ἕτερος ἀλλ' αὐτὸς εἶναι, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πλησίον ὤμνυσαν, [330] ὥστε καὶ προελθόντος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην λόγου τοῦ περὶ αὐτοῦ πᾶν τὸ τῇδε Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος ὑπαντιάζοντες ἐξῄεσαν τῷ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς σωτηρίας θειάζοντες τὸ ἔργον καὶ χάρμα ποιούμενοι διὰ τὸ μητρῷον αὐτῶν γένος, ὁπότε χωροίη κατὰ τοῦ στενωποῦ διφροφορούμενος: [331] καὶ πάντα βασίλειον περὶ αὐτὸν σχῆμα ἦν ἀναλώμασιν τῶν ἰδιοξένων, μεγάλαι περιστάσεις ἐγίνοντο τῆς πληθύος ἐπιβοήσεις τε εὔφημοι ὁπόσα εἰκὸς τοῖς οὕτω παρ' ἐλπίδα σωθεῖσιν συντυγχάνειν οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐκ ἐπράσσετο.
****

324 When these matters had been settled by Caesar in this way, a young man, born a Jew but brought up by a Roman freedman in the city of Sidon, presented himself as related to Herod by his appearance, which those who saw him said resembled Alexander, the son Herod had killed. 325 This spurred him to try to gain the kingship and with the help of another man from his own country, expert in the affairs of the palace and an evil character in every way apt to cause a public nuisance, he devised the following piece of mischief. 326 He declared himself to be Alexander the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those who were sent to kill him, for in reality they killed other people to deceive the onlookers, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus. 327 With this boast he was able to deceive those who encountered him, and when he came to Crete, he was believed by all the Jews who came to talk with him. As a lot of money was given to him there, he crossed over to Melos, where he got still more money, on account of their belief that he was of the royal family and their hopes that he would recover his father's kingdom and reward his benefactors. 328 Then he hurried to Rome, brought there by foreigners who entertained him. On landing at Dikaearchia, he managed to bring the Jews there into the same delusion, and not only others but even those who had been close to Herod, or felt fond of him, joined themselves to this man as to their king. 329 The reason was they men were delighted by his claims, which were supported by his appearance, which convinced Alexander's former acquaintances that he was none other but the man himself, which they also swore to others. 330 When it was reported that he was coming to Rome, all the Jews there went out to meet him, ascribing it to divine Providence that he has so unexpectedly escaped and feeling delighted on account of his mother's family, and when he arrived, he was carried through the streets. 331 At the expense of his hosts, he was adorned in royal style and large crowds flocked noisily around him, with all the acclaim rightly shown to one whose life was unexpectedly saved.

2.

[332] Καίσαρι δὲ ὡς ἀφίκετο ἀγγελία ἡ περὶ αὐτοῦ, ἠπίστει μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἂν ῥᾳδίως ἀπατηθῆναι Ἡρώδην ἐν πράγμασιν ἐπὶ μέγα ἀνήκουσιν αὐτῷ, διδοὺς δὲ τῇ ἐλπίδι Κέλαδον τῶν αὐτοῦ τινὰ ἐξελευθέρων ὡμιληκότα τοῖς μειρακίοις πέμπει κελεύσας ἀγαγεῖν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ ἀνῆγεν οὐδέν τι βελτίων ἐπὶ τῇ κρίσει τῶν πολλῶν γενόμενος. [333] οὐ μὴν Καῖσάρ γε ἠπατᾶτο, ἀλλ' ἦν μὲν ἐμφερής, οὐ μὴν ὥστε ἀπατῆσαι τοὺς σωφρόνως ἐκλογίζεσθαι δυναμένους: αὐτουργίᾳ τε γὰρ ἐτέτρυτο ὁ ψευδαλέξανδρος καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἐκείνῳ ῥαδαλὸν τοῦ σώματος ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ γενναιότητος συνερχόμενον διὰ τὰ ἐναντία τῷδε ἐπισκληρότερον ἐξεβεβήκει τὸ σῶμα. [334] θεασάμενος οὖν συμπνευσμὸν ἐπὶ ψευδολογίᾳ διδασκάλου καὶ μαθητοῦ καὶ λόγων τολμηρῶν συγκρότησιν, ἐξήταζε περὶ Ἀριστοβούλου, τί καὶ γεγόνοι συνεκκλαπεὶς αὐτῷ, καὶ δι' ἣν αἰτίαν οὐ παραγεγόνοι μεταποιούμενος τῆς ἀξίας, ἧς προσῆκε τυγχάνειν τοὺς οὕτω γεγονότας; [335] φαμένου δ' ἐπὶ νήσου τῆς Κυπρίων καταλελεῖφθαι κινδύνων ὑφοράσει τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν, εἰ περὶ αὐτῷ συσταίη τι δεινόν, μὴ παντελὲς ἐξαλείφοιτο τὸ Μαριάμμης γένος ἀλλὰ περιὼν Ἀριστόβουλος μένοι τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας, [336] ταῦτα διισχυριζομένου καὶ συνεστῶτος αὐτῷ τοῦ μηχανοποιοῦ τῆς πράξεως Καῖσαρ καταμόνας ἀπολαβὼν τὸ μειράκιον "ἀλλὰ σοὶ μισθός, ἔφη, προκείσεται τοῦ μὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐμὲ ἀπάτῃ χρησομένου τὸ μὴ ἀπολούμενον τῆς σωτηρίας: φάθι δή μοι αὐτόν τε ὃς ὢν τυγχάνεις καὶ ὅς σε τοιάδε ᾖξε τολμῆσαι διανοεῖσθαι: μεῖζον γὰρ τὸ ἐπιβού [337] λευμα κακίας ἐγκεχείρηκας χρόνων οὓς γεγονὼς τυγχάνεις." καὶ δή, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλως πράσσειν, φράζει πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα, ὅν τε τρόπον καὶ ὑφ' οὗ τυγχάνοι συγκείμενον. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὸν μὲν ψευδαλέξανδρον, οὐ γὰρ ἐψεύσατο ὁμολογίαν τὴν πρὸς αὐτόν, δραστήριον ὁρῶν αὐτουργῆσαι τῷ σώματι ἐρέσσειν ἐν τοῖς ναύταις καταλέγει, τὸν δὲ ἀναπείσαντα κτείνει. [338] καταδίκη δ' ἤρκει Μηλίοις ὁπόσα ἐτετελέκεσαν εἰς τὸν Ψευδαλέξανδρον διακενῆς ἀναλωκέναι. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν ψευδαλέξανδρον τολμηρῶς συντεθέντα οὕτως ἀκλεῶς ἔσχεν.
****

332 When Caesar was told this news he mistrusted it, because Herod was not easily fooled in matters of such concern to him, but just in case it might be so he sent a freedman of his named Celadus, who was personally acquainted with the youths and told him bring Alexander so that he could get a look at him. So he, whose estimate of the man was no better than that of many others, brought him along. 333 But he did not deceive Caesar, for though there was a likeness, it was not enough to deceive people of discernment. The pseudo Alexander was toughened by labour and instead of the bodily refinement of the other from his delicate and liberal education, this man on the contrary had a rugged body. 334 Seeing a bold conspiracy between master and pupil in the invention of this story, he enquired about Aristobulus and what had become of the lad spirited away along with him and why he had not come with him to regain the status due to people so nobly born. 335 When he said that he had been left in the island of Crete for fear of the dangers at sea, so that if anything should happen to him Mariamne's descendants might not be wiped out, for Aristobulus would survive and punish whoever plotted against them. 336 As he stuck to his story and the author of the fraud supported him, Caesar took the young man aside and said to him, "If you do not try to fool me, your reward will be to escape with your life. So tell me who you are and who has dared to plan such a deceit as this, for such a piece of villainy is too large to have been undertaken by one of your age." 337 And since he had no other option he told Caesar about the plot and how and by whom it was devised. So Caesar, noting that the pseudo Alexander was a strong active man fit for manual work, in order not to break his promise to him, put him to row among the sailors, but put to death the man who had instigated the fraud. 338 He considered the people of Melos sufficiently punished by having wasted so much of their money upon this pseudo Alexander. This put an ignominious end to this bold venture about the pseudo Alexander.

Chapter 13. [339-355]
Archelaus is accused of brutality, and banished by Caesar to Vienne

1.

[339] Ἀρχέλαος δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν παραλαβὼν ἐπεὶ εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἀφικνεῖται, Ἰωάζαρον τὸν Βοηθοῦ ἀφελόμενος τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπικαλῶν αὐτῷ συστάντι τοῖς στασιώταις Ἐλεάζαρον τὸν ἐκείνου ἐπικαθίσταται ἀδελφόν. [340] ἀνοικοδομεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι βασίλειον ἐκπρεπῶς, τῶν τε ὑδάτων ὁπόσα Νεαρὰν τὴν κώμην ὠφελεῖ ἐπιρρέοντα ἐξ ἡμισείας ἀπέστρεψεν ἐπαγωγὴν αὐτῷ ποιούμενος τῷ πεδίῳ φοίνιξιν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πεφυτευμένῳ, κώμην τε κτίσας Ἀρχελαίδα ὄνομα αὐτῇ τίθεται. [341] καὶ τοῦ πατρίου παράβασιν ποιησάμενος Γλαφύραν τὴν Ἀρχελάου μὲν θυγατέρα, Ἀλεξάνδρου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γαμετὴν γενομένην, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τέκνα ἦν αὐτῇ, ἀπώμοτον ὂν Ἰουδαίοις γαμετὰς ἀδελφῶν ἄγεσθαι, γαμεῖ. διατρίβει δὲ οὐδὲ ὁ Ἑλεάζαρος ἐν τῇ ἱερωσύνῃ ἐπικατασταθέντος αὐτῷ ζῶντι Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Σεὲ παιδός.
****

339 When Archelaus received his ethnarchy and came into Judea, he accused Joazar, son of Boethus, of assisting the rebels and deposed him from the high priesthood and put Eleazar his brother in his place. 340 Then he lavishly rebuilt the royal palace in Jericho and he diverted into the plain half the water used by the village of Neara, to water the palm trees which he had planted there; then he also built a village and called it Archelais, after his own name. 341 Moreover, though it was abhorrent among the Jews to marry one's brother's wife he broke our ancestral law by marrying the daughter of Archelaus, Glaphyra, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, and had borned him children. Nor did this Eleazar retain the high priesthood for long, being replaced during his lifetime by Joshua, son of See.

2.

[342] Δεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς Ἀρχελάου οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔν τε Ἰουδαίοις καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι μὴ φέροντες τὴν ὠμότητα αὐτοῦ καὶ τυραννίδα κατηγοροῦσιν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Καίσαρος, καὶ μάλιστα ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν αὐτὸν παραβεβηκότα τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ, ἵνα ἐπιεικῶς ἀναστραφῇ τὰ πρὸς αὐτούς. [343] ὁ τοίνυν Καῖσαρ ὡς ἤκουσεν, ὀργῇ φέρων τὸν ἐπίτροπον τὸν Ἀρχελάου τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ πραγμάτων, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ὄνομα ἦν, μετακαλέσας γράφειν μὲν Ἀρχελάῳ ταπεινὸν ἡγεῖται, "σὺ δὲ παραχρῆμα, φησίν, πλέων μηδὲν [344] εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἐπαναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς." καὶ ὃς ἔκπλουν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ποιησάμενος καὶ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Ἰουδαίαν λαμβάνει τὸν Ἀρχέλαον ἐν εὐωχίαις ὄντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων, τήν τε διάνοιαν ἀποσημαίνει τὴν Καίσαρος καὶ ὥρμησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀφικομένου ἐπί τινων κατηγόρων ἀκροᾶται καὶ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἐκεῖνον μὲν φυγάδα ἐλαύνει δοὺς οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλατίας, τὰ δὲ χρήματα ἀπηνέγκατο.
****

342 In the tenth year of the rule of Archelaus, the leading men of Judea and Samaria, finding his cruelty and tyranny intolerable, accused him before Caesar, particularly as they knew he had broken his mandate to act with fairness among them. 343 On hearing it, Caesar was very angry and called for the steward who looked after the affairs of Archelaus in Rome (and whose name was also Archelaus,) and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he told him, "Sail away and bring him to us as soon as possible." 344 After a rapid voyage the man came to Judea where he found Archelaus feasting with his friends, and told him Caesar's wishes and ensured that he left in a hurry. When he arrived, Caesar gave a hearing to his accusers and heard his reply; then he banished him, assigning him to live in Vienne, a city of Gaul, and confiscated his money.

3.

[345] Πρότερον δὲ ἢ κληθεὶς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἀνελθεῖν Ἀρχέλαος ὄναρ τοιόνδε ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῖς φίλοις θεασάμενος: ἀστάχυας δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν πλέους πυροῦ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀκμὴν ἀπειληφότας δόξα ἦν αὐτῷ βιβρωσκομένους ὑπὸ βοῶν θεωρεῖν. καὶ περιεγρόμενος φέρειν εἰς μέγα δόξαν τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ μεταστέλλεται τοὺς μάντεις, οἷς περὶ ὀνειράτων ἦσαν αἱ ἀναστροφαί. [346] σκιδναμένων δὲ ἑτέρων ἐφ' ἑτέροις, οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἕνα ἔκειτο πᾶσιν ἀφήγησις, Σίμων ἀνὴρ γένος Ἐσσαῖος ἀσφάλειαν αἰτησάμενος, μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν Ἀρχελάῳ φέρειν τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν: [347] βόας μὲν γὰρ κακοπαθείας τε ἀποσαφεῖν διὰ τὸ ἔργοις ἐπιταλαιπωρεῖν τὸ ζῷον, μεταβολὰς δὲ αὖ πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν γῆν πόνῳ τῷ ἐκείνων ἀρουμένην ἐν ταὐτῷ μένειν οὐ δύνασθαι: τοὺς δὲ ἀστάχυας δέκα ὄντας τοσῶνδε ἀριθμὸν ἐνιαυτῶν ὁρίζειν, περιόδῳ γὰρ ἑνὸς παραγίνεσθαι θέρος, καὶ τὸν χρόνον ἐξήκειν Ἀρχελάῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας. [348] καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ ἐξηγήσατο τὸν ὄνειρον. πέμπτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μεθ' ὃ τὸ πρῶτον αὐτοῦ ἡ ὄψις Ἀρχελάῳ συνῆλθεν ὁ ἀνακαλούμενος Ἀρχέλαος πεμπτὸς εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἀφίκετο.
****

345 Before Archelaus got the call to go up to Rome he reported a dream to his friends, along these lines: he seemed to see a group of ten wheat-stalks, ripe and heavy with grain, which were being devoured by oxen. Since the vision seemed to him very important, when he awoke and got up he sent for the diviners who devoted themselves to the study of dreams. 346 And while some were in disagreement, for their interpretations were not consistent, a man named Simon of the Essene sect asked leave to speak freely and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and not for the better. 347 He said the oxen meant sufferings since that animal is forced into painful labour, and meant a change of affairs, since the land ploughed by oxen cannot remain as it was before, and that the ten ears of corn indicated that number of years, for an ear of corn grows in a year, and so the time of Archelaus's leadership was over. That was his exposition of the dream. 348 Now it was no more than five days after this dream that the other Archelaus, who was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, arrived.

4.

[349] Παραπλήσια δὲ καὶ Γλαφύρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ συντυγχάνει βασιλέως Ἀρχελάου θυγατρὶ οὔσῃ, ᾗ καὶ πρότερον εἶπον συνῴκει παρθένον λαβὼν Ἀλέξανδρος Ἡρώδου μὲν υἱὸς Ἀρχελάου δ' ἀδελφός. ἐπεὶ δὲ συμβαίνει τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτῆσαι, [350] Ἰόβᾳ τῷ Λιβύων βασιλεῖ γαμεῖται, μεταστάντος δὲ τοῦ Λίβυος χηρεύουσαν ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ Ἀρχέλαος ἄγεται τὴν συνοῦσαν αὐτῷ Μαριάμμην ἐκβαλών: τοσόσδε τῆς Γλαφύρας ἀνέστρεψεν ἔρως. [351] καὶ συνοικοῦσα τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ τοιόνδε ὄναρ θεᾶται: ἐδόκει τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιστάντα θεασαμένη χαίρειν καὶ περιβάλλειν προθύμως, τὸν δὲ κατάμεμψίν τε αὐτῆς ποιεῖσθαι καὶ φάναι: [352] "Γλαφύρα, συνηγορεῖς ἄρα λόγῳ, ὃς ἄπιστα ἔλεγεν εἶναι γυναιξίν, εἰ συνομόσασά τέ μοι καὶ συγκατοικισθεῖσα παρθένος παίδων ἡμῖν γεγονότων λήθῃ παραδίδως ἔρωτας τοὺς ἐμοὺς δευτέρων ἐπιθυμίᾳ γάμων. πληθώρα δέ σοι οὐδ' οὕτως ὕβρεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τρίτον ἐτόλμησας σαυτῇ παρακατακλῖναι νυμφίον ἀπρεπῶς καὶ ἀναισχύντως ἐπεισιοῦσα οἴκῳ τῷ ἐμῷ, καὶ γάμον συντιθεμένη πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον ἄνδρα μὲν σεαυτῆς ἀδελφὸν δὲ ἡμέτερον. [353] ἀλλ' οὐκ ἔγωγε λήθην ποιήσομαι εὐνοίας τῆς σῆς, ἀπαλλάξω δέ σε παντὸς τοῦ ὀνειδιοῦντος ἐμὴν ὥσπερ ἦν κατασκευασάμενος." ταῦτα διηγησαμένη πρὸς τὰς συνήθεις τῶν γυναικῶν μετ' ὀλίγας ἡμέρας τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον.
****

349 Something similar happened to Glaphyra his wife, the daughter of king Archelaus, who as I have said came as a virgin to marry Alexander, the son of Herod and brother of Archelaus, but who was later married to Juba, the king of Lybia when Alexander was killed by his father. 350 When after his death she was living in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne and married her, so great was his love for Glaphyra. 351 During her marriage to him she saw the following dream. Thinking that she saw Alexander standing beside her, she was glad and embraced him with great affection, but he complained to her and said, 352 "Glaphyra, you prove the saying that women cannot be trusted. Did you not pledge me your love? Did you not marry me as a virgin? Did we not have children together? But you have forgotten my love for you, in your desire for a second marriage. On top of that insult, you have dared to find a third husband to lie with you and have indecently and foolishly entered my house to take as your husband my own brother, Archelaus. 353 But I will not forget your former love for me, for I will set you free all such shame and make you mine again, as once you were." A few days after telling this to her women companions, she departed this life.

5.

[354] Ἐγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἀλλότρια νομίσας αὐτὰ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ εἶναι διὰ τὸ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐνεστηκέναι καὶ ἄλλως ἐπὶ παραδείγματι φέρειν τοῦ τε ἀμφὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀθανασίας ἐμφεροῦς καὶ τοῦ θείου προμηθείᾳ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια περιειληφότος τῇ αὐτοῦ, καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισα εἰπεῖν. ὅτῳ δὲ ἀπιστεῖται τὰ τοιάδε γνώμης ὀνινάμενος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κώλυμα οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο τῷ ἐπ' ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ προστιθεμένῳ. [355] τῆς δ' Ἀρχελάου χώρας ὑποτελοῦς προσνεμηθείσης τῇ Σύρων πέμπεται Κυρίνιος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς ἀποτιμησόμενός τε τὰ ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ τὸν Ἀρχελάου ἀποδωσόμενος οἶκον.
****

354 I did not think these stories out of place in this account, for they concern the royal house and they also have the benefit of confirming the immortality of the soul and the providence of God over human affairs. I thought them fit to relate but if anyone does not believe such stories, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not prevent another from adding them to his motivation for virtue. 355 So the district of Archelaus was added to that of the Syrians, and Quirinius, the former consul, was sent by Caesar to take a census of property in Syria and to sell the house of Archelaus.