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Revelation

Ἡ Καινὴ Διαθήκη

Josephus
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THE JEWISH WAR
War, Volume 1
War, Volume 2
War, Volume 3
War, Volume 4
War, Volume 5
War, Volume 6
War, Volume 7

THE ANTIQUITIES
Ant. Jud., Bk 1
Ant. Jud., Bk 2
Ant. Jud., Bk 3
Ant. Jud., Bk 4
Ant. Jud., Bk 5
Ant. Jud., Bk 6
Ant. Jud., Bk 7
Ant. Jud., Bk 8
Ant. Jud., Bk 9
Ant. Jud., Bk 10
Ant. Jud., Bk 11
Ant. Jud., Bk 12
Ant. Jud., Bk 13
Ant. Jud., Bk 14
Ant. Jud., Bk 15
Ant. Jud., Bk 16
Ant. Jud., Bk 17
Ant. Jud., Bk 18
Ant. Jud., Bk 19
Ant. Jud., Bk 20

OTHER WRITINGS
Apion, Bk 1
Apion, Bk 2
Autobiog.



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Antiquities (Greek Text) Book 18.

From Archelaus' exile to the departure of the Diaspora Jews from Babylon

1. Roman taxes under Quirinius; Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects

2. Cities named for Caesar. Lists of priests and procurators. The Parthians

3. Jews rebel against Pilate. The execution of Jesus. Jews banished from Rome

4. Pilate kills some demonstrators. Vitellius is sent against the Parthians

5. Herod Agrippa loses war against Aretas of Arabia. Death of John the Baptist

6. Herod Agrippa sails to Rome. Imprisoned, then released, and made a tetrarch

7. Urged by Herodias, Antipas makes a request of Caligula and is banished

8. The Jewish delegation to Gaius. Petronius sent to compel the Jews

9. The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Mesopotamia

Chapter 1. [001-025]
Rome's Taxation of Syria and Judea, under Quirinius. Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects

1.

[1] Κυρίνιος δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ Συρίας παρῆν, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος, [2] Κωπώνιός τε αὐτῷ συγκαταπέμπεται τάγματος τῶν ἱππέων, ἡγησόμενος Ἰουδαίων τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξουσίᾳ. παρῆν δὲ καὶ Κυρίνιος εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν προσθήκην τῆς Συρίας γενομένην ἀποτιμησόμενός τε αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας καὶ ἀποδωσόμενος τὰ Ἀρχελάου χρήματα. [3] οἱ δὲ καίπερ τὸ κατ' ἀρχὰς ἐν δεινῷ φέροντες τὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀπογραφαῖς ἀκρόασιν ὑποκατέβησαν τοῦ μὴ εἰς πλέον ἐναντιοῦσθαι πείσαντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Ἰωαζάρου, Βοηθοῦ δὲ οὗτος υἱὸς ἦν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡττηθέντες τοῦ Ἰωαζάρου τῶν λόγων ἀπετίμων τὰ χρήματα μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντες: [4] Ἰούδας δὲ Γαυλανίτης ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα Γάμαλα Σάδδωκον Φαρισαῖον προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει, τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ' ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος: [5] ὡς παρασχὸν μὲν κατορθοῦν εἰς τὸ εὔδαιμον ἀνακειμένης τῆς κτήσεως, σφαλεῖσιν δὲ τοῦ ταύτης περιόντος ἀγαθοῦ τιμὴν καὶ κλέος ποιήσεσθαι τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος, καὶ τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ ἐπὶ συμπράξει τῶν βουλευμάτων εἰς τὸ κατορθοῦν συμπροθυμεῖσθαι μᾶλλον, ἂν μεγάλων ἐρασταὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ καθιστάμενοι μὴ ἐξαφίωνται πόνου τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς. [6] καὶ ἡδονῇ γὰρ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ὧν λέγοιεν ἐδέχοντο οἱ ἄνθρωποι, προύκοπτεν ἐπὶ μέγα ἡ ἐπιβολὴ τοῦ τολμήματος, κακόν τε οὐκ ἔστιν, οὗ μὴ φυέντος ἐκ τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ εἰπεῖν ἀνεπλήσθη τὸ ἔθνος: [7] πολέμων τε ἐπαγωγαῖς οὐχ οἷον τὸ ἄπαυστον τὴν βίαν ἔχειν, καὶ ἀποστέρησιν φίλων, οἳ καὶ ἐπελαφρύνοιεν τὸν πόνον, λῃστηρίων τε μεγάλων ἐπιθέσεσιν καὶ διαφθοραῖς ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων, δόξα μὲν τοῦ ὀρθουμένου τῶν κοινῶν, ἔργῳ δὲ οἰκείων κερδῶν ἐλπίσιν. [8] ἐξ ὧν στάσεις τε ἐφύησαν δι' αὐτὰς καὶ φόνος πολιτικός, ὁ μὲν ἐμφυλίοις σφαγαῖς μανίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ αὑτοὺς χρωμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ μὴ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀντικαθεστηκότων, ὁ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, λιμός τε εἰς ὑστάτην ἀνακείμενος ἀναισχυντίαν, καὶ πόλεων ἁλώσεις καὶ κατασκαφαί, μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνείματο πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἥδε ἡ στάσις. [9] οὕτως ἄρα ἡ τῶν πατρίων καίνισις καὶ μεταβολὴ μεγάλας ἔχει ῥοπὰς τοῦ ἀπολουμένου τοῖς συνελθοῦσιν, εἴ γε καὶ Ἰούδας καὶ Σάδδωκος τετάρτην φιλοσοφίαν ἐπείσακτον ἡμῖν ἐγείραντες καὶ ταύτης ἐραστῶν εὐπορηθέντες πρός τε τὸ παρὸν θορύβων τὴν πολιτείαν ἐνέπλησαν καὶ τῶν αὖθις κακῶν κατειληφότων ῥίζας ἐφυτεύσαντο τῷ ἀσυνήθει πρότερον φιλοσοφίας τοιᾶσδε: [10] περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν, ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ' αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε.
****

001 Quirinius, a Roman senator who had ascended through the magistracies up to the consulship and also enjoyed high dignity in other ways, came to Syria at this time, with some others, sent by Caesar to judge that nation and assess their property. 002 A man of equestrian rank, Coponius, was sent with him, to take full charge of the Jews, though Quirinius came into Judea too, which was now annexed to Syria, to assess their property and dispose of Archelaus's money. 003 The Jews were at first alarmed to hear about this tax-registration but were persuaded to give up their opposition to it by the high priest Joazar, the son of Boethus, and, won over by Joazar's words, they gave an account of their estates without argument. 004 But Judas, a Gaulonite from a city called Gamala, with the support of the Pharisee Sadduc, stirred them to revolt by calling this taxation nothing but an introduction to slavery and urging the nation to reassert its freedom. 005 This would allow them to regain prosperity and retain their own property, as well as something still more valuable, the honour and glory of acting with courage. They said that God would surely help them to achieve their goals, if they set their hearts on great ideals and not grow tired in carrying them out. 006 What they said was eagerly listened to and great progress was made in this bold project, so that indescribable troubles came on the nation as a result of these men. 007 We were embroiled in interminable violence and war, and lost the friends who could alleviate our misery, when our leading men were robbed and murdered, under the pretext of the common good, but in reality for private gain. 008 From them came the seeds of political murder, for the mania for victory sometimes caused people to kill their own race, wanting none of the opposition to survive any more than their enemies. The revolt brought famine upon us and utter despair, as our cities were taken and demolished, until even the temple of God was burned down by our enemies. 009 Such were the results of changing our ancestral customs, for these changes contributed much to the coming destruction. Judas and Sadduc began a fourth philosophy among us that had many followers and not only threw our state into convulsion at that time but our woeful future, such as we had never known before, sprang from this "philosophy." 010 I will explain a little about this, since the infection of the younger impressionable elements by these ideas brought our affairs to ruin.

2.

[11] Ἰουδαίοις φιλοσοφίαι τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων, ἥ τε τῶν Ἐσσηνῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι λεγόμενοι. καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ Ἰουδαικοῦ πολέμου, μνησθήσομαι δ' ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ' ὀλίγον.
****

011 By traditional custom, the Jews had for a long time had three sorts of philosophy: that of the Essenes, that of the Sadducees and a third way followed by those called the Pharisees. Although I have already spoken about these in the second book of the Jewish War, I will say a little more about them now.

3.

[12] Οἵ τε γὰρ Φαρισαῖοι τὴν δίαιταν ἐξευτελίζουσιν οὐδὲν ἐς τὸ μαλακώτερον ἐνδιδόντες, ὧν τε ὁ λόγος κρίνας παρέδωκεν ἀγαθῶν ἕπονται τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τὴν φυλακὴν ὧν ὑπαγορεύειν ἠθέλησεν. τιμῆς γε τοῖς ἡλικίᾳ προήκουσιν παραχωροῦσιν οὐδ' ἐπ' ἀντιλέξει τῶν εἰσηγηθέντων ταῦτα οἱ θράσει ἐπαιρόμενοι. [13] πράσσεσθαί τε εἱμαρμένῃ τὰ πάντα ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τὸ βουλόμενον τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ὁρμῆς ἀφαιροῦνται δοκῆσαν τῷ θεῷ κρίσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τῷ ἐκείνης βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῷ ἐθελήσαντι προσχωρεῖν μετ' ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας. [14] ἀθάνατόν τε ἰσχὺν ταῖς ψυχαῖς πίστις αὐτοῖς εἶναι καὶ ὑπὸ χθονὸς δικαιώσεις τε καὶ τιμὰς οἷς ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας ἐπιτήδευσις ἐν τῷ βίῳ γέγονεν, καὶ ταῖς μὲν εἱργμὸν ἀίδιον προτίθεσθαι, ταῖς δὲ ῥᾳστώνην τοῦ ἀναβιοῦν. [15] καὶ δι' αὐτὰ τοῖς τε δήμοις πιθανώτατοι τυγχάνουσιν καὶ ὁπόσα θεῖα εὐχῶν τε ἔχεται καὶ ἱερῶν ποιήσεως ἐξηγήσει τῇ ἐκείνων τυγχάνουσιν πρασσόμενα. εἰς τοσόνδε ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐπιτηδεύσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κρείσσονος ἔν τε τῇ διαίτῃ τοῦ βίου καὶ λόγοις.
****

012 The Pharisees opt for a simple lifestyle and make no concession to luxury, and accept the authority of what their doctrine hands on to them as good, and reckon that the preservation of their doctrines is worth fighting for. They show respect to their elders and do not rashly contradict whatever these have introduced. 013 Though they believe that everything is subject to fate, they do not remove from people the freedom to act as they think fit, for they think God has given us the judgment by which the human will can follows the ways of virtue or of vice. 014 They also believe that souls have an immortal fore and that there will be rewards or punishments beneath the earth, according as one has lived virtuously or badly in this life, and the latter will be kept in an everlasting prison, and the others be empowered to live again. 015 With these doctrines they greatly influence the general public, who follow their guidance about worship and prayers and sacrifices, so that in the cities they are acclaimed as admirable, both in their actions and in their words.

4.

[16] Σαδδουκαίοις δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ λόγος συναφανίζει τοῖς σώμασι, φυλακῇ δὲ οὐδαμῶς τινων μεταποίησις αὐτοῖς ἢ τῶν νόμων: πρὸς γὰρ τοὺς διδασκάλους σοφίας, ἣν μετίασιν, ἀμφιλογεῖν ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦσιν. [17] εἰς ὀλίγους δὲ ἄνδρας οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἀφίκετο, τοὺς μέντοι πρώτους τοῖς ἀξιώμασι, πράσσεταί τε ἀπ' αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ὡς εἰπεῖν: ὁπότε γὰρ ἐπ' ἀρχὰς παρέλθοιεν, ἀκουσίως μὲν καὶ κατ' ἀνάγκας, προσχωροῦσι δ' οὖν οἷς ὁ Φαρισαῖος λέγει διὰ τὸ μὴ ἄλλως ἀνεκτοὺς γενέσθαι τοῖς πλήθεσιν.
****

016 The Sadducees teach that souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard as obligatory anything beyond what the law commands. They think it a virtue to dispute ideas with the teachers of wisdom whom they meet. 017 This doctrine is held by only a few, though these are of the highest dignity. But of themselves they can achieve almost nothing, for when they become leaders, as they are sometimes obliged to be, even if unwillingly, they adopt the ideas of the Pharisees, since otherwise the people would not listen to them.

5.

[18] Ἐσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος, ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν πρόσοδον. [19] εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν, ἃς νομίζοιεν, καὶ δι' αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ' αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν. βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως [ἄνδρες] τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι. [20] ἄξιον δ' αὐτῶν θαυμάσαι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένους τόδε διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς ὑπάρξαν Ἑλλήνων ἢ βαρβάρων τισίν, ἀλλὰ μηδ' εἰς ὀλίγον, ἐκείνοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ συνελθὸν ἐν τῷ ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι: τὰ χρήματά τε κοινά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ἀπολαύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὁ πλούσιος τῶν οἰκείων μειζόνως ἢ ὁ μηδ' ὁτιοῦν κεκτημένος: καὶ τάδε πράσσουσιν ἄνδρες ὑπὲρ τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες. [21] καὶ οὔτε γαμετὰς εἰσάγονται οὔτε δούλων ἐπιτηδεύουσιν κτῆσιν, τὸ μὲν εἰς ἀδικίαν φέρειν ὑπειληφότες, τὸ δὲ στάσεως ἐνδιδόναι ποίησιν, αὐτοὶ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν ζῶντες διακονίᾳ τῇ ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις ἐπιχρῶνται. [22] ἀποδέκτας δὲ τῶν προσόδων χειροτονοῦντες καὶ ὁπόσα ἡ γῆ φέροι ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς, ἱερεῖς δὲ ἐπὶ ποιήσει σίτου τε καὶ βρωμάτων. ζῶσι δὲ οὐδὲν παρηλλαγμένως, ἀλλ' ὅτι μάλιστα ἐμφέροντες Δακῶν τοῖς πλείστοις λεγομένοις.
****

018 The Essenes hold that all things are best left in the hands of God. They believe in the soul's immortality and think one should earnestly strive for righteousness. 019 Though they send to the temple what they have dedicated to God, they offer their sacrifice with distinctive purifications, because of which they are excluded from the common court of the temple and offer their sacrifices separately. Their way of life is better than that of other men, and they devote themselves entirely to farming. 020 It is admirable how much they excel all others in virtue, for their lifestyle is not found among Greeks or barbarians, even briefly, though it has been continually practiced by them for a long time. They hold their wealth in common, so that a rich man enjoys no more of his wealth than one who owns nothing at all, and about four thousand men live in this way. 021 They neither wives nor keep servants, thinking that the latter leads to injustice while the former can cause quarrelling, but live single lives and are of service to each other. 022 They appoint good men as stewards to receive their revenues and the fruits of the earth, and priests to prepare their bread and other food. Their lifestyle does not differs little from, indeed is very similar to, that of the so-called Ktistai ("founders") among the Dacians.

6.

[23] Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν φιλοσοφιῶν ὁ Γαλιλαῖος Ἰούδας ἡγεμὼν κατέστη, τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα γνώμῃ τῶν Φαρισαίων ὁμολογούσῃ, δυσνίκητος δὲ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἔρως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν θεὸν ὑπειληφόσιν. θανάτων τε ἰδέας ὑπομένειν παρηλλαγμένας ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθενται καὶ συγγενῶν τιμωρίας καὶ φίλων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα ἄνθρωπον προσαγορεύειν δεσπότην. [24] ἑωρακόσιν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς τὸ ἀμετάλλακτον αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὑποστάσεως περαιτέρω διελθεῖν παρέλιπον: οὐ γὰρ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς ἀπιστίαν ὑποληφθῇ τι τῶν λεγομένων ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, τοὐναντίον δὲ μὴ ἐλασσόνως τοῦ ἐκείνων καταφρονήματος δεχομένου τὴν ταλαιπωρίαν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος ὁ λόγος ἀφηγῆται. [25] ἀνοίᾳ τε τῇ ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο νοσεῖν τὸ ἔθνος Γεσσίου Φλώρου, ὃς ἡγεμὼν ἦν, τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπονοήσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀποστῆναι Ῥωμαίων. καὶ φιλοσοφεῖται μὲν Ἰουδαίοις τοσάδε.
****

023 Judas the Galilean was the originator of the fourth way of Jewish philosophy, which agrees in most things with the views of the Pharisees, but is intensely devoted to freedom and claims God as the only Ruler and Lord. They are prepared for any kind of death, and even accept the deaths of relatives and friends, rather than call any man lord. 024 Since their immovable resolve is well known to many, I shall say no more about it, nor do I fear that what I have said of them will be disbelieved. What I do fear is that I have understated the indifference they show in the face of misery and pain. 025 It was in the time of Gessius Florus as governor that the nation began to grow mad with this illness, when by the abuse of his authority he caused them to revolt from the Romans. Those are the ways of philosophy among the Jews.

Chapter 2. [026-054]
Herod Antipas founds Tiberias. Succession of priests and procurators. Royal succession among the Parthians

1.

[26] Κυρίνιος δὲ τὰ Ἀρχελάου χρήματα ἀποδόμενος ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἀποτιμήσεων πέρας ἐχουσῶν, αἳ ἐγένοντο τριακοστῷ καὶ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὴν Ἀντωνίου ἐν Ἀκτίῳ ἧτταν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος, Ἰωάζαρον τὸν ἀρχιερέα καταστασιασθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς πληθύος ἀφελόμενος τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς τιμῆς Ἄνανον τὸν Σεθὶ καθίσταται ἀρχιερέα. [27] Ἡρώδης δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος τετραρχίαν ἑκάτερος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρειληφότες καθίσταντο. καὶ Ἡρώδης Σέπφωριν τειχίσας πρόσχημα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου παντὸς ἠγόρευεν αὐτὴν Αὐτοκρατορίδα: Βηθαραμφθᾶ δέ, πόλις καὶ αὐτὴ τυγχάνει, τείχει περιλαβὼν Ἰουλιάδα ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσαγορεύει τῆς γυναικός. [28] Φίλιππος δὲ Πανεάδα τὴν πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Ἰορδάνου κατασκευάσας ὀνομάζει Καισάρειαν, κώμην δὲ Βηθσαιδὰ πρὸς λίμνῃ τῇ Γεννησαρίτιδι πόλεως παρασχὼν ἀξίωμα πλήθει τε οἰκητόρων καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει Ἰουλίᾳ θυγατρὶ τῇ Καίσαρος ὁμώνυμον ἐκάλεσεν.
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026 When Quirinius had disposed of Archelaus's money and the assessments had been completed, in the thirty-seventh year after Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he took from Joazar the dignity of the high priesthood, which had been given him by the people and appointed Ananus, son of Seth, as high priest. 027 Herod and Philip each took charge of their own tetrarchies and arranged matters there. Then Herod built a wall around Sepphoris for the security of all Galilee, and made it the capital of his area, and also built a wall around the city of Betharamphtha, and called it Julias, after the emperor's wife. 028 Philip also built up Paneas at the source of the Jordan, calling it Caesarea, and made a city of the village of Bethsaida, on the lake of Gennesareth, for the number of its inhabitants and its importance, naming it Julias, the name of Caesar's daughter.

2.

[29] Κωπωνίου δὲ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν διέποντος, ὃν ἔφην Κυρινίῳ συνεκπεμφθῆναι, τάδε πράσσεται. τῶν ἀζύμων τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀγομένης, ἣν πάσχα καλοῦμεν, ἐκ μέσης νυκτὸς ἐν ἔθει τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἦν ἀνοιγνύναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοὺς πυλῶνας. [30] καὶ τότε οὖν ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον γίνεται ἡ ἄνοιξις αὐτῶν, ἄνδρες Σαμαρεῖται κρύφα εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἐλθόντες διάρριψιν ἀνθρωπείων ὀστῶν ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἤρξαντο μὴ πρότερον ἐπὶ τοιούτοις νομίζοντες τά τε ἄλλα διὰ φυλακῆς μείζονος ἦγον τὸ ἱερόν. [31] καὶ Κωπώνιος μετ' οὐ πολὺ εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπαναχωρεῖ, διάδοχος δ' αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς παραγίνεται Μᾶρκος Ἀμβιβουχος, ἐφ' οὗ καὶ Σαλώμη ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἡρώδου ἀδελφὴ μεταστᾶσα Ἰουλίᾳ μὲν Ἰάμνειάν τε καταλείπει καὶ τὴν τοπαρχίαν πᾶσαν, τήν τ' ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ Φασαηλίδα καὶ Ἀρχελαίδα, ἔνθα φοινίκων πλείστη φύτευσις καὶ καρπὸς αὐτῶν ἄριστος. [32] διαδέχεται δὲ καὶ τοῦτον Ἄννιος Ῥοῦφος, ἐφ' οὗ δὴ καὶ τελευτᾷ Καῖσαρ, δεύτερος μὲν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος ἑπτὰ δὲ καὶ πεντήκοντα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτη, πρὸς οἷς μῆνες ἓξ ἡμέραι δυοῖν πλείονες, τούτου δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ χρόνου δεκατέσσαρα ἔτη συνῆρξεν Ἀντώνιος, βιώσας ἔτη ἑβδομηκονταεπτά. [33] διαδέχεται δὲ τῷ Καίσαρι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Τιβέριος Νέρων γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Ἰουλίας υἱὸς ὤν, τρίτος ἤδη οὗτος αὐτοκράτωρ, καὶ πεμπτὸς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ παρῆν Ἰουδαίοις ἔπαρχος διάδοχος Ἀννίῳ Ῥούφῳ Οὐαλέριος Γρᾶτος: [34] ὃς παύσας ἱερᾶσθαι Ἄνανον Ἰσμάηλον ἀρχιερέα ἀποφαίνει τὸν τοῦ Φαβί, καὶ τοῦτον δὲ μετ' οὐ πολὺ μεταστήσας Ἐλεάζαρον τὸν Ἀνάνου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ διαγενομένου καὶ τόνδε παύσας Σίμωνι τῷ Καμίθου τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην παραδίδωσιν. [35] οὐ πλείων δὲ καὶ τῷδε ἐνιαυτοῦ τὴν τιμὴν ἔχοντι διεγένετο χρόνος, καὶ Ἰώσηπος ὁ καὶ Καιάφας διάδοχος ἦν αὐτῷ. καὶ Γρᾶτος μὲν ταῦτα πράξας εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπανεχώρει ἕνδεκα ἔτη διατρίψας ἐν Ἰουδαίᾳ, Πόντιος δὲ Πιλᾶτος διάδοχος αὐτῷ ἧκεν.
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029 The following occurred while Judea was under Coponius, who as we said was sent out with Quirinius. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread that we call Passover, it was the practice for the priests to open the temple gates just after midnight. 030 When those gates were first opened, some Samaritans secretly came into Jerusalem and began throwing some human bones around in the porticoes and elsewhere in the temple, and as a result it was decided to have the temple more carefully guarded than before. 031 Shortly afterwards Coponius returned to Rome and Marcus Ambivius came as his successor, under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, leaving to Julia, (Caesar's wife,) Jamnia and its district and Phasaelis in the plain and Archelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees of excellent fruit. 032 After him came Annius Rufus, in whose time Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, died after a reign of fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days. Antony ruled along with him for fourteen years, and his life span was seventy-seven years. 033 After his death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded him, as the third emperor, and he sent Valerius Gratus as procurator of Judea, to succeed Annius Rufus. 034 This man deposed Ananus from the high priesthood and named Ismael, son of Phabi, as high priest and soon replaced him with Eleazar, son of Ananus, who had been high priest before. After he had held the office for a year, Gratus deposed him and gave the high priesthood to Simon, son of Camithus. 035 After he had held the dignity no more than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done all this he returned to Rome after spending eleven years in Judea, and Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

3.

[36] Ἡρώδης δὲ ὁ τετράρχης, ἐπὶ μέγα γὰρ ἦν τῷ Τιβερίῳ φιλίας προελθών, οἰκοδομεῖται πόλιν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ Τιβεριάδα τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐπικτίσας αὐτὴν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐπὶ λίμνῃ τῇ Γεννησαρίτιδι. θερμά τε οὐκ ἄπωθέν ἐστιν ἐν κώμῃ, Ἀμμαθοὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ. [37] σύγκλυδες δὲ ᾤκισαν, οὐκ ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὸ Γαλιλαῖον ἦν, καὶ ὅσοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς ὑπ' αὐτῷ γῆς ἀναγκαστοὶ καὶ πρὸς βίαν εἰς τὴν κατοικίαν ἀγόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει. ἐδέξατο δὲ αὐτοῖς συνοίκους καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισυναγομένους ἄνδρας ἀπόρους, [38] ἔστι δ' οὓς μηδὲ σαφῶς ἐλευθέρους, πολλά τε αὐτοὺς κἀπὶ πολλοῖς ἠλευθέρωσεν καὶ εὐηργέτησεν ἀνάγκασμα τοῦ μὴ ἀπολείψειν τὴν πόλιν ἐπιθείς, κατασκευαῖς τε οἰκήσεων τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ γῆς ἐπιδόσει, εἰδὼς παράνομον τὸν οἰκισμὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰουδαίοις πατρίου διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ μνήμασιν, ἃ πολλὰ τῇδε ἦν, ἀνῃρημένοις τὴν ἵδρυσιν τῇ Τιβεριάδι γενέσθαι: μιαροὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας εἶναι τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀγορεύει ἡμῖν τὸ νόμιμον.
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036 Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favour with Tiberius, built a city in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth, and named it Tiberias, in his honour. Not far from it there are warm baths, in a village called Ammathus. 037 Strangers came to live there and many Galileans too, compelled by Herod to come from the area belonging to him, to populate it. Some of them were wealthy, but he also accepted poor people, collected from all parts. 038 Some of them were not quite free from slavery and these he set free in large numbers, as a favour, obliging them not to forsake the city by building them very good houses at his own expense and by giving them land. He knew that this settlement was in opposition to Jewish ancestral laws, for many tombs had to be removed to make room for building Tiberias and our laws say that those who live there are unclean for seven days.

4.

[39] Τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ Φραάτης ὁ Παρθυαίων βασιλεὺς κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπὸ Φραατάκου τοῦ υἱέος κατὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. [40] Φραάτης παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων Ἰταλικῆς παιδίσκης ὄΝομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα. ταύτῃ ὑπὸ Ἰουλίου Καίσαρος μετ' ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο, καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προιόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν. [41] ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς εἴποι πιθανὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγονυῖα καὶ σπεύδουσα τῷ παιδὶ τῷ αὐτῆς γενέσθαι τὴν Πάρθων ἡγεμονίαν ἑώρα μὴ ἄλλως γενησομένην μὴ ἀποσκευῆς αὐτῇ μηχανηθείσης τῶν γνησίων τοῦ Φραάτου παίδων. [42] πείθει οὖν αὐτὸν ἐκπέμπειν εἰς Ῥώμην ἐφ' ὁμηρείᾳ τοὺς γνησίους παῖδας. καὶ οὗτοι μέν, οὐ γὰρ ἀντειπεῖν εὔπορον Φραάτῃ τοῖς Θεσμούσης ἐπιτάγμασιν, ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐξεπέμποντο. Φραατάκης δὲ μόνος ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι τρεφόμενος δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο καὶ ἅμα χρόνιον τοῦ πατρὸς διδόντος τὴν ἀρχὴν λαμβάνειν, ὥστε ἐπεβούλευε τῷ πατρὶ συμπράξει τῆς μητρός, ᾗ δὴ καὶ συνιέναι λόγος εἶχεν αὐτόν. [43] καὶ δι' ἀμφότερα μισηθεὶς οὐδὲν ἡσσόνως τῆς πατροκτονίας τὸ μῦσος τοῦ μητρὸς ἔρωτος τιθεμένων τῶν ὑπηκόων, στάσει περιελαθεὶς πρότερον ἢ φῦναι μέγας ἐξέπεσε τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ οὕτως θνήσκει. [44] συμφρονήσαντες δὲ οἱ γενναιότατοι Πάρθων, ὡς ἀβασιλεύτοις μὲν ἀμήχανον πολιτεύεσθαι, οἱ δὲ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐκ τοῦ γένους τῶν Ἀρσακιδῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἑτέροις ἄρχειν νόμιμον, ἀπέχρη δὲ πολλάκις καὶ μέχρι νῦν περιυβρίσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἔκ τε γάμων τῆς Ἰταλικῆς παλλακίδος καὶ γενέσεων, Ὀρώδην ἐκάλουν πρεσβεύσαντες εἰς δάν, ἄλλως μὲν ἐπίφθονον τῷ πλήθει καὶ ὑπαίτιον καθ' ὑπερβολὰς ὠμότητος, πάνυ γὰρ ἦν σκαιὸς καὶ δυσδιάθετος εἰς ὀργήν, ἕνα δὲ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ γένους. [45] τοῦτον μὲν δὴ συστάντες ἀποκτείνουσιν, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοί φασιν, ἐν σπονδαῖς καὶ τραπέζαις, μαχαιροφορεῖν γὰρ ἔθος ἅπασιν, ὡς δ' ὁ πλείων κατέχει λόγος, εἰς θήραν προαγαγόντες. [46] πρεσβεύσαντες δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην ᾐτοῦντο βασιλέα τῶν ὁμηρευόντων, καὶ πέμπεται Βονώνης προκριθεὶς τῶν ἀδελφῶν: ἐδόκει γὰρ χωρεῖν τὴν τύχην, ἣν αὐτῷ δύο μέγισται τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἡγεμονίαι προσέφερον, ἰδία καὶ ἀλλοτρία. [47] ταχεῖα δ' ἀνατροπὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ὕπεισιν ἅτε καὶ φύσει σφαλεροὺς ὄντας πρός τε τὴν ἀναξιοπάθειαν, ἀνδραπόδῳ γὰρ ἀλλοτρίῳ ποιήσειν τὸ προστασσόμενον ἠξίουν, τὴν ὁμηρείαν ἀντὶ δουλείας ὀνομάζοντες, καὶ τῆς ἐπικλήσεως τὴν ἀδοξίαν: οὐ γὰρ [ἂν] πολέμου δικαίῳ δεδόσθαι τὸν βασιλεύσοντα Πάρθοις, ἀλλά, ὃ τῷ παντὶ χεῖρον, εἰρήνης ὕβρει. [48] παραχρῆμα δ' ἐκάλουν Ἀρτάβανον Μηδίας βασιλεύοντα γένος Ἀρσακίδην: πείθεται δ' Ἀρτάβανος καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἔπεισιν. ὑπαντιάζει δ' αὐτῷ Βονώνης: καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον συμφρονήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν Πάρθων παραταξάμενος νικᾷ, καὶ φεύγει πρὸς τοὺς ὅρους τῆς Μηδίας Ἀρτάβανος. [49] μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ συναγαγὼν συμβάλλει τε Βονώνῃ καὶ νικᾷ, καὶ Βονώνης εἰς Σελεύκειαν ἀφιππάζεται σὺν ὀλίγοις τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν. Ἀρτάβανος δὲ πολὺν τῇ τροπῇ φόνον ἐργασάμενος ὑπὲρ ἐκπλήξεως τῶν βαρβάρων πρὸς Κτησιφῶντα μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἀναχωρεῖ. [50] κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐβασίλευεν ἤδη Πάρθοις, Βονώνης δ' εἰς Ἀρμενίαν διαπίπτει, καὶ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐφίετο τῆς χώρας καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐπρέσβευεν. [51] ὡς δ' αὐτῷ Τιβέριος μὲν ἀπεῖπεν πρός τε τὴν ἀνανδρίαν καὶ τοῦ Πάρθου τὰς ἀπειλάς, ἀναπρεσβεύει γὰρ δὴ πόλεμον ἀνατεινόμενος, μηχανὴ δ' ἦν ἑτέρας βασιλείας οὐδεμία, καὶ γὰρ οἱ περὶ Νιφάτην δυνατοὶ τῶν Ἀρμενίων Ἀρταβάνῳ προστίθενται, [52] παραδίδωσιν αὑτὸν Σιλανῷ τῷ τῆς Συρίας στρατηγῷ. κἀκεῖνος μὲν κατὰ αἰδῶ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ κομιδῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ παρεφυλάσσετο: τὴν δὲ Ἀρμενίαν Ὀρώδῃ δίδωσιν Ἀρτάβανος ἑνὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ παίδων.
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039 Meanwhile the king of the Parthians, Phraates, died by the treachery of his son, Phraatakos, as follows. 040 After Phraates already had legitimate sons, he had an Italian slave girl named Thermusa, sent to him, among other gifts, by Julius Caesar. Struck by her beauty, he first made her his concubine and in time had by her a son named Phraataces, and made her his wife and treated her with respect. 041 As she could persuade him in everything, she worked to win for her son the leadership of the Parthians, but saw it was impossible unless she found a way to remove Phraates's legitimate sons. 042 Thus, she persuaded him to send his proper sons as hostages to Rome and they were duly sent, as Phraates was unable to resist Thermusa. But while Phraataces alone was brought up to succeed in the leadership, he thought it too long to wait for it to come by his father's gift and treacherously conspired against his father, helped by his mother, with whom he was also rumoured to make love. 043 For both these vices he was hated, as his subjects regarded his lust for his mother as no better than his patricide, and they rebelled before he grew too powerful, and deposed him, and he died. 044 The Parthian aristocrats agreed that it was impossible for the state to do without a king, and it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, for their law allowed no other, and they thought their kingdom had already been harmed enough by the marriage with an Italian concubine and by her offspring. So they sent envoys and called Orodes to be king, though the people did not care for him, on account of his savagery and temper and proneness to anger; but he did belong to the royal family. 045 But they conspired against this man too, and killed him; some say, at a festival and among their sacrifices, as it is the custom there for everyone to go armed; more say, however, that he was killed after being lured out hunting. 046 So they sent envoys to Rome asking them for one of the hostages to be king, and Vonones was chosen above his brothers and sent to them. He seemed destined for fortune, being offered two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun, his own and a foreign one. 047 The barbarians, however, being naturally volatile, soon changed their minds and felt this man unworthy to be their ruler, as they could not obey the commands of one who had been a slave, for so they considered anyone who had been held hostage. Nor could they bear the shame of having such a king set over the Parthians, all the worse as it was not by right of war, but in time of peace. 048 So they soon invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, since he too was of the Arsacid clan. Artabanus agreed and came to them with an army, and Vonones went out against him. At first the Parthians were on his side and he scored a victory, and Artabanus fled to the mountains of Media. 049 But not long after, gathering a large army and fought Vonones again and defeated him, and Vonones fled on horseback to Seleucia upon the Tigris, along with a few of his attendants. When, to cow the barbarians, Artabanus had slaughtered many after his victory, he retreated to Ctesiphon with most of his troops. 050 Now he was king of the Parthians, but Vonones fled to Armenia, and after arrival sought to rule that country and sent envoys to Rome to ask for it. 051 When Tiberius refused it to him his courage failed, and as the Parthian king threatened him and sent envoys to declare war on him if he persisted, and had no way to gain any other kingdom, for the influential people Armenians and those around Niphates sided with Artabanus, 052 he surrendered to Silanus, the ruler of Syria, who, in light of his education in Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.

5.

[53] Ἐτελεύτησεν δὲ καὶ ὁ τῆς Κομμαγηνῆς βασιλεὺς Ἀντίοχος, διέστη δὲ τὸ πλῆθος πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους καὶ πρεσβεύουσιν ἀφ' ἑκατέρου μέρους, οἱ μὲν δυνατοὶ μεταβάλλειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πολιτείας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν ἀξιοῦντες, τὸ πλῆθος δὲ βασιλεύεσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. [54] καὶ ψηφίζεται ἡ σύγκλητος Γερμανικὸν πέμπειν διορθώσοντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀνατολὴν πραγματευομένης αὐτῷ τῆς τύχης εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ θανάτου: καὶ γὰρ γενόμενος κατὰ τὴν ἀνατολὴν καὶ πάντα διορθώσας ἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳ ὑπὸ Πείσωνος, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.
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053 Antiochus, the king of Commagene, died and his people squabbled with the nobility and both sides sent envoys. The notables wanted their state to become a province of the empire, but the people wanted to be ruled by kings, like their ancestors. 054 So the senate decreed that Germanicus be sent to settle affairs in the East, and thereby Fate robbed him of his life, for when he had gone to the East and settled everything there, his life was taken by the poison which Piso gave him, as we said elsewhere.

Chapter 3. [055-084]
The Jewish rebellion under Pontius Pilate. Execution of Jesus Christ. State of the Jews in Rome

1.

[55] Πιλᾶτος δὲ ὁ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἡγεμὼν στρατιὰν ἐκ Καισαρείας ἀγαγὼν καὶ μεθιδρύσας χειμαδιοῦσαν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν νομίμων τῶν Ἰουδαικῶν ἐφρόνησε, προτομὰς Καίσαρος, αἳ ταῖς σημαίαις προσῆσαν, εἰσαγόμενος εἰς τὴν πόλιν, εἰκόνων ποίησιν ἀπαγορεύοντος ἡμῖν τοῦ νόμου. [56] καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ πρότερον ἡγεμόνες ταῖς μὴ μετὰ τοιῶνδε κόσμων σημαίαις ἐποιοῦντο εἴσοδον τῇ πόλει. πρῶτος δὲ Πιλᾶτος ἀγνοίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὸ νύκτωρ γενέσθαι τὴν εἴσοδον ἱδρύεται τὰς εἰκόνας φέρων εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα. [57] οἱ δ' ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν κατὰ πληθὺν παρῆσαν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἱκετείαν ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μεταθέσει τῶν εἰκόνων. καὶ μὴ συγχωροῦντος διὰ τὸ εἰς ὕβριν Καίσαρι φέρειν, ἐπείπερ οὐκ ἐξανεχώρουν λιπαρεῖν κατὰ ἕκτην ἡμέραν ἐν ὅπλοις ἀφανῶς ἐπικαθίσας τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα ἧκεν. τὸ δ' ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ κατεσκεύαστο, ὅπερ ἀπέκρυπτε τὸν ἐφεδρεύοντα στρατόν. [58] πάλιν δὲ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἱκετείᾳ χρωμένων ἀπὸ συνθήματος περιστήσας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἠπείλει θάνατον ἐπιθήσειν ζημίαν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος, εἰ μὴ παυσάμενοι θορυβεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀπίοιεν. [59] οἱ δὲ πρηνεῖς ῥίψαντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ γυμνοῦντες τὰς σφαγὰς ἡδονῇ δέξασθαι τὸν θάνατον ἔλεγον ἢ τολμήσειν τὴν σοφίαν παραβήσεσθαι τῶν νόμων. καὶ Πιλᾶτος θαυμάσας τὸ ἐχυρὸν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν νόμων παραχρῆμα τὰς εἰκόνας ἐκ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπανεκόμισεν εἰς Καισάρειαν.
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055 Pilate, the procurator of Judea, moved the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take up winter quarters there. Setting aside the ancestral Jewish law he introduced into the city effigies of Caesar, that were upon the ensigns, though our law forbids the making of images. 056 For this reason earlier procurators had always entered the city carrying ensigns without such ornaments. Pilate was the first to bring those images into Jerusalem, setting them up at night, without the people knowing. 057 As soon as they learned of it, they came in crowds to Caesarea and interceded with Pilate for many days, to remove the images. When he would not grant their requests, for it would be an insult to Caesar, they persisted and on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to hide their weapons, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat. This was in the stadium, so that it concealed the army that lay in hiding. 058 When the Jews again made their request, he pointed to the soldiers surrounding them and at once threatened them with death, unless they stopped disturbing him and went home. 059 But they threw themselves on the ground and bared their necks and said they would willingly die, rather than see the wisdom of their laws transgressed. Pilate was shocked by their firm resolve to preserve their laws and soon ordered the images to be brought back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.

2.

[60] Ὑδάτων δὲ ἐπαγωγὴν εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα ἔπραξεν δαπάνῃ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων ἐκλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ῥεύματος ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων διακοσίων, οἱ δ' οὐκ ἠγάπων τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸ ὕδωρ δρωμένοις πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων συνελθόντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ παύσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προθυμουμένου, τινὲς δὲ καὶ λοιδορίᾳ χρώμενοι ὕβριζον εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα, οἷα δὴ φιλεῖ πράσσειν ὅμιλος. [61] ὁ δὲ στολῇ τῇ ἐκείνων πολὺ πλῆθος στρατιωτῶν ἀμπεχόμενον, οἳ ἐφέροντο σκυτάλας ὑπὸ ταῖς στολαῖς, διαπέμψας εἰς ὃ περιέλθοιεν αὐτούς, αὐτὸς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν. τῶν δὲ ὡρμηκότων εἰς τὸ λοιδορεῖν ἀποδίδωσι τοῖς στρατιώταις ὃ προσυνέκειτο σημεῖον. [62] οἱ δὲ καὶ πολὺ μειζόνως ἤπερ ἐπέταξεν Πιλᾶτος ἐχρῶντο πληγαῖς τούς τε θορυβοῦντας ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ μὴ κολάζοντες οἱ δ' εἰσεφέροντο μαλακὸν οὐδέν, ὥστε ἄοπλοι ληφθέντες ὑπ' ἀνδρῶν ἐκ παρασκευῆς ἐπιφερομένων πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ταύτῃ καὶ ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δὲ καὶ τραυματίαι ἀνεχώρησαν. καὶ οὕτω παύεται ἡ στάσις.
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060 Then he planned to bring a water supply to Jerusalem, using the temple money to do so, and found a source of water two hundred furlongs away. But the population was not pleased about the water, and many thousands gathered to complain to him, insisting that he give it up and some also insulted the man, as some speakers tend to do. 061 So he got a troop of his soldiers to dress up like the crowd and carry batons under their clothing and then stationed them on the perimeter of the crowd. When he told the Jews to withdraw and they went on insulting him, he gave the soldiers the agreed signal. 062 But they struck the crowd with much harder blows than Pilate had ordered and gave equally hard treatment to rioters and innocent alike, not sparing them in the least. Since the civilians were unarmed and were caught by men trained for action, many of them were killed on the spot while others ran away wounded; and this put an end to the revolt.

3.

[63] [Γίνεται δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἰησοῦς σοφὸς ἀνήρ, εἴγε ἄνδρα αὐτὸν λέγειν χρή: ἦν γὰρ παραδόξων ἔργων ποιητής, διδάσκαλος ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡδονῇ τἀληθῆ δεχομένων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν Ἰουδαίους, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο: ὁ χριστὸς οὗτος ἦν. [64] καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνδείξει τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν παρ' ἡμῖν σταυρῷ ἐπιτετιμηκότος Πιλάτου οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο οἱ τὸ πρῶτον ἀγαπήσαντες: ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς τρίτην ἔχων ἡμέραν πάλιν ζῶν τῶν θείων προφητῶν ταῦτά τε καὶ ἄλλα μυρία περὶ αὐτοῦ θαυμάσια εἰρηκότων. εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀπὸ τοῦδε ὠνομασμένον οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τὸ φῦλον.]

063 Jesus lived about this time, a wise man, if one may properly call him a man, for he performed wonderful works and was a teacher to those who receive the truth with pleasure. He drew to himself many of the Jews and many Gentiles too. He was the Anointed One. 064 When Pilate, prompted by our leading men, condemned him to the cross, those who loved him from the beginning did not forsake him, for he appeared to them alive again the third day, just as the divine prophets had foretold these and countless other wonderful things about him. The tribe of the Christians, so named after him, survive to the present day.

4.

[65] Καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ἕτερόν τι δεινὸν ἐθορύβει τοὺς Ἰουδαίους καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἴσιδος τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ πράξεις αἰσχυνῶν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμέναι συντυγχάνουσιν. καὶ πρότερον τοῦ τῶν Ἰσιακῶν τολμήματος μνήμην ποιησάμενος οὕτω μεταβιβῶ τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις γεγονότα. [66] Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προιοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι, δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου. ἐγεγάμητο δὲ Σατορνίνῳ τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ. [67] ταύτης ἐρᾷ Δέκιος Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ, καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον, ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν Ἀτθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς. [68] καὶ μηδ' ὣς ἐπικλωμένης, οὐ φέρων τὴν ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισεν ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο. [69] καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα Ἴδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν, δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος, ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν ὑποσχέσεσιν, ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ. [70] καὶ δεχομένου τὴν ἱκετείαν ἡδονῇ πέντε μυριάδων δεήσειν αὐτῇ μόνων ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ ἁλώσει τῆς γυναικός. καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνεγείρασα τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τὸ αἰτηθὲν λαβοῦσα ἀργύριον οὐ τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς ἐστέλλετο τοῖς προδεδιακονημένοις ὁρῶσα τῆς γυναικὸς τὸ μηδαμῶς χρημάτων ἁλισκόμενον, εἰδυῖα δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπείᾳ τῆς Ἴσιδος σφόδρα ὑπηγμένην τεχνᾶταί τι τοιόνδε. [71] τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει, λαβόντος δ' ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε, διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν ἔρωτα αὐτοῖς, κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι. [72] οἱ δ' ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο. καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου. καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος ἔρωτι αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν. [73] τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι, συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος τὴν σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος. [74] χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος, καὶ δειπνήσασα, ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν, κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος, προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε, οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν, παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι. [75] καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν, ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ' αὐτῷ. [76] οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες, τὰ δ' ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν, ὁπότε εἴς τε τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς. [77] τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος "Παυλῖνα, φησίν, ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ' οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ, μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς, [78] Ἀνούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ." καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών, ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν: [79] ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν πρᾶξιν. καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν Ἴδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός, τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἴσιδος εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν. Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε, [80] κώλυμα τοῦ μὴ μειζόνως κολάζειν τὸ μετὰ ἔρωτος αὐτῷ ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἡγησάμενος. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἴσιδος τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑβρισμένα τοιαῦτα ἦν. ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀφήγησιν τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἰουδαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συντυχόντων, ὥς μοι καὶ προαπεσήμηνεν ὁ λόγος.
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065 About the same time another tragedy rocked the Jews and some scandalous deeds were done regarding the temple of Isis in Rome. I will first discuss the outrage committed by the followers of Isis and then return to the Jewish matter. 066 There was in Rome a woman named Paulina, highly reputed both for the dignity of her ancestors and for her personal practice of virtue. She was very rich, but though beautiful in appearance and in the flower of her age when women are most exuberant, she led a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, whose fine character matched hers in every way. 067 Decius Mundus, a very reputable man of the equestrian order, fell in love with this woman, and as she was too good to succumb to gifts and had rejected the many he had sent, he was still more ardent, even promising her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae to share her bed just once. 068 When this did not persuade her and he could not bear his erotic frustration, he thought he should starve himself to death to end his suffering, and having decided to die in this way, he set about doing so. 069 Mundus had a freed-woman who had been set free by his father, and her name was Ide. She was expert in mischief of all sorts and was saddened by the young man's intention to kill himself, for he did not hide his suicidal intention from others, so she came to him and by her words and promises gave him hope of gaining intercourse with Paulina. 070 As he listened gladly to her pleas, she said she needed only fifty thousand drachmae to entrap the woman. After giving the young man new heart and getting the money she required, she did not follow his methods, seeing that the woman could not be tempted by money, but knowing her to be devoted to the worship of Isis, she devised this scheme. 071 Going to some of Isis's priests and promising them total secrecy, she persuaded them by her words, and still more by the offer of money, twenty-five thousand drachmae up front and as much more when the deed was done, and told them of the young man's passion, telling them to use every possible means to beguile the woman. 072 So they were drawn in and promised to do so, for the sake of the large sum of gold they would get. The oldest of them went immediately to Paulina, and on entering, asked to speak with her alone. When that was granted he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who had fallen in love with her and ordered her to come to him. 073 She was delighted with the message and prided herself at this coming down of Anubis and told her husband about the message sent to her and that she was to sup and lie down with Anubis. He agreed to let her accept the offer, being fully satisfied with his wife's chastity. 074 So she went to the temple and after dining there, when it was time to go to sleep the priest shut the doors of the temple, and the lights were also put out in the innermost sanctuary. Then Mundus, who was hidden, jumped out and made sure to enjoy her, for she was at his service all night long, thinking him to be the god. 075 After he left, before the priests who were unaware of this plot were awake, Paulina came to her husband early and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her, and also told her her friends how much she valued this favour. 076 Thinking about it, they mainly disbelieved it, but not having any reason to disbelieve her because of her modesty and dignity, they were amazed that it had happened. 077 But three days later, Mundus met met and said, "Well Paulina, you have saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which you could have had for your family, but you still put yourself at my service just as I previously asked you. Since you insulted Mundus, I did not stick to my name, but took pleasure in what I did once I assumed the name of Anubis." 078 With this he went away, and when she first grasped the outrage he had done her, she rent her clothing and told her husband of his dreadful scheme and implored him not to fail to vindicate her; so he revealed it to the emperor. 079 Tiberius enquired fully into the matter and examined the priests about it and had them crucified along with Ide, who had instigated the whole insult to the woman's honour. He had the temple of Isis demolished and her statue thrown into the river Tiber. 080 Mundus he only banished, reckoning that as sufficient for a crime committed out of erotic passion. These are the details about the temple of Isis and the wrongs done by her priests. I now return to the story I mentioned earlier, what happened about this time to the Jews in Rome.

5.

[81] Ἦν ἀνὴρ Ἰουδαῖος, φυγὰς μὲν τῆς αὐτοῦ κατηγορίᾳ τε παραβάσεων νόμων τινῶν καὶ δέει τιμωρίας τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, πονηρὸς δὲ εἰς τὰ πάντα. καὶ δὴ τότε ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διαιτώμενος προσεποιεῖτο μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι σοφίαν νόμων τῶν Μωυσέως, [82] προσποιησάμενος δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρας εἰς τὰ πάντα ὁμοιοτρόπους τούτοις ἐπιφοιτήσασαν Φουλβίαν τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι γυναικῶν καὶ νομίμοις προσεληλυθυῖαν τοῖς Ἰουδαικοῖς πείθουσι πορφύραν καὶ χρυσὸν εἰς τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἱερὸν διαπέμψασθαι, καὶ λαβόντες ἐπὶ χρείας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν αὐτὰ ποιοῦνται, ἐφ' ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἡ αἴτησις ἐπράσσετο. [83] καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος, ἀποσημαίνει γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν φίλος ὢν Σατορνῖνος τῆς Φουλβίας ἀνὴρ ἐπισκήψει τῆς γυναικός, κελεύει πᾶν τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν τῆς Ῥώμης ἀπελθεῖν. [84] οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι τετρακισχιλίους ἀνθρώπους ἐξ αὐτῶν στρατολογήσαντες ἔπεμψαν εἰς Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον, πλείστους δὲ ἐκόλασαν μὴ θέλοντας στρατεύεσθαι διὰ φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων νόμων. καὶ οἱ μὲν δὴ διὰ κακίαν τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν ἠλαύνοντο τῆς πόλεως.
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081 There was a Jew, a wicked man in every way, who had been expelled from his country under accusation of breaking the laws and who feared being punished for it. Living in Rome at the time, he professed to teach people in the wisdom of the laws of Moses, 082 and he found three other men, of similar character as himself, to be his partners. These persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity who had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple in Jerusalem, and when they got hold of the gifts they used them for themselves and spent the money, which was why they asked her for it in the first place. 083 When Tiberius learned of it from Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who wanted it investigated, he ordered all the Jews to be banished from Rome. 084 Then the consuls drafted four thousand of them into the army and sent them to the island of Sardinia, but penalized even more of them, who refused to serve as soldiers on account of their ancestral laws. So these Jews were banished from the city because of the wrongdoing of four men.

Chapter 4. [085-108]
Pilate kills many Samaritan demonstrators. Tiberius sends Vitellius against the Parthians. Portrayal of Herod Antipas

1.

[85] Οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο δὲ θορύβου καὶ τὸ Σαμαρέων ἔθνος: συστρέφει γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀνὴρ ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὸ ψεῦδος τιθέμενος κἀφ' ἡδονῇ τῆς πληθύος τεχνάζων τὰ πάντα, κελεύων ἐπὶ τὸ Γαριζεὶν ὄρος αὐτῷ συνελθεῖν, ὃ ἁγνότατον αὐτοῖς ὀρῶν ὑπείληπται, ἰσχυρίζετό τε παραγενομένοις δείξειν τὰ ἱερὰ σκεύη τῇδε κατορωρυγμένα Μωυσέως τῇδε αὐτῶν ποιησαμένου κατάθεσιν. [86] οἱ δὲ ἐν ὅπλοις τε ἦσαν πιθανὸν ἡγούμενοι τὸν λόγον, καὶ καθίσαντες ἔν τινι κώμῃ, Τιραθανὰ λέγεται, παρελάμβανον τοὺς ἐπισυλλεγομένους ὡς μεγάλῳ πλήθει τὴν ἀνάβασιν εἰς τὸ ὄρος ποιησόμενοι. [87] φθάνει δὲ Πιλᾶτος τὴν ἄνοδον αὐτῶν προκαταλαβόμενος ἱππέων τε πομπῇ καὶ ὁπλιτῶν, οἳ συμβαλόντες τοῖς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ προσυνηθροισμένοις παρατάξεως γενομένης τοὺς μὲν ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δ' εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται ζωγρίᾳ τε πολλοὺς ἦγον, ὧν τοὺς κορυφαιοτάτους καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς φυγοῦσι δυνατωτάτους ἔκτεινε Πιλᾶτος.
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085 But the Samaritan nation did not escape disturbance either. The man who roused them to it was one who thought little of lying and arranged everything just to please the people. He told them to to gather at Mount Garizim, which they regarded as the holiest of all mountains, assuring them that when they got there he would show them the sacred vessels which were buried there in deposit, by Moses himself. 086 So they came there armed and thought the man's words plausible, and as they stayed at a village called Tirathaba, they got ready to go up the mountain together in a large crowd. 087 Pilate prevented them, however, by seizing the roads with a great band of cavalry and infantry, who attacked the first ones they met in the village, and some of them they killed in battle and put the others to flight and took many alive; and Pilate condemned to death the chief and most powerful of the fugitives.

2.

[88] Καταστάντος δὲ τοῦ θορύβου Σαμαρέων ἡ βουλὴ παρὰ Οὐιτέλλιον ὑπατικὸν ἴασιν ἄνδρα Συρίας τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντα καὶ Πιλάτου κατηγόρουν ἐπὶ τῇ σφαγῇ τῶν ἀπολωλότων: οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ τῆς Πιλάτου ὕβρεως εἰς τὴν Τιραθανὰ παραγενέσθαι. [89] καὶ Οὐιτέλλιος Μάρκελλον τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων ἐκπέμψας ἐπιμελητὴν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις γενησόμενον Πιλᾶτον ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἀπιέναι πρὸς ἃ κατηγοροῖεν οἱ Σαμαρεῖται διδάξοντα τὸν αὐτοκράτορα. καὶ Πιλᾶτος δέκα ἔτεσιν διατρίψας ἐπὶ Ἰουδαίας εἰς Ῥώμην ἠπείγετο ταῖς Οὐιτελλίου πειθόμενος ἐντολαῖς οὐκ ὂν ἀντειπεῖν. πρὶν δ' ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἴσχειν αὐτὸν φθάνει Τιβέριος μεταστάς.
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088 When this disturbance had been put down, the Samaritan council sent an embassy to Vitellius, a former consul who was now ruler of Syria, to accuse Pilate of murdering those who had been killed, since they had not gone to Tirathaba to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. 089 So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea and ordered Pilate to go to Rome to reply to the Samaritans' accusation before the emperor. So Pilate, after spending ten years in Judea, hurried to Rome since he could not disobey the orders of Vitellius, but before he got to Rome Tiberius was dead.

3.

[90] Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ἀνῄει, καὶ ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑορτὴ πάτριος, πάσχα δὲ καλεῖται, δεχθεὶς μεγαλοπρεπῶς Οὐιτέλλιος τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων καρπῶν ἀνίησιν εἰς τὸ πᾶν τοῖς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ τὴν στολὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τὸν πάντα αὐτοῦ κόσμον συνεχώρησεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κειμένην ὑπὸ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔχειν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, καθότι καὶ πρότερον ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία. [91] τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀντωνίᾳ, φρούριον δ' ἐστὶν οὕτως λεγόμενον, ἡ ἀπόθεσις αὐτῆς ἦν διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: τῶν ἱερέων τις Ὑρκανός, πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων οἳ τόδε ἐκαλοῦντο τὸ ὄνομα ὁ πρῶτος, ἐπεὶ πλησίον τῷ ἱερῷ βᾶριν κατασκευασάμενος ταύτῃ τὰ πολλὰ τὴν δίαιταν εἶχεν καὶ τὴν στολήν, φύλαξ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῆς διὰ τὸ καὶ μόνῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι τοῦ ἐνδύεσθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ταύτην εἶχεν ἀποκειμένην, ὁπότε εἰς τὴν πόλιν κατιὼν ἀναλαμβάνοι τὴν ἰδιωτικήν. [92] καὶ οἵ τε υἱεῖς αὐτοῦ ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπετήδευσαν καὶ τέκνα ἐκείνων. Ἡρώδης δὲ βασιλεύσας τήν τε βᾶριν ταύτην ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ κειμένην κατασκευάσας πολυτελῶς Ἀντωνίαν καλεῖ ὀνόματι Ἀντωνίου φίλος ὤν, καὶ τὴν στολὴν ὥσπερ καὶ λαμβάνει τῇδε κειμένην κατεῖχεν, πιστεύων οὐδὲν νεωτεριεῖν ἐπ' αὐτῷ τὸν λαὸν διὰ τάδε. [93] ἔπρασσε δὲ ὅμοια τῷ Ἡρώδῃ καὶ ὁ ἐπικατασταθεὶς αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς Ἀρχέλαος υἱὸς ὤν, οὗ Ῥωμαῖοι παραδεξάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκράτουν τῆς στολῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀποκειμένης ἐν οἴκῳ λίθοις οἰκοδομηθέντι ὑπὸ σφραγῖδι τῶν τε ἱερέων καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων τοῦ φρουράρχου τὸ ἐφ' ἡμέραν ἑκάστην λύχνον ἅπτοντος. [94] ἑπτὰ δ' ἡμέραις πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀπεδίδοτο αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ φρουράρχου, καὶ ἁγνισθείσῃ χρησάμενος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέραν ἀπετίθετο αὖθις εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ᾗπερ ἔκειτο καὶ πρότερον. τοῦτο ἐπράττετο τρισὶν ἑορταῖς ἑκάστου ἔτους καὶ τὴν νηστείαν. [95] Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πατρίῳ ποιεῖται τὴν στολήν, ᾗ τε κείσοιτο μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπισκήψας τῷ φρουράρχῳ καὶ ὁπότε δέοι χρῆσθαι. καὶ ταῦτα πράξας ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα Ἰώσηπον τὸν Καιάφαν ἐπικαλούμενον ἀπαλλάξας τῆς ἱερωσύνης Ἰωνάθην καθίστησιν Ἀνάνου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱόν. ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας δ' αὖθις ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁδόν.
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090 Vitellius came to Judea and went up to Jerusalem, at the time of the festival which is called the Passover, and was magnificently received there. So Vitellius released the people of Jerusalem from all the taxes on the sale of farm produce and restored the custody of the high priest's vestments to them, with all their ornaments, to be under the care of the priests in the temple, as they formerly used to be. 091 At that time they were deposited in the so called tower of Antonia, for this reason. One of the priests named Hyrcanus, the first of many of that name, had built a stronghold near the temple and lived there most of the time, keeping charge of these vestments since only he could lawfully wear them. There he had them safe while he went down into the city wearing his ordinary clothes. 092 This continued to be the practice of his sons and of their sons after them. When Herod came to be king, he magnificently rebuilt this tower which was so conveniently situated, and because he was a friend to Antony, he called it by the name of Antonia. As he found these vestments lying there, he kept them in the same place, believing that as long he had them in his custody the people would make no revolt against him. 093 Herod's son Archelaus, who was king after him, did the same, and when the Romans took over direct rule, they took charge of the vestments of the high priest and deposited them in a stone chamber, under the seal of the priests and the temple treasurers, and the officer of the guard lit a lamp there every day. 094 Seven days before a festival they were handed over to them by the officer of the guard; and later the high priest, having purified and used them, deposited them again in the same chamber, the day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals and on the fast day. 095 Now Vitellius followed our ancient law about those vestments and told the officer of the guard not to interfere with where they were kept, or when they should be used. Having done this act of kindness to the nation, he deposed Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas, from the high priesthood, appointing the former high priest Jonathan the son of Ananus, in his place. Then he returned to Antioch.

4.

[96] Πέμπει δὲ καὶ Τιβέριος ὡς Οὐιτέλλιον γράμματα, κελεύων αὐτῷ πράσσειν φιλίαν πρὸς Ἀρτάβανον τὸν Πάρθων βασιλέα: ἐφόβει γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸς ὢν καὶ Ἀρμενίαν παρεσπασμένος μὴ ἐπὶ πλέον κακουργῇ: πιστεύειν δὲ τῇ φιλίᾳ μόνως ὁμήρων αὐτῷ διδομένων, μάλιστα δὲ τοῦ Ἀρταβάνου υἱέος. [97] ταῦτα δὲ γράφων Τιβέριος πρὸς τὸν Οὐιτέλλιον μεγάλαις δόσεσι χρημάτων πείθει καὶ τὸν Ἰβήρων καὶ τὸν Ἀλβανῶν βασιλέα πολεμεῖν Ἀρταβάνῳ μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαι. οἱ δὲ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀντεῖχον, Ἀλανοὶ δὲ δίοδον αὐτοῖς διδόντες διὰ τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς θύρας τὰς Κασπίας ἀνοίξαντες ἐπάγουσι τῷ Ἀρταβάνῳ. [98] καὶ ἥ τε Ἀρμενία ἀφῄρητο αὖθις καὶ πλησθείσης πολέμων τῆς Παρθυαίων γῆς οἵ τε πρῶτοι τῶν τῇδε ἐκτείνοντο ἀνδρῶν ἀνάστατά τε ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ πάντα καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ υἱὸς ἐκ τουτωνὶ τῶν μαχῶν ἔπεσε μετὰ πολλῶν στρατοῦ μυριάδων. [99] καὶ αὐτοῦ τὸν πατέρα Ἀρτάβανον Οὐιτέλλιος πομπῇ χρημάτων εἴς τε συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου γενομένῃ ἐμέλλησε μὲν κτιννύειν διὰ τῶν τὰ δῶρα εἰληφότων, αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ὁ Ἀρτάβανος ἄφυκτον οὖσαν διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν συντεθεῖσαν μὴ ἀνεῖσθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ πέρας ἐλθεῖν, [100] καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας, εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν. καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας Δαῶν τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν ἀρχήν.
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096 Tiberius also sent a letter to Vitellius instructing him to make a pact of friendship with Artabanus, the king of the Parthians, for since he had taken Armenia from him he feared him as an enemy who might go even further. His instructions were not to trust him unless he gave him hostages, and especially Artabanus his son. 097 Tiberius wrote this to Vitellius and by large bribes he tried to persuade the king of the Iverians and Alvanians [Azerbaijan]
to declare war on Artabanus. Although they would not do so, they allowed the Scythians passage through their country and opened the Caspian gates to them and so let them attack Artabanus. 098 So Armenia was retaken and the land of Parthia was embroiled in war and their leading men were killed and all was in chaos, and even the king's son fell in these wars, along with many thousands of his army. 099 Vitellius sent so much money to Artabanus senior's relatives and friends, that the bribes almost succeeded in having him killed. Now Artabanus saw that the plotting against him could not be avoided, as it came from so many of the officers that it would certainly succeed. 100 He saw too the number of those who were truly faithful to him, and those who were already corrupted, for though they pretended loyalty to him, they were likely to go over to his enemies at the critical time, so he made his escape to the upper provinces, where later he raised a large army from the Dahae and Sacre and fought his enemies and stayed in power.

5.

[101] Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Τιβέριος ἠξίου φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτάβανον, ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος προκληθεὶς ἄσμενος ἐδέχετο τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην παρῆσαν ὅ τε Ἀρτάβανος καὶ Οὐιτέλλιος. [102] καὶ ζεύξεως τοῦ ποταμοῦ γενομένης κατὰ τὸ μεσαίτατον τῆς γεφύρας ἀλλήλους ὑπηντίαζον μετὰ φυλακῆς ἑκάτερος τῆς περὶ αὐτόν. καὶ λόγων αὐτοῖς συμβατικῶν γενομένων Ἡρώδης ὁ τετράρχης εἱστίασεν αὐτοὺς κατὰ μέσον τὸν πόρον σκηνίδα ἐπισκηψάμενος τῷ πόρῳ πολυτελῆ. [103] καὶ Ἀρτάβανος πέμπει Τιβερίῳ ὅμηρον Δαρεῖον τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων, ἐν οἷς καὶ ἄνδρα ἑπτάπηχυν τὸ μέγεθος Ἰουδαῖον τὸ γένος Ἐλεάζαρον ὄνομα: [104] διὰ μέντοι τὸ μέγεθος Γίγας ἐκαλεῖτο. ἐπὶ τούτοις Οὐιτέλλιος μὲν ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας ᾔει, Ἀρτάβανος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Βαβυλωνίας. Ἡρώδης δὲ βουλόμενος δι' αὐτοῦ πρώτου γενέσθαι πύστιν Καίσαρι τῶν ὁμήρων τῆς λήψεως ἐκπέμπει γραμματοφόρους τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς γράψας εἰς ἐπιστολὴν καὶ μηδὲν ὑπολιπόμενος ἐπὶ μηνύσει τῷ ὑπατικῷ. [105] πρὸς Οὐιτελλίου δὲ ἐπιπεμφθεισῶν ἐπιστολῶν καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπισημήναντος πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς δῆλα αὐτῷ γένοιτο πρότερον πύστιν περὶ αὐτῶν Ἡρώδου προτεθεικότος, ταραχθεὶς ὁ Οὐιτέλλιος μεγάλως καὶ πεπονθέναι μειζόνως ἢ ἐπέπρακτο ὑπολαμβάνων ἄδηλον τὴν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἔκρυπτεν ὀργήν, μέχρι δὴ καὶ μετῆλθε Γαίου τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν παρειληφότος.
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101 Hearing about this, Tiberius wanted a pact of friendship made between him and Artabanus, and when the proposal was well received, Artabanus went to meet Vitellius at the Euphrates. 102 A bridge was made across the river, each came with his bodyguards and they met in the centre of the bridge. When they had agreed on the terms of peace, Herod the tetrarch built a rich tent on the midst of the passage and held a feast for them there. 103 Not long afterwards, Artabanus sent his son Darius as a hostage, with many gifts, among which was a man seven feet tall, a Jew by birth, nameed Eleazar, who was called a giant on account of his height. 104 After this Vitellius went to Antioch and Artabanus to Babylon, but Herod wanting to be first to Caesar with the news that they had obtained hostages, sent him letter-bearers with an accurate written description of the whole affair and leaving nothing new for the proconsul to inform to report. 105 When Vitellius's letters were sent and Caesar had told him that he knew about the affair, since Herod had already written of it, Vitellius was furious, thinking it a bigger offence than it really was, but kept his anger secret until he got his revenge, which he did when Gaius took over as Roman emperor.

6.

[106] Τότε δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος, Ἡρώδου δὲ ἦν ἀδελφός, τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον εἰκοστῷ μὲν ἐνιαυτῷ τῆς Τιβερίου ἀρχῆς, ἡγησάμενος δὲ αὐτὸς ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα τῆς Τραχωνίτιδος καὶ Γαυλανίτιδος καὶ τοῦ Βατανέων ἔθνους πρὸς αὐταῖς, μέτριον δὲ ἐν οἷς ἦρχεν παρασχὼν τὸν τρόπον καὶ ἀπράγμονα: [107] δίαιταν μὲν γὰρ τὸ πᾶν ἐν γῇ τῇ ὑποτελεῖ ἐποιεῖτο, πρόοδοι δ' ἦσαν αὐτῷ σὺν ὀλίγοις τῶν ἐπιλέκτων, καὶ τοῦ θρόνου εἰς ὃν ἔκρινεν καθεζόμενος ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἑπομένου, ὁπότε τις ὑπαντιάσας ἐν χρείᾳ γένοιτο αὐτῷ ἐπιβοηθεῖν, οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἱδρύσεως τοῦ θρόνου ᾗ καὶ τύχοι γενομένης καθεζόμενος ἠκροᾶτο καὶ τιμωρίας τε ἐπετίμα τοῖς ἁλοῦσι καὶ ἠφίει τοὺς ἀδίκως ἐν ἐγκλήμασι γενομένους. [108] τελευτᾷ δ' ἐν Ἰουλιάδι καὶ αὐτοῦ κομισθέντος ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὃ ἔτι πρότερον ᾠκοδόμησεν αὐτός, ταφαὶ γίνονται πολυτελεῖς. τὴν δ' ἀρχήν, οὐ γὰρ κατελίπετο παῖδας, Τιβέριος παραλαβὼν προσθήκην ἐπαρχίας ποιεῖται τῆς Σύρων, τοὺς μέντοι φόρους ἐκέλευσε συλλεγομένους ἐν τῇ τετραρχίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου γενομένῃ κατατίθεσθαι.
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106 About this time Herod's brother Philip departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after ruling Trachonitis and Gaulanitis and the Batanean nation for thirty seven years, with moderation and in an easy-going style. 107 He spent all his time in the area assigned to him, making his rounds with a few chosen friends. The throne on which he sat in judgment went with him on the circuit, and when anyone met him who needed his help, he made no delay, but wherever it might be he soon had his tribunal set up and sat and heard the case, penalising the guilty and aquitting those who were unjustly accused. 108 He died at Julias, and was brought to the tomb he had built for himself in advance, and buried with great pomp. As he left behind no children, Tiberius took his territory and joined it to the province of Syria, but ordered that the tributes collected in his tetrachy should be held on deposit.

Chapter 5. [109-142]
Herod Antipas is defeated by Aretas of Arabia. Death of John the Baptist. The ill-fated Herodian family

1.

[109] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ στασιάζουσιν Ἀρέτας τε ὁ Πετραῖος βασιλεὺς καὶ Ἡρώδης διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: Ἡρώδης ὁ τετράρχης γαμεῖ τὴν Ἀρέτα θυγατέρα καὶ συνῆν χρόνον ἤδη πολύν. στελλόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης κατάγεται ἐν Ἡρώδου ἀδελφοῦ ὄντος οὐχ ὁμομητρίου: ἐκ γὰρ τῆς Σίμωνος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς Ἡρώδης ἐγεγόνει. [110] ἐρασθεὶς δὲ Ἡρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν Ἀριστοβούλου καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν, Ἀγρίππου δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου, τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου. καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ' αὐτόν, ὁπότε ἀπὸ Ῥώμης παραγένοιτο. ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ Ἀρέτα τὴν θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν. [111] καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἔπλει ταῦτα συνθέμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπανεχώρει διαπραξάμενος ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐφ' ἅπερ ἔσταλτο, ἡ γυνὴ πύστεως αὐτῇ τῶν πρὸς τὴν Ἡρωδιάδα συνθηκῶν γενομένης πρὶν ἔκπυστος αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθοῦσα κελεύει πέμπειν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ Μαχαιροῦντος, μεθόριον δ' ἐστὶ τῆς τε Ἀρέτα καὶ Ἡρώδου ἀρχῆς, γνώμην οὐκ ἐκφαίνουσα τὴν αὐτῆς. [112] καὶ ὁ Ἡρώδης ἐξέπεμψεν μηδὲν ᾐσθῆσθαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον προσδοκῶν. ἡ δέ, προαπεστάλκει γὰρ ἐκ πλείονος εἰς τὸν Μαχαιροῦντα τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτῆς ὑποτελεῖ, πάντων εἰς τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν ἡτοιμασμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἅμα τε παρῆν καὶ ἀφωρμᾶτο εἰς τὴν Ἀραβίαν κομιδῇ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρῆν τε ὡς τὸν πατέρα ᾗ τάχος καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν Ἡρώδου διάνοιαν ἔφραζεν. [113] ὁ δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχθρας ταύτην ποιησάμενος περί τε ὅρων ἐν γῇ τῇ Γαμαλικῇ, καὶ δυνάμεως ἑκατέρῳ συλλεγείσης εἰς πόλεμον καθίσταντο στρατηγοὺς ἀπεσταλκότες ἀνθ' ἑαυτῶν. [114] καὶ μάχης γενομένης διεφθάρη πᾶς ὁ Ἡρώδου στρατὸς προδοσίας αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπ' ἀνδρῶν φυγάδων, οἳ ὄντες ἐκ τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας Ἡρώδῃ συνεστράτευον. [115] ταῦτα Ἡρώδης γράφει πρὸς Τιβέριον. ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ φέρων τὴν Ἀρέτα ἐπιχείρησιν γράφει πρὸς Οὐιτέλλιον πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ ἤτοι ζωὸν ἑλόντα ἀναγαγεῖν δεδεμένον ἢ κτεινομένου πέμπειν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπ' αὐτόν. καὶ Τιβέριος μὲν ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπέστελλεν τῷ κατὰ Συρίαν στρατηγῷ.
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109 Meanwhile there was a quarrel between Aretas the king of Arabia Petrea and Herod, for this reason: Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter of Aretas and had been with her a long time. Once, however, when he was in Rome he lodged with his half-brother Herod, who was not by the same mother, for this Herod was son of the daughter of Simon the high priest. 110 He was in love with Herodias, this latter Herod's wife, who was the daughter of their other brother Aristobulus and a sister of Agrippa the Great, and proposed marriage to her. She accepted and agreed to move in with him as soon as he returned from Rome, and part of the agreement was that Aretas's daughter be sent away. 111 Having agreed this he sailed to Rome, but when he finished his business in Rome and came home, his wife learned of his agreement with Herodias and before he was aware that she knew of it, she asked him to send her to Machaerus, on the border between the realms of Aretas and Herod, without telling him her intentions. 112 Herod sent her there, thinking the poor woman had noticed nothing. But she had sent advance notice to Machaerus, which was subject to her father and so everything necessary for her journey was made ready for her by the general of Aretas's army, and so she soon reached Arabia, passed on from one chieftain to the next, and soon came to her father and told him of Herod's plans. 113 This was the start of their enmity and there was also their border dispute about Gamalitis, so both sides prepared for war, though they sent their generals to fight instead of themselves. 114 In the ensuing battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who joined with Aretas's army though they came from the tetrarchy of Philip. 115 Herod wrote about these matters to Tiberius, who was at what Aretas had done, and wrote to Vitellius to make war on him and either capture him alive and bring him to him in chains, or if he was killed to send him his head. These were the orders of Tiberius to the governor of Syria.

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[116] Τισὶ δὲ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐδόκει ὀλωλέναι τὸν Ἡρώδου στρατὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μάλα δικαίως τινυμένου κατὰ ποινὴν Ἰωάννου τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου βαπτιστοῦ. [117] κτείνει γὰρ δὴ τοῦτον Ἡρώδης ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις κελεύοντα ἀρετὴν ἐπασκοῦσιν καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ χρωμένοις βαπτισμῷ συνιέναι: οὕτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὴν βάπτισιν ἀποδεκτὴν αὐτῷ φανεῖσθαι μὴ ἐπί τινων ἁμαρτάδων παραιτήσει χρωμένων, ἀλλ' ἐφ' ἁγνείᾳ τοῦ σώματος, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς δικαιοσύνῃ προεκκεκαθαρμένης. [118] καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συστρεφομένων, καὶ γὰρ ἥσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῇ ἀκροάσει τῶν λόγων, δείσας Ἡρώδης τὸ ἐπὶ τοσόνδε πιθανὸν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τινὶ φέροι, πάντα γὰρ ἐῴκεσαν συμβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνου πράξοντες, πολὺ κρεῖττον ἡγεῖται πρίν τι νεώτερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι προλαβὼν ἀνελεῖν τοῦ μεταβολῆς γενομένης [μὴ] εἰς πράγματα ἐμπεσὼν μετανοεῖν. [119] καὶ ὁ μὲν ὑποψίᾳ τῇ Ἡρώδου δέσμιος εἰς τὸν Μαχαιροῦντα πεμφθεὶς τὸ προειρημένον φρούριον ταύτῃ κτίννυται. τοῖς δὲ Ἰουδαίοις δόξαν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐπὶ τῷ στρατεύματι γενέσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ κακῶσαι Ἡρώδην θέλοντος.
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116 Some of the Jews thought that that Herod's army was destroyed as a just punishment from God, for what he did to John, who was called the Baptist. 117 For Herod killed this good man who was telling the Jews to practice virtue, and behave righteously towards each other and devoutly towards God and so to come to baptism. This would make the washing acceptable to Him, if it were used not for the putting away of some sins, but for the purification of the body, since the soul was already purified by righteousness. 118 When others crowded round him, for they were greatly moved by hearing his words, Herod feared that his great influence over the people might lead to some revolt, as they seemed ready to do everything he advised, so he thought it better to put him to death before he could start a rebellion than to wait and later have to repent of it after the revolution had begun. 119 So due to Herod's suspicions he was sent a prisoner to Machaerus, the castle mentioned earlier, and put to death there. The Jews suspected that the loss of Herod's army was sent as a punishment and a mark of God's displeasure with him.

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[120] Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ὡς εἰς πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Ἀρέταν δυσὶ τάγμασιν ὁπλιτῶν ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὰ ψιλοὶ καὶ ἱππεῖς συμμαχοῦντες ἐκ τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις βασιλειῶν ἀγόμενος, ἐπὶ τῆς Πέτρας ἠπείγετο καὶ ἔσχε Πτολεμαίδα. [121] ὡρμημένῳ δ' αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς Ἰουδαίων ἄγειν τὸν στρατὸν ὑπαντιάσαντες ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι παρῃτοῦντο τὴν διὰ τῆς χώρας ὁδόν: οὐ γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι πάτριον περιορᾶν εἰκόνας εἰς αὐτὴν φερομένας, πολλὰς δ' εἶναι σημαίαις ἐπικειμένας. [122] καὶ πεισθεὶς μετέβαλέν τε τῆς γνώμης τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προβουλεῦσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου κελεύσας χωρεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸς μετὰ Ἡρώδου τοῦ τετράρχου καὶ τῶν φίλων εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἀνῄει θύσων τῷ θεῷ ἑορτῆς πατρίου τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἐνεστηκυίας. [123] εἰς ἣν ἀπαντήσας καὶ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων πλήθους ἐκπρεπῶς τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας ταύτῃ διατριβὴν ποιεῖται, ἐν αἷς Ἰωνάθην τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἐγχειρίζει τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Θεοφίλῳ, [124] τῇ τετάρτῃ δὲ γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παραγενομένων, ἃ ἐδήλου τὴν Τιβερίου τελευτήν, ὥρκισεν τὴν πληθὺν ἐπ' εὐνοίᾳ τῇ Γαίου. ἀνεκάλει δὲ καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἑκάστου χειμαδιᾶν πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν οὐκέθ' ὁμοίως δυνάμενος διὰ τὸ εἰς Γάιον μεταπεπτωκέναι τὰ πράγματα. [125] ἐλέγετο δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἀρέταν οἰωνοσκοπησάμενον πρὸς τὴν ἀγγελίαν τῶν Οὐιτελλίου στρατιωτῶν φάναι μηχανὴν οὐκ εἶναι τῷ στρατῷ τῆς ἐπὶ Πετραίους ὁδοῦ: τεθνήξεσθαι γὰρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἢ τὸν πολεμεῖν κελεύσαντα ἢ τὸν γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου ὡρμημένον διακονεῖσθαι ἢ ἐφ' ὃν γένοιτο ἡ παρασκευὴ τοῦ στρατεύματος. [126] καὶ Οὐιτέλλιος μὲν ἐπ' Ἀντιοχείας ἀνεχώρησεν. Ἀγρίππας δὲ ὁ Ἀριστοβούλου υἱὸς ἐνιαυτῷ πρότερον ἢ τελευτῆσαι Τιβέριον ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἄνεισι πράξων τι παρὰ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι δυνάμεώς τινος αὐτῷ παραγενομένης. [127] βούλομαι οὖν εἰπεῖν ἐπὶ μακρότερον περί τε Ἡρώδου καὶ γένους αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐγένετο, ἅμα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνήκειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, ἅμα δὲ καὶ παράστασιν ἔχειν τοῦ θείου, ὡς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ πλῆθος οὐδ' ἄλλη τις ἀλκὴ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἐπιτετευγμένων δίχα τῶν πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβειῶν, [128] εἴ γε ἐντὸς ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν ἐξόδου συνέβη πλὴν ὀλίγων, πολλοὶ δ' ἦσαν, διαφθαρῆναι τοὺς Ἡρώδου ἀπογόνους: φέροι δ' ἄν τι κἀπὶ σωφρονισμῷ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου γένους τὸ τὴν δυστυχίαν αὐτῶν μαθεῖν, [129] ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν διηγήσασθαι θαύματος ἀξιώτατον γεγενημένον, ὃς ἐκ πάνυ ἰδιώτου καὶ παρὰ πᾶσαν δόξαν τῶν εἰδότων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ηὐξήθη δυνάμεως. εἴρηται μὲν οὖν μοι καὶ πρότερον περὶ αὐτῶν, λεχθήσεται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀκριβῶς.
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120 Vitellius went to war against Aretas with two fully-armed legions and all the light-armed infantry and cavalry attached to them, drawn from the kingdoms which were under the Romans and came to Ptolemais on his way toward Petra. 121 But on the march as he was leading his army through Judea, some prominent men met him to ask him not to go through their land, since their ancestral laws did not let them ignore the images they carried into it, many of which were on their ensigns. 122 Persuaded by this he changed his plans and ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God during an ancient Jewish festival which was coming up. 123 On his arrival he was well received by the Jewish populace, and stayed there for three days, during which time he deposed Jonathan from his priestly office and gave it to his brother Theophilus. 124 When on the fourth day letters arrived announcing the death of Tiberius, he made the people swear their loyalty to Gaius. He also stood down his army, sending each man home for the winter, since with the accession of Gaius he no longer had his former authority to go to war. 125 It was also reported that Aretas, when he heard that Vitellius was coming to fight him, consulted the auguries and said that the army of Vitellius could not cross the entrance of Petra, for one of the leaders would die, either the one who gave orders for the war, or the one who marched to carry out the other's plan, or the one against whom the army had mustered. 126 So Vitellius retired to Antioch. Now Agrippa, son of Aristobulus, had gone to Rome a year before the death of Tiberius, to have contact with the emperor, and seek some advantage for himself. 127 I now wish to describe how things went for Herod and his family, partly as it is relevant to this history and partly because it offers proof of divine intervention, how mere numbers are fruitless, or any other worldly advantage, without piety towards God. 128 The fact is that, within a hundred years, the numerous descendants of Herod had all disappeared, apart from a few. One may well apply this for the guidance of mankind and learn from their misfortune. 129 It is worth recalling the story of Agrippa, an admirable person who beyond all the expectation of his friends rose from being a private citizen to great power and authority. I have said something of this before, but will now speak of it in detail.

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[130] Ἡρώδῃ τῷ μεγάλῳ θυγατέρες ἐκ Μαριάμμης τῆς Ὑρκανοῦ θυγατρὸς γίνονται δύο, Σαλαμψιὼ μὲν ἡ ἑτέρα, ἣ γαμεῖται Φασαήλῳ τῷ αὐτῆς ἀνεψιῷ Φασαήλου παιδὶ ὄντι τοῦ Ἡρώδου ἀδελφοῦ δεδωκότος τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτήν, Κύπρος δὲ Ἀντιπάτρῳ καὶ αὐτὴ ἀνεψιῷ Ἡρώδου παιδὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Σαλώμης. [131] καὶ Φασαήλῳ μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμψιοῦς γίνονται πέντε παῖδες Ἀντίπατρος Ἀλέξανδρος Ἡρώδης θυγατέρες τε Ἀλεξάνδρα καὶ Κύπρος, ἣν Ἀγρίππας γαμεῖ ὁ Ἀριστοβούλου. Ἀλεξάνδραν δὲ γαμεῖ μὲν Τίμιος Κύπριος ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀξιολόγων, παρ' ᾧ δὴ ἄτεκνος τελευτᾷ. [132] Κύπρῳ δ' ἐξ Ἀγρίππου μὲν ἄρρενες γίνονται δύο, θυγατέρες δὲ τρεῖς Βερενίκη Μαριάμμη Δρούσιλλα, Ἀγρίππας δὲ καὶ Δροῦσος τοῖς ἄρσεσιν ὀνόματα, ὧν ὁ Δροῦσος πρὶν ἡβῆσαι τελευτᾷ. [133] Τῷ δὲ πατρὶ τούτων Ἀγρίππας ἐτρέφετο μετὰ καὶ ἑτέρων ἀδελφῶν Ἡρώδης καὶ Ἀριστόβουλος: καὶ Βερενίκη καὶ οἵδε παῖδες Ἡρώδου τοῦ υἱέος τοῦ μεγάλου: ἡ δὲ Βερενίκη Κοστοβάρου καὶ Σαλώμης παῖς τῆς Ἡρώδου ἀδελφῆς. [134] τούτους Ἀριστόβουλος νηπίους λείπεται θνήσκων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρῷ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, καθὰ προειρήκαμεν. ἡβήσαντες δ' ἄγονται Ἡρώδης μὲν οὗτος ὁ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου ἀδελφὸς Μαριάμμην θυγατέρα Ὀλυμπιάδος τῆς Ἡρώδου βασιλέως θυγατρὸς καὶ Ἰωσήπου τοῦ Ἰωσήπου, ἀδελφὸς δὲ οὗτος Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως: ἴσχει τε ἐξ αὐτῆς υἱὸν Ἀριστόβουλον. [135] ὁ δὲ τρίτος τοῦ Ἀγρίππου ἀδελφὸς Ἀριστόβουλος γαμεῖ Ἰωτάπην Σαμψιγεράμου θυγατέρα τοῦ Ἐμεσῶν βασιλέως, θυγάτηρ τε αὐτοῖς γίνεται κωφή: ὄνομα καὶ τῇδε Ἰωτάπη. [136] καὶ τάδε μὲν τῶν ἀρσένων τέκνα. Ἡρωδιὰς δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ ἀδελφὴ γίνεται Ἡρώδῃ Ἡρώδου τοῦ μεγάλου παιδὶ γεγονότι ἐκ Μαριάμμης τῆς τοῦ Σίμωνος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ αὐτοῖς Σαλώμη γίνεται, μεθ' ἧς τὰς γονὰς Ἡρωδιὰς ἐπὶ συγχύσει φρονήσασα τῶν πατρίων Ἡρώδῃ γαμεῖται τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τῷ ὁμοπατρίῳ ἀδελφῷ διαστᾶσα ζῶντος. τὴν δὲ Γαλιλαίων τετραρχίαν οὗτος εἶχεν. [137] ἡ δὲ θυγάτηρ αὐτῆς Σαλώμη Φιλίππῳ γαμεῖται Ἡρώδου παιδὶ τῷ τετράρχῃ τῆς Τραχωνίτιδος, καὶ ἄπαιδος τελευτήσαντος Ἀριστόβουλος αὐτὴν ἄγεται Ἡρώδου παῖς τοῦ Ἀγρίππου ἀδελφοῦ. παῖδες δὲ ἐγένοντο αὐτοῖς τρεῖς Ἡρώδης Ἀγρίππας Ἀριστόβουλος. [138] τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ Φασαήλου καὶ Σαλαμψιοῦς ἐστι γένος. Κύπρῳ δ' ἐξ Ἀντιπάτρου θυγάτηρ γίνεται Κύπρος, καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀλεξᾶς ὁ Ἐλκίας γαμεῖ τοῦ Ἀλεξᾶ, καὶ αὐτῆς θυγάτηρ ἦν Κύπρος. Ἡρώδης δὲ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος, οὓς ἀδελφοὺς ἔφην Ἀντιπάτρου, ἄτεκνοι τελευτῶσιν. [139] Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τῷ Ἡρώδου παιδὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ Τιγράνης ἐγεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς ἐκ τῆς Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Καππαδόκων βασιλέως θυγατρός. καὶ Τιγράνης μὲν βασιλεύων Ἀρμενίας κατηγοριῶν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης γενομένων ἄπαις τελευτᾷ. [140] Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ Τιγράνης ὁμώνυμος τῷ ἀδελφῷ γίνεται παῖς καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἀρμενίας ὑπὸ Νέρωνος ἐκπέμπεται υἱός τε Ἀλέξανδρος αὐτῷ γίνεται. γαμεῖ δ' οὗτος Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Κομμαγηνῶν βασιλέως θυγατέρα Ἰωτάπην, ἡσίοδός τε τῆς ἐν Κιλικίᾳ Οὐεσπασιανὸς αὐτὸν ἵσταται βασιλέα. [141] καὶ τὸ μὲν Ἀλεξάνδρου γένος εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ φυῆναι τὴν θεραπείαν ἐξέλιπεν τῶν Ἰουδαίοις ἐπιχωρίων μεταταξάμενοι πρὸς τὰ Ἕλλησι πάτρια: ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς θυγατράσιν Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀτέκνοις τελευτᾶν συνέπεσεν. [142] τῶν δὲ γενομένων Ἡρώδου ἀπογόνων οὓς κατέλεξα ἔμενον ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ Ἀγρίππας ὁ μέγας τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν. τούτων δέ μοι τοῦ γένους προδεδηλωμένων διέξειμι λοιπόν, ὁπόσαι Ἀγρίππᾳ τύχαι συνέλθοιεν, ὥς τε αὐτῶν διάδρασιν ποιησάμενος ἐπὶ μέγιστον ἀξιώματός τε ἅμα προκόψειεν καὶ δυνάμεως.
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130 Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the daughter of Hyrcanus. One of them was Salampsio, who was given by her father in marriage to her first cousin Phasael, who was himself the son of Herod's brother Phasael. The other was Cypros, who also was married to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Herod's sister Salome. 131 Phasael had five children by Salampsio: Antipater, Herod and Alexander and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros, who married Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, while Alexandra married Timius of Cyprus, a worthy man, but with him she died childless. 132 By Cypros Agrippa had two sons and three daughters, Berenice, Mariamne and Drusilla, and the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of whom Drusus died before puberty. 133 Of these, Agrippa and his brothers, Herod and Aristobulus, were reared by his father, along with Berenice the daughter of Costobarus and of Herod's sister Salome. 134 As already said, Aristobulus left these infants when he and his brother Alexander were killed by their father. When they reached puberty, this Herod, Agrippa's brother, married Mariamne, the daughter of king Herod's daughter Olympias, and of Joseph, son of king Herod's brother Joseph, and by her had a son, Aristobulus. 135 Agrippa's third brother, Aristobulus, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa. They had a daughter who was deaf, whose name was also Jotape, and up to this these were the children of the male line. 136 Their sister Herodias was married to Herod, the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest. They had a daughter, Salome, after whose birth Herodias set about overturning the laws of our country and divorced from her husband while he was alive and married Herod (Antipas), her husband's brother on the father's side, who was tetrarch of Galilee. 137 Her daughter Salome was married to Philip, Herod's son and tetrarch of Trachonitis, and as he died childless, Aristobulus, Herod's son and Agrippa's brother, married her. They had three sons, Herod, Agrippa and Aristobulus. 138 Those were the descendants of Phasael and Salampsio. Now by Cypros Antipater had a daughter named Cypros, who married Alexas Selcias, son of Alexas and they had a daughter, Cypros, while Herod and Alexander, who, as I said, were Antipater's brothers, died childless. 139 The Alexander who was killed by his father king Herod, had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused of charges in Rome and died childless. 140 Alexander had a son named with his brother Tigranes and was sent by Nero to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia. He had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, daughter of Antiochus the king of Commagene, and Vespasian made him king of Ketis in Cilicia. 141 But soon after their birth these descendants of Alexander left the Jewish religion and went over to the Greeks, and the rest of the daughters of Herod the king died childless. 142 I have listed, by way of preface, these descendants of Herod up to the time that Agrippa the Great took over the kingdom. Now I will relate the various adversities faced by Agrippa and how he overcame them, to advance to the height of dignity and power.

Chapter 6. [143-239]
Herod Agrippa's picaresque career. Tiberius as emperor Antonia, Sejanus and Caligula

1.

[143] Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ὀλίγον πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς Ἀγρίππας ἐν Ῥώμῃ διαιτώμενος καὶ ὁμοτροφίας καὶ συνηθείας αὐτῷ πολλῆς γενομένης πρὸς Δροῦσον τὸν Τιβερίου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος υἱὸν καὶ Ἀντωνίᾳ τῇ Δρούσου τοῦ μεγάλου γυναικὶ εἰς φιλίαν ἀφίκετο, Βερενίκης τῆς μητρὸς τιμωμένης παρ' αὐτῇ καὶ προαγωγῶν ἠξιωκυίας τὸν υἱόν. [144] φύσει δὲ μέγας ὢν ὁ Ἀγρίππας καὶ δωρεῖσθαι πολυτελὴς ζώσης μὲν τῆς μητρὸς οὐκ ἐξέφαινε τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ θέλον διαδιδράσκειν αὐτῆς ἠξιωκὼς τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις γενομένην ὀργήν, [145] ἐπεὶ δὲ Βερενίκη τελευτᾷ, γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ, τὰ μὲν εἰς πολυτέλειαν τῆς καθ' ἡμέραν διαίτης, τὰ δ' εἰς τῶν δωρεῶν τὸ μὴ μέτρῳ προιέμενον ἀνάλωσε τῶν χρημάτων, τὰ πλεῖστα δ' εἰς τοὺς Καίσαρος ἀπελευθέρους ἐτετέλεστο ἐλπίδι πράξεως τῆς αὐτῶν, πενία τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν. [146] καὶ τοῦτο ἦν κώλυμα τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ διαίτης, καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος τοῖς φίλοις τοῦ υἱέος τετελευτηκότος ἀπειπὼν φοιτᾶν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ, διὰ τὸ ἀνερεθίζεσθαι πρὸς τὸ λυπεῖσθαι μνημονεύων τοῦ παιδὸς θεωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων.
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143 Shortly before king Herod's death, Agrippa lived in Rome and was reared in close contact with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius's son and made friends with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who highly esteemed his mother Berenice and was asked by her to promote her son. 144 Agrippa was of an expansive nature and generous in giving gifts, though he hid his natural bent while his mother was alive, in order not to provoke her by his extravagance. 145 Once Berenice was dead and he was left to his own devices, he spent lavishly in his daily lifestyle and gave endless gifts, mainly to Caesar's freedmen, to win their help, so that he was soon reduced to poverty. 146 He could no longer afford to live in Rome, and Tiberius forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, for they reminded him of his son and only revived his grief.

2.

[147] Διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰουδαίας πλέων ᾤχετο κακοπραγῶν καὶ τεταπεινωμένος ὀλέθρῳ τε ὧν εἶχεν χρημάτων καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ ἐκτίσοντος τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανεισταῖς πολλοῖς τε οὖσιν καὶ ἀλεωρὰν οὐδ' ἡντινοῦν ἐνδιδοῦσιν, ὥστε ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ποιητέων καὶ αἰσχύνῃ τῇ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ὑποχωρήσας εἴς τινα πύργον ἐν Μαλάθοις τῆς Ἰδουμαίας ἐν περινοίᾳ τοῦ μεταστήσοντος αὑτὸν ἦν. [148] αἰσθάνεται δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν Κύπρος ἡ γυνὴ παντοία τε ἦν ἀπείργουσα τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις βουλευμάτων. διαπέμπεται δὲ καὶ ὡς τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ Ἡρωδιάδα Ἡρώδῃ τῷ τετράρχῃ συνοικοῦσαν γράμματα, δηλοῦσα τό τε ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τοῦ Ἀγρίππα προβουλεῦσαν καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην, ἣ ἐπ' αὐτὰ ἐξήγαγεν: [149] ἐκέλευέν τε συγγενῆ οὖσαν βοηθεῖν θεωροῦσαν, ὡς αὐτὴ παντοίως ὡς κουφίζοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ὁμοίων ἀφορμῶν. οἱ δὲ μεταπέμψαντες αὐτὸν οἰκητήριον ἀπέδειξαν Τιβεριάδα καί τι καὶ ἀργύριον ὥρισαν εἰς τὴν δίαιταν, ἀγορανομίᾳ τε τῆς Τιβεριάδος ἐτίμησαν. [150] οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖόν γε Ἡρώδης ἐνέμεινε τοῖς δεδογμένοις, καίτοι γε οὐδ' ὣς ἀρκοῦντα ἦν: ἐν γὰρ Τύρῳ παρὰ συνουσίαν ὑπὸ οἴνου γενομένων αὐτοῖς λοιδοριῶν, ἀνεκτὸν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος Ἀγρίππας τοῦ Ἡρώδου τε ἐπονειδίσαντος εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας μετάδοσιν, ὡς Φλάκκον τὸν ὑπατικὸν εἴσεισιν φίλον ἐπὶ Ῥώμης τὰ μάλιστα αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρότερον: Συρίαν δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε διεῖπεν.
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147 For these reasons he left Rome and sailed to Judea in dire circumstances, depressed by the loss of his former wealth and without the money to pay his many creditors, and seeing no way to escape them. Not knowing what to do, and ashamed of his present condition, he retired to a tower at Malatha in Idumaea, and thought of killing himself. 148 But his wife Cypros knew his mind and tried all sorts of ways to divert him from such a course. She wrote a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, to tell her of Agrippa's state and the need that drove him to it. 149 She asked for her help as his relative, and to get her husband to do the same, seing how she had helped her husband all she could, though without any wealth like theirs. They sent for him and gave him Tiberias as his dwelling, with money to maintain him and honouring him as mayor of Tiberias. 150 But Herod did not continue long in his resolve to support him, though even that was insufficient for him. Once they were drinking at a feast in Tyre and insults were exchanged, Agrippa found it unbearable when Herod reproached him with his poverty and with owing his very food to him. So he went to Flaccus, who had been consul and had formerly been a great friend to him in Rome and was now ruler of Syria.

3.

[151] Καὶ δεξαμένου Φλάκκου παρὰ τούτῳ διῆγεν παρακατεσχηκότος αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ Ἀριστοβούλου, ὃς ἀδελφὸς ὢν Ἀγρίππου διάφορός τ' ἦν. οὐ μὴν ἐβλάπτοντο ἔχθρᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων, ὥστε μὴ φιλίᾳ τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ τὰ εἰκότα τιμὴν φέρεσθαι. [152] οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Ἀριστόβουλος ἀνίει τι τοῦ πρὸς τὸν Ἀγρίππαν δυσμενοῦς μέχρι καὶ εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτὸν Φλάκκῳ καθίστησιν, αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἐπὶ τῇ δυσμενείᾳ παραλαβών. [153] Δαμασκηνοὶ Σιδωνίοις περὶ ὅρων διάφοροι καθεστῶτες, μέλλοντος Φλάκκου περὶ τούτων ἀκροᾶσθαι μαθόντες τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ὡς παρ' αὐτῷ μέγα δύναιτ' ἂν ἠξίουν μερίδος τῆς αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, ἀργύριόν τε πλεῖστον ὡμολογεῖτο αὐτῷ. [154] καὶ ὁ μὲν πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν Δαμασκηνῶν ὥρμητο πράσσειν. Ἀριστόβουλος δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν αὐτὸν ἡ ὁμολογία τῶν χρημάτων, καταγορεύει πρὸς τὸν Φλάκκον. καὶ βασανιζομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἐπεὶ φανερὰ ἦν, ἐξωθεῖ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν φιλίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν. [155] ὁ δὲ εἰς ὑστάτην περιωσμένος ἀπορίαν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα παρῆν, καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἄπορον τῆς ἀλλαχόθι διαίτης γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας πλεῖν. εἰργόμενος δὲ χρημάτων ἀπορίᾳ ἠξίου Μαρσύαν ὄντα αὐτοῦ ἀπελεύθερον ποριστὴν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μηχανῶν δανεισάμενον παρά τινος. [156] καὶ ὁ Μαρσύας Πρῶτον κελεύει Βερενίκης ὄντα ἀπελεύθερον τῆς Ἀγρίππου μητρός, διαθήκης δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου δικαίῳ ὑποτελοῦντα τῆς Ἀντωνίας, αὐτῷ γοῦν παρασχεῖν ἐπὶ γράμματι καὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ. [157] ὁ δέ, ἐπεκάλει γὰρ τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ χρημάτων τινῶν ἀποστέρησιν, ἀναγκάζει τὸν Μαρσύαν δύο μυριάδων Ἀτθίδων συμβόλαιον ποιησάμενον πεντακοσίαις καὶ δισχιλίαις ἔλασσον λαμβάνειν. συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ποιεῖν. [158] εἰλημμένου δὲ τοῦ χρήματος τούτου Ἀγρίππας εἰς Ἀνθηδόνα παραγενόμενος καὶ λαβὼν ναῦν ἐν ἀναγωγαῖς ἦν. καὶ γνοὺς Ἐρέννιος Καπίτων ὁ τῆς Ἰαμνείας ἐπίτροπος πέμπει στρατιώτας, οἳ εἰσπράξονται αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου τριάκοντα μυριάδας θησαυρῷ τῷ Καίσαρος ὀφειλομένας ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, ἀνάγκας τε ἐπετίθεσαν τοῦ μενοῦντος. [159] καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' Ἀλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα Ἀλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν. [160] ἡ δὲ ὑπισχνεῖτο, καὶ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος πέντε τάλαντα αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ δοὺς τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν Δικαιαρχείᾳ γενομένοις παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο, δεδιὼς τοῦ Ἀγρίππου τὸ εἰς τὰ ἀναλώματα ἕτοιμον. καὶ Κύπρος μὲν ἀπαλλάξασα τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας πλευσούμενον αὐτὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐπὶ Ἰουδαίας ἀνέζευξεν.
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151 He was amiably received by Flaccus and stayed with him. Another guest there was Aristobulus, Agrippa's brother, with whom he on bad terms, but their mutual hostility did not prevent him treating them both with friendship and honour. 152 Aristobulus did not cease being unpleasant to Agrippa until he brought him into enmity with Flaccus, and this was the cause of their estrangement. 153 The Damascenes had a border quarrel with the Sidonians and when Flaccus was about to hear their case, they learned that Agrippa had great influence with him, so they got him to take their side, with the promise of a lot of money. 154 So he gladly did all he could to help the Damascenes, but Aristobulus learned about the promised money and accused him of it to Flaccus, who fully examined the matter and found is to be the case, and no longer numbered Agrippa among his friends. 155 So he was reduced to the utmost penury and came to Ptolemais. Then not knowing where else to get a livelihood, he wanted to sail to Italy, but as he could not do so for lack of money, he asked Marsyas, his freedman, to find the means for that purpose, by borrowing the money from somebody. 156 Marsyas asked Protos, the freedman of Agrippa's mother Berenice, who bequeathed him in her will to Antonia, to lend the sum, on a personal bond of security. 157 He, however, accused Agrippa of defrauding him of certain sums of money and so obliged Marsyas, when he signed the bond for twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept twenty-five hundred drachma less, to which the other agreed having no other option. 158 On receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon and was about to set sail when Herennius Capito, the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to get from him the three hundred thousand silver drachmae that he owed to Caesar's treasury in Rome, so forcing him to stay. 159 He pretended to follow this order, but when night came he cut the cables and left and sailed to Alexandria, where he asked Alexander the Alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae. He refused to lend it to him, but said that he would not refuse it to Cypros, impressed by her love for her husband and other examples of her virtue. 160 She undertook to repay it and so Alexander gave them five talents in Alexandria and promised them the rest at Dicaearchea, in case Agrippa was getting ready to spend it. So Cypros bailed her husband out and sent him off on with his voyage to Italy, while she and her children left for Judea.

4.

[161] Ἀγρίππας δὲ εἰς Ποτιόλους παραβαλὼν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς Τιβέριον τὸν Καίσαρα γράφει διαιτώμενον ἐν Καπρέαις, παρουσίαν τε τὴν αὐτοῦ δηλῶν ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ καὶ ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνου, καὶ ἀξιῶν ἔφεσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι εἰς Καπρέας παραβαλεῖν. [162] Τιβέριος δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσας τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ γράφει φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρώμενος, ἐκτίνει τε χάριν ἀποσημαίνων ἐπὶ τῷ σῶν ἐπανήκειν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, ἐπεὶ δ' ἀφικνεῖται μηδὲν ὑφελὼν τοῦ ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι προθύμου ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ ἐξένιζεν. [163] τῇ δ' ἑξῆς Καίσαρι γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παρὰ Ἐρεννίου Καπίτωνος ἀφικομένων, ὅτι Ἀγρίππας μυριάδας τριάκοντα δάνεισμα ποιήσας καὶ πρὸς τὰς καταβολὰς ἐκλιπὼν χρόνον τὸν συγκείμενον ἀπαιτήσεως γενομένης οἴχοιτο φυγὰς ἐκ τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῷ χωρίων ἄκυρον αὐτὸν καθιστὰς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσπραξομένῳ ἐξουσίας, [164] ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν περιαλγεῖ τε ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ διάκλεισιν γενέσθαι τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ κελεύει εἰσόδων τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄχρι δὴ καταβολῆς τοῦ χρέους. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τῇ ὀργῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος καταπλαγεὶς Ἀντωνίας δεῖται Γερμανικοῦ μητρὸς καὶ Κλαυδίου τοῦ ὕστερον γενομένου Καίσαρος, δάνεισμα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων, ὡς φιλίας μὴ ἁμάρτοι τῆς πρὸς Τιβέριον. [165] ἡ δὲ Βερενίκης τε μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, σφόδρα γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἐχρῶντο αἵδε αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτῷ ὁμοτροφίας πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφὶ Κλαύδιον γεγενημένης, δίδωσι τὸ ἀργύριον, καὶ αὐτῷ ἀποτίσαντι τὸ χρέος ἀνεπικώλυτος ἦν ἡ φιλία τοῦ Τιβερίου. [166] αὖθις δὲ αὐτῷ Τιβέριος ὁ Καῖσαρ συνίστησιν υἱωνὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ κελεύων τὰ πάντα αὐτῷ ταῖς ἐξόδοις παρατυγχάνειν. Ἀγρίππας δὲ φιλίᾳ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀντωνίας κατὰ θεραπείαν τρέπεται τὴν Γαίου υἱωνοῦ τε ὄντος αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὰ πρῶτα τιμωμένου. [167] καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλος Σαμαρεὺς γένος Καίσαρος δὲ ἀπελεύθερος: παρὰ τούτου δάνεισμα μυριάδας ἑκατὸν εὑρόμενος τῇ τε Ἀντωνίᾳ καταβάλλει τὸ ὀφειληθὲν χρέος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῷ ἀναλώματι θεραπεύων τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως ἐν ἀξιώματι ἦν παρ' αὐτῷ.
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161 Agrippa came to Puteoli, where he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived in Capri, telling him that he had come so far to pay him a visit and see him, and asked his permission to come over to Capri. 162 Without hesitation Tiberius wrote courteously to him, saying he was glad of his safe return and inviting him to come to Capri, and when he arrived he did not fail to welcome him as kindly as he had promised in his letter. 163 But the next day Caesar got a letter from Herennius Capito, saying that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae and not repaid it when it fell due, and when it was demanded, escaped like a fugitive from his jurisdiction, making it impossible to get the money back. 164 When Caesar read this letter, he was irritated and had Agrippa excluded from his presence until he paid off the debt. But undaunted by Caesar's anger, he begged Antonia, the mother of Germanicus and Claudius, the future emperor, to lend him the three hundred thousand drachmae, so as not to be deprived of Tiberius's friendship. 165 Out of regard to the memory of his mother Berenice, for the two women had been great friends, and remembering how he and Claudius were educated together, she lent him the money; and once his debt was paid, there was nothing further to bar him from friendship with Tiberius. 166 Tiberius Caesar then commended his grandson to him, saying that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. After being received in friendship by Antonia, Agrippa went to pay his respects to her grandson Gaius, who was in high repute because of people's goodwill towards his father. 167 From a Samaritan freedman of Caesar he borrowed a million drachmae and from it repaid his debt to Antonia and by sending the rest in paying court to Gaius, gained great influence with him.

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[168] Προιούσης δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ τῆς πρὸς Γάιον φιλίας αἰωρουμένοις ποτὲ λόγος περὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου γίνεται, καὶ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου κατ' εὐχὰς τραπομένου, μόνω δ' ἤστην, ᾗ τάχος Τιβέριον ὑπεκστάντα τῆς ἀρχῆς Γαίῳ παραχωρεῖν ἀξιωτέρῳ τὰ πάντα ὄντι, τούτων ἀκροᾶται τῶν λόγων Εὔτυχος, Ἀγρίππου δ' ἦν ἀπελεύθερος ἡνίοχος, καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν σιγῇ παρεδίδου. [169] κλοπῆς δὲ ἱματίων αὐτῷ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου ἐπικαλουμένης, καὶ ἀκριβῶς δὲ ἐκεκλόφει, φυγὼν καὶ ληφθεὶς ἀγωγῆς αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Πείσωνα γενομένης, ὃς ἦν φύλαξ τῆς πόλεως, ἐρομένου τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς φυγῆς Καίσαρί φησιν ἀπορρήτους ἔχειν λόγους εἰπεῖν ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ φέροντας, ὥστε δήσας αὐτὸν ἔστελλεν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, καὶ Τιβέριος τῷ αὑτοῦ τρόπῳ χρώμενος εἶχεν αὐτὸν δέσμιον, μελλητὴς εἰ καί τις ἕτερος βασιλέων ἢ τυράννων γενόμενος. [170] οὔτε γὰρ πρεσβειῶν ὑποδοχὰς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐποιεῖτο ἡγεμόσι τε ἢ ἐπιτρόποις ὑπ' αὐτοῦ σταλεῖσιν οὐδεμία ἦν διαδοχή, ὁπότε μὴ φθαῖεν τετελευτηκότες: ὅθεν καὶ δεσμωτῶν ἀκροάσεως ἀπερίοπτος ἦν. [171] ὥστε καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐρομένων τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὁλκῇ χρωμένου, ἔφη τὰς μὲν πρεσβείας τρίβειν, ὅπως μὴ ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐταῖς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος γενομένης ἕτεροι πρέσβεις ἐπιχειροτονηθέντες ἐπανίοιεν ὄχλος τε αὐτῷ γίγνοιτο ἐπιδοχαῖς αὐτῶν καὶ πομπαῖς προσκειμένῳ. [172] τὰς δ' ἀρχὰς συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ἅπαξ εἰς αὐτὰς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καταστᾶσιν αἰδοῦς προμηθείᾳ τῶν ὑποτελῶν: φύσει μὲν γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσαν ἡγεμονίαν οἰκείαν τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν: τὰς δὲ μὴ πατρίους, ἀλλ' εἰς ὀλίγον καὶ ἄδηλον ὁπότε ἀφαιρεθεῖεν καὶ μειζόνως ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς τοὺς ἔχοντας. [173] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐφεστήκασιν εἰς πλέον, αὐτοὺς ἄδην τῶν κλοπῶν ἕξειν ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν κεκερδημένων ἀμβλυτέρως τὸ λοιπὸν αὐταῖς χρωμένους. διαδοχῆς δ' ἐπιπαραγενομένης ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μηδαμῶς ἂν ἀρκέσαι τοὺς ἆθλα τοῖς ἄρχουσι προκειμένους ἀναστροφῆς αὐτοῖς οὐ διδομένης καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πλήρεις οἱ προειληφότες γενόμενοι ὑποδιδοῖέν τε σπουδῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ λαμβάνειν, διὰ τὸ πρὶν ἐν καιρῷ γενέσθαι μεταστῆναι. [174] παράδειγμά τε αὐτοῖς φησι τοῦτον τὸν λόγον: τραυματίᾳ τινὶ κειμένῳ μυῖαι κατὰ πλῆθος τὰς ὠτειλὰς περιέστασαν. καί τις τῶν παρατυχόντων οἰκτείρας αὐτοῦ τὴν δυστυχίαν καὶ νομίσας ἀδυναμίᾳ μὴ βοηθεῖν οἷός τ' ἦν ἀποσοβεῖν αὐτὰς παραστάς. [175] καὶ δεομένου παύσασθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε, ὑπολαβὼν ἤρετο τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἀπρομηθοῦς εἰς τὴν διαφυγὴν κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. "μειζόνως γὰρ ἂν ἀδικοῖς με, εἶπε, ταύτας ἀπαγαγών. ταῖς μέν γε ἤδη πληρωθείσαις τοῦ αἵματος οὐκέθ' ὁμοίως ἔπειξις ὄχλον μοι παρασχεῖν, ἀλλά πῃ καὶ ἀνίσχουσιν. αἱ δ' ἀκραιφνεῖ τῷ κατ' αὐτὰς λιμῷ συνελθοῦσαι καὶ τετρυμένον ἤδη παραλαμβάνουσαι κἂν ὀλέθρῳ παραδοῖεν." [176] διὰ τάδε οὖν καὐτὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν τῶν κλοπῶν διεφθαρμένοις τοῖς ὑποτελέσιν προμηθὲς εἶναι μὴ συνεχὲς ἐξαποστέλλειν τοὺς ἡγησομένους, οἳ ἐν τρόπῳ μυιῶν ἐκπολεμοῖεν αὐτούς, φύσει πρὸς κέρδος ὀρωρεγμένοις σύμμαχον παραλαμβάνοντες τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ ταχέως ἀφαιρεθησομένου τὴν ἐνθένδε ἡδονήν. [177] μαρτυρήσει δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις φύσεως Τιβερίου τὸ ἔργον αὐτό: ἔτη γὰρ δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος δύο τοὺς πάντας Ἰουδαίοις ἐξέπεμψεν διοικήσοντας τὸ ἔθνος, Γρᾶτον τε καὶ Πιλᾶτον, ὃς αὐτῷ διεδέξατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. [178] καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ μὲν Ἰουδαίων τοιοῦτος ἦν, ἑτεροῖος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑπηκόων. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν δεσμωτῶν τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀπεσήμαινεν ὑπὸ τοῦ δικαιωθεῖσι μὲν θανάτῳ κούφισιν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐνεστηκότων κακῶν, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ' ἀρετῇ τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τύχῃ συνελθεῖν, τριβομένοις δὲ ἀχθηδόνι τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ μείζονα προσρέπειν τὴν δυστυχίαν.
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168 While the friendship of Agrippa with Gaius was at its height, as they were in a chariot together some words once passed between them about Tiberius. Agrippa prayed, for they were in private, that Tiberius might soon leave the stage and pass the leadership to Gaius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, Agrippa's freedman who drove his chariot, heard these words and said nothing about them at that time. 169 But later, when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, which was certainly true, he fled, and when he was caught and brought before Piso, the city prefect, and he was asked why he ran away, the man replied that he had something to say to Caesar, about his security and safety. So Piso bound him and sent him to Capri, but Tiberius, in his usual way, kept him in chains, being a procrastinator, if ever any king or tyrant was. 170 He was slow to admit envoys and no successors were despatched to replace officers or procurators sent by him earlier, until they died, and was negligent in hearing the cases of prisoners. 171 When asked by his friends the reason for such delay he said that he postponed giving audience to envoys in case, if they were sent home quickly, other envoys would be sent and come back upon him, and so he would give himself the trouble of publicly receiving and dismissing them. 172 As for the governors, once they were sent to their office he left them there, out of regard for those subject to them, because all governors are naturally avaricious, and those who are not long term, but are on a short term basis, uncertain of when they will lose office, are in more of a hurry to fleece the people. 173 If however, their rule is to be long-term, they are finally sated with the spoils once they have amassed a vast deal and so grow less sharp in doing it. If successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects on whom they prey will not be able to bear the new ones, who feel they have not as much time available, whereas their predecessors who are already sated are unconcerned about getting more, they won't have time to do so before their term is ended. 174 He gave them an example to illustrate his point. Many flies came around the infected parts of a wounded man, so one of the bystanders pitied the man's misfortune and thinking he was unable to drive those flies away, wnted to drive them away for him. 175 But he implored him to let them alone, and when the other asked him the reason for such an odd thing, for not letting him relieve his distress, he answered, "If you drive these flies away you will do me more harm, for as these are already full of my blood, they do not pester or pain me as much as before, but are taking it easy, while the fresh hungry ones that would come and find me already so worn out, would destroy me." 176 So that is why I take care not to always send new governors to my subjects who are oppressed enough already, for like these flies they would add to their distress. Their natural desire for would be further incited if they expected at any moment to be deprived of the enjoyment of it." 177 As further proof of what I say about the languid nature of Tiberius, let me point to this: although he was emperor for twenty-two years, he sent in all only two procurators to govern the Jewish nation, Gratus and his successor as governor, Pilate. 178 In this he treated the Jews no differently from the rest of his subjects. About his delay in hearing the cases of prisoners, he explained that an early execution would mean shorter suffering for those who must be condemned to die, and those wretches have not deserved any such favour. The delay means that they suffer even more, faced with their impending doom.

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[179] Διὰ μὲν δὴ τάδε καὶ Εὔτυχος ἀκροάσεώς τε οὐκ ἐτύγχανε: καὶ δεσμοῖς ἐνείχετο. χρόνου δὲ ἐγγενομένου Τιβέριός τε ἐκ τῶν Καπρεῶν εἰς Τουσκουλανὸν παραγίνεται ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν τῆς Ῥώμης, καὶ ὁ Ἀγρίππας ἀξιοῖ τὴν Ἀντωνίαν διαπράξασθαι γενέσθαι τῷ Εὐτύχῳ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐφ' οἷστισι τὴν κατηγορίαν ποιοῖτο αὐτοῦ. [180] τιμία δὲ ἦν Ἀντωνία Τιβερίῳ εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι, Δρούσου γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ γυνή, καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος: νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι, καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον. [181] ἰδίᾳ τε εὐεργέτις ἦν εἰς τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ Τιβερίου: ἐπιβουλῆς γὰρ μεγάλης συστάσης ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Σηιάνου φίλου τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῷ τότε μεγίστην ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῶν στρατευμάτων εἶναι ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τε βουλῆς οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων προσέθεντο καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διέφθαρτο, προυκοπτέν τε ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἐπὶ μέγα κἂν ἐπέπρακτο Σηιάνῳ τὸ ἔργον μὴ τῆς Ἀντωνίας τόλμῃ χρησαμένης σοφωτέρᾳ τῆς Σηιάνου κακουργίας. [182] ἐπεὶ γὰρ μανθάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ Τιβερίῳ συντεθειμένα, γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς καὶ Πάλλαντι ἐπιδοῦσα τὰ γράμματα τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν δούλων αὐτῆς ἐκπέμπει πρὸς Τιβέριον εἰς τὰς Καπρέας. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τόν τε Σηιᾶνον κτείνει καὶ τοὺς συνεπιβούλους, τήν τε Ἀντωνίαν καὶ πρὶν ἀξιολόγως ἄγων τιμιωτέραν τε ὑπελάμβανεν κἀπὶ τοῖς πᾶσι πιθανήν. [183] ὑπὸ δὴ ταύτης τῆς Ἀντωνίας ὁ Τιβέριος παρακαλούμενος ἐξετάσαι τὸν Εὔτυχον, "ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν καταψεύσειε, φησὶν ὁ Τιβέριος, [ἔτι δε] Ἀγρίππου τὰ εἰρημένα Εὔτυχος, ἀρκοῦσαν κομίζεται παρ' αὐτοῦ τιμωρίαν, ἣν ἐπιτετίμηκα αὐτός: εἰ δὲ βασανιζομένου ἀληθῆ φανείη τὰ εἰρημένα, μήπου κολάζειν ποθῶν τὸν ἀπελεύθερον ἐπ' αὐτὸν μᾶλλον καλοίη τὴν δίκην." [184] καὶ ὁ Ἀγρίππας ταῦτα φαμένης πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἀντωνίας πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέκειτο ἀξιῶν ἐξέτασιν γενέσθαι τοῦ πράγματος, καὶ ἡ Ἀντωνία, οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει πολὺς ὢν ὁ Ἀγρίππας ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δεῖσθαι, καιρὸν παραλαβοῦσα τοιοῦτον: [185] αἰωρεῖτο μὲν Τιβέριος ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος, προιόντων Γαίου τε τοῦ ἐκείνης υἱωνοῦ καὶ Ἀγρίππα, ἀπ' ἀρίστου δ' ἦσαν, παραπεριπατοῦσα τῷ φορείῳ παρεκάλει καλεῖσθαί τε τὸν Εὔτυχον καὶ ἐξετάζεσθαι. [186] ὁ δέ "ἀλλ' ἴστων μὲν Ἀντωνία, εἶπεν, οἱ θεοί, ὅτι μὴ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμῃ ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τῆς σῆς παρακλήσεως ἐξαγόμενος πράξω τὰ πραξόμενα." ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει Μάκρωνα, ὃς Σηιανοῦ διάδοχος ἦν, τὸν Εὔτυχον ἀγαγεῖν. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς παρῆν. Τιβέριος δ' αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τί καὶ ἔχοι λέγειν κατ' ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτῷ παρεσχηκότος. [187] ὁ δέ φησιν, "ὦ δέσποτα, αἰωροῦντο μὲν ἐφ' ἁμάξης Γάιός τε οὗτος καὶ Ἀγρίππας σὺν αὐτῷ καί σφων ἑζόμην παρὰ τοῖν ποδοῖν, λόγων δὲ πολλῶν ἀνακυκλουμένων Ἀγρίππας φησὶ πρὸς Γάιον: εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό ποτε ἡμέρα, ᾗ μεταστὰς ὁ γέρων οὗτος χειροτονοίη σε ἡγεμόνα τῆς οἰκουμένης: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν Τιβέριος ὁ υἱωνὸς αὐτοῦ γένοιτ' ἂν ἐμποδὼν ὑπὸ σοῦ τελευτῶν, καὶ ἥ τε οἰκουμένη γένοιτ' [188] ἂν μακαρία κἀγὼ πρὸ αὐτῆς." Τιβέριος δὲ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενος τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἅμα μῆνιν ἀναφέρων τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ παλαιάν, διότι κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ θεραπεύειν Τιβέριον υἱωνόν τε αὐτοῦ γεγονότα καὶ Δρούσου παῖδα ὄντα, ὁ Ἀγρίππας ἀτίμως ἦγεν παρακροασάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ πᾶς ὡς τὸν Γάιον μετεκάθιζεν, [189] "τοῦτον μὲν δή, φησί, Μάκρων, δῆσον." Μάκρων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὐ σαφῶς ὅντινα προστάξειεν ἐξεπιστάμενος, τὰ δὲ οὐκ ἂν προσδοκῶν περὶ τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ αὐτὸν κελεῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον, ἐπανεῖχεν ἀκριβωσόμενος τὰ εἰρημένα. [190] ἐπεὶ δ' ὁ Καῖσαρ περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἑστηκότα, "καὶ μὴν δή, φησίν, Μάκρων, τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι." τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα, "Ἀγρίππαν γε" εἶπεν. [191] καὶ ὁ Ἀγρίππας τρέπεται μὲν κατὰ δεήσεις, τοῦ τε παιδὸς ᾧ συνετέθραπτο μνημονεύων καὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου τῆς ἐκτροφῆς, οὐ μὴν ἤνυέν γέ τι, ἀλλ' ἦγον αὐτὸν ἐν πορφυρίσι δέσμιον. [192] καὶ καῦμά τε γὰρ σφοδρὸν ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ οἴνου τοῦ ἐπὶ σιτίοις μὴ πολλοῦ γεγονότος δίψος ἐξέκαιεν αὐτόν, καί τι καὶ ἠγωνία καὶ τὸ παρ' ἀξίαν προσελάμβανεν, θεασάμενός τινα τῶν Γαίου παίδων Θαυμαστὸν ὄνομα ὕδωρ ἐν ἀγγείῳ κομίζοντα ᾔτησε πιεῖν. [193] καὶ ὀρέξαντος προθύμως πιών, "ἀλλ' εἴπερ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς, φησίν, ὦ παῖ, τὰ τῆσδέ σου τῆς διακονίας γέγονεν, διαφυγῆς μοι γενομένης τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν οὐκ ἂν βραδύνοιμι ἐλευθερίαν εἰσπρασσόμενός σοι παρὰ Γαίου, ὃς καὶ δεσμώτῃ μοι γενομένῳ διακονεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐν τῷ πρότερον καθεστηκότι σχήματι τῆς περὶ ἐμὲ ἀξιώσεως οὐκ ἐνέλιπες." καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσατο [ταῦτα εἰπών, ἀλλὰ δὴ ἠμείψατο]: [194] ἐν ὑστέρῳ γὰρ βασιλεύσας τὸν Θαυμαστὸν μειζόνως ἐλεύθερόν τε ἀφῆκε παρὰ Γαίου Καίσαρος γεγονότος λαβὼν καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι, τελευτῶν τε τῷ υἱεῖ Ἀγρίππᾳ καὶ Βερενίκῃ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις διακονησόμενον κατέλιπεν, ἐν τιμῇ τε ὢν ταύτῃ γηραιὸς τελευτᾷ. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.
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179 This was why Eutychus could not get a hearing, but was kept on in prison. But some time later Tiberius came from Capri to Tusculanum, about a hundred furlongs from Rome, and Agrippa asked Antonia to get a hearing for Eutychus, no matter how the case in which he accused him should turn out. 180 Antonia was highly regarded in every way by Tiberius, since as the widow of his brother Drusus she was related to him, and on account of her virtue and chastity, for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood and refused all other matches, though Augustus had told her to remarry; and always lived an irreproachable life. 181 She had been the best benefactor of Tiberius during the dangerous plotting against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband's friend and held the greatest authority as general of the army, and many senators and freedmen joined him and the army was corrupted and the plot was well advanced. The plot would have succeeded had not Antonia's audacity been wiser than Sejanus's malice, 182 for when she revealed his plans against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of everything and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants and sent him to Capri to Tiberius. When he learned of it, he killed Sejanus and his allies, so that while he held her in high esteem before, he now looked on her with still greater respect and trusted her completely. 183 When Tiberius was asked by Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus has falsely accused Agrippa in what he has said of him, he has been sufficiently punished already by what I have done to him, but if the accusatio turns out to be true, let Agrippa be careful in case, in his desire to punish his freedman, he brings punishment upon himself." 184 When Antonia told this to Agrippa, he pressed still more that the matter be examined, so when he continually asked her to beg this favour, Antonia availed of an opportunity to do so. 185 As Tiberius was lying at ease in his sedan and was carried round and Gaius, her grandson and Agrippa, were with him after dinner she went alongside the sedan and asked him to call Eutychus and have him examined. 186 His answer was, "Antonia, may the gods witness that I am doing this not of my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by your urging." Saying this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; so he was brought without delay, and Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his freedom. 187 He said, "My lord, this Gaius and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot and I sat at their feet. Among other things Agrippa said to Gaius, "I pray the day will come when this old fellow dies and leaves you to be ruler of the world! Then this Tiberius, the old man's grandson, would be no obstacle, but would be taken off by you and the whole world would be happy and I most of all." 188 Tiberius took these words to be true and was already angry at Agrippa, for when he had told him to pay respect to his grandson Tiberius, the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid that respect, but had disobeyed him and transferred all his regard to Gaius. 189 He said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not clearly knowing which of them he meant and not expecting him to want any such thing done to Agrippa, hesitated and asked him to speak more clearly. 190 When Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing "Macro," he said, "this is the man I want to have in chains;" and when he still asked, "Which of these is to be chained?" he said "Agrippa." 191 Agrippa began to appeal to him, reminding him of his son with whom he was reared and of Tiberius whom he had educated, but all in vain. They led him about in chains, even in his purple robes. 192 It was very hot weather and they had only little wine with their meal, so that he was very thirsty. He was in a sort of agony and felt very badly, and seeing one of Gaius's slaves, Thaumastus by name, carrying some water in a vessel, asked for a drink. 193 Drinking deeply he said, "You, boy, will be rewarded for serving me in this way! Once I escape, I will soon have Gaius set you free, for he has not failed to help me now while I am in chains, just as in my former rank and dignity." 194 He did not fail to keep his promise but repaid him for what he had done; for later, when Agrippa came to power, he took special care of Thaumastus and gained him his freedom from Gaius and made him steward of his estate. On his death he left him to Agrippa his son and Berenice his daughter, to serve them in the same capacity; and the man kept that position into old age and still held it when he died. But all this was much later.

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[195] Ἀγρίππας δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου πρός τινι δένδρῳ κλιθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας μετὰ πολλῶν οἳ ἐδέδεντο. καί τινος ὀρνέου καθίσαντος ἐπὶ τοῦ δένδρου, ᾧ Ἀγρίππας προσεκέκλιτο, βουβῶνα δὲ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ὄρνιν τοῦτον καλοῦσιν, τῶν δεσμωτῶν τις Γερμανὸς θεασάμενος ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην, ὅστις εἴη ὁ ἐν τῇ πορφυρίδι. [196] καὶ μαθὼν μὲν Ἀγρίππαν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, Ἰουδαῖον δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων, ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων: βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν. [197] καὶ τυχών, ἐπεὶ πλησίον ἵσταται, δι' ἑρμηνέως "ὦ νεανία, φησίν, καταχθεῖ μέν σε τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς πολλήν τε οὕτως καὶ ἀθρόαν ἐπαγαγὸν τὴν τύχην, ἀπιστία δέ σοι λόγων, οἳ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος διαιροῖντο τοῦ θείου τὴν πρόνοιαν. [198] ἴσθι γε μήν, θεοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὶ πατρῴους καὶ τοὺς τοῖσδε ἐγχωρίους, οἳ τόνδε ἐπρυτάνευσαν ἡμῖν τὸν σίδηρον, ἐπομνύμενος λέξω τὰ πάντα οὔτε ἡδονῇ γλωσσάργῳ διδοὺς τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς λόγον οὔτε διακενῆς εὐθυμεῖν σε ἐσπουδακώς. [199] αἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προαγορεύσεις ὑστερηκότος τοῦ ἀποδείξοντος ἔργου χαλεπωτέραν προστίθενται τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ μηδ' εἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀκροάσαιτο αὐτῶν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν κινδύνοις παραβαλλόμενος δίκαιον ἡγησάμην σοι διασαφῆσαι τὴν προαγόρευσιν τῶν θεῶν. [200] οὐκ ἔσθ' ὅπως οὐκ εὐθέως ἀπαλλαγή τέ σοι τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν παρέσται καὶ πρόοδος ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἀξιώματός τε καὶ δυνάμεως, ζηλωτός τε ἂν γένοιο πᾶσιν, οἳ νῦν δι' οἴκτου τὰς τύχας σου λαμβάνουσιν, εὐδαίμονά τε ἂν ποιοῖο τὴν τελευτὴν παισίν, οἷς ἔσῃ τὸν βίον καταλειπόμενος. μνημονεύειν δέ, ὁπότε εἰσαῦθις τὸν ὄρνιν θεάσαιο τοῦτον, πέντε ἡμέραις σοι τὴν τελευτὴν ἐσομένην. [201] ταῦτα πεπράξεται μὲν ᾗπερ ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐξαποστεῖλαν τουτονὶ τὸν ὄρνιν. προγνώσει τε αὐτῶν σύνεσιν τὴν παραγενομένην ἀποστερεῖν σε ἄδικον ἡγησάμην, ὅπως ἐπιστάμενος ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντος λυσιτελεῖν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ παρόντος τιθοῖο. μνήμην δὲ ποιεῖσθαι εἰς χεῖράς σου παραγενομένου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καὶ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς διαφευξομένου δυστυχίαν, [202] ᾗ τανῦν σύνεσμεν." καὶ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοσάδε προειπὼν εἰς τοσόνδε ὦφλεν τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ γέλωτα, ἐφ' ὅσον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον κατεφάνη τεθαυμάσθαι ἄξιος. ἡ δὲ Ἀντωνία χαλεπῶς φέρουσα τοῦ Ἀγρίππου τὴν δυστυχίαν τὸ μὲν Τιβερίῳ περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλέγεσθαι ἐργωδέστερον ἑώρα καὶ ἄλλως ἐπ' ἀπράκτοις γενησόμενον, [203] εὑρίσκετο δ' αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου, λουτρά τε καθ' ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην, ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ' ἄν. [204] εἰσῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτὸν φίλος τε Σίλας καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Μαρσύας καὶ Στοιχεὺς τροφὰς εἰσκομίζοντες αἷς ἔχαιρεν καὶ δι' ἐπιμελείας πάσης ἔχοντες, ἱμάτιά τε κομίζοντες ἐπὶ προσποιήσει πράσεως ὁπότε νὺξ γένοιτο ὑπεστρώνυσαν αὐτῷ συμπράξει τῶν στρατιωτῶν Μάκρωνος προειρηκότος: καὶ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ μῆνας ἕξ. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Ἀγρίππαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
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195 Agrippa stood in his chains before the royal palace and leaned sadly against a tree along with many others who were also in chains. A bird, the kind that Romans call an owl, sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, another prisoner, of the German nation, saw him and asked a soldier who was that man in purple. 196 When he heard his name was Agrippa and that he was by nation a Jew and one of the most respected of that nation, he asked the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him approach him and speak with him, wanting to ask him something about his country. 197 Getting permission, he came near and said to him by an interpreter: "Young man, his sudden change of your fortunes is hard for you, and seems a great disaster. You will not believe me when I say you will be freed from your present plight and how Providence will provide for you. 198 Know therefore, for I swear by the gods of my country as well as those of this place, who have put us in chains, that what I say about you shall be said neither in flattery or for bribes, or simply invented to cheer you up. 199 Predictions like this, if false, ultimately cause more grief than if one never heard them. But at my own risk I think I should tell you the prediction of the gods. 200 You will not stay long in these chains, but will soon be rescued and promoted to the heights of dignity and power. You will be envied by those who now pity your plight, and you will die happy, bequeathing prosperity to your future children. But note that when you see this bird again, you will have only five more days to live. 201 This will be done by God who has sent this bird here as a sign. I felt it would be wrong to conceal this foreknowledge from you, so that knowing the good things coming to you, you may smile amid your present hardships. But when this good luck comes into your hands, do not forget the misfortune that we now share." 202 When the German said this, it made Agrippa laugh just as heartily as he regarded him later with awe. Now Antonia was sorry about Agrippa's misfortune but it was very hard for her to speak on his behalf to Tiberius, and anyway, unlikely to succeed. 203 Still she persuaded Macro that the soldiers guarding him should be humane and also the centurion who was over them and was handcuffed to him, and that he be allowed to bathe every day, and have his freedmen and friends visit him, and have other things for his bodily comfort. 204 So his friend Silas visited him and two of his freedmen, Marsyas and Stoechus, brought him the foods he liked and took great care of him. They also brought him clothes, under pretext of selling them, and at nightfall they placed them under him, helpeded by the soldiers as Macro had ordered them. And Agrippa remained in that condition for six months.

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[205] Τιβέριος δ' ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας ἐμαλακίζετο τὰ μὲν πρῶτα μετρίως, ἐπιδούσης δ' εἰς τὸ μᾶλλον τῆς νόσου πονηρὰς ἔχων περὶ αὐτῷ τὰς ἐλπίδας Εὔοδον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τιμιώτατος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων, κελεύει τὰ τέκνα προσαγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν: χρῄζειν γὰρ ἀφικέσθαι σφίσι διὰ λόγων πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν. [206] ἦσαν δ' αὐτῷ παῖδες γνήσιοι μὲν οὐκέτι: Δροῦσος γὰρ δὴ ὁ μόνος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν τεθνεώς: υἱὸς δὲ τούτου κατελείπετο Τιβέριος ἐπικαλούμενος Γέμελλος, Γάιός τε Γερμανικοῦ παῖς, ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸς γεγονώς, νεανίας τε ἤδη καὶ παιδείαν ἐκπεπονηκὼς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐνοίᾳ τε τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενος διὰ τὴν Γερμανικοῦ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρετήν: [207] ἐπὶ μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ οὗτος προῆλθεν παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσι τιμῆς εὐσταθείᾳ τρόπου καὶ δεξιότητι τοῦ ὁμιλεῖν ἀνεπαχθὴς ὢν καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν κτώμενος τῷ βούλεσθαι ἴσος πᾶσιν εἶναι. [208] ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ μειζόνως ἦγον αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑποτελῶν ἕκαστον ἐθνῶν, οἱ μὲν ὡμιληκότες ἁλισκόμενοι τῇ χάριτι τῆς ἐντεύξεως, οἱ δὲ πύστει τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφηγήσεως παραλαμβάνοντες. [209] πένθος τε αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος προυτέθη πᾶσιν οὐ θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιψευδομένων τὴν συμφοράν, λύπῃ δὲ ἀληθεῖ οἰκειουμένων διὰ τὸ ἴδιον τυχεῖν ἑκάστοις τὴν μετάστασιν αὐτοῦ ὑπειλῆφθαι: [210] οὕτως ἀνεπαχθῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. ἐξ ὧν μέγα ὄφελος καὶ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ παρὰ πᾶσιν κατελέλειπτο τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἦρτο, ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦντες τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνῳ περιγενησομένης, εἰ δεήσει, καὶ τελευτᾶν.
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205 When Tiberius returned to Capri, he fell ill, at first only slightly, but it grew worse until he had little hope of recovery. Then he had Evodus, his most trusted freedman, bring the children to him, as he wanted to talk to them before he died. 206 By that time he had no living sons of his own, as his only son Drusus was dead, but Drusus's son Tiberius, nicknamed Gemellus, was alive, as was Gaius, the son of Germanicus, his brother's grandson. He was already a well educated young man and was widely liked and esteemed because of the virtue of his father Germanicus. 207 The father had been popularly honoured for his equable lifestyle, his easy and graceful manner - for his dignity did not prevent him from treating people with familiarity, as though they were his equals. 208 For this he was not only highly regarded by the people and the senate, but by all the subject nations. Of his visitors, some were touched by how pleasantly they were received and others felt the same on hearing from those who had been with him. 209 There was universal grief at his death, not a pretended sorrow to flatter their officers, but everyone genuinely mourned as if they had lost somebody close to themselves. 210 His easy way with people was greatly for his son's advantage in the eyes of all, and the soldiers in particular were so drawn to him that they were ready, if need be, even to die so that he could become emperor.

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[211] Ὁ δὲ Τιβέριος Εὐόδῳ πρόσταγμα ποιησάμενος κατὰ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω εἰσαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας εὔχεται τοῖς πατρίοις θεοῖς σημεῖόν τι πρόφαντον αὐτῷ δεῖξαι περὶ τοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξομένου, σπεύδων μὲν τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτὴν καταλιπεῖν, μεῖζον δὲ δόξης τε καὶ βουλήσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ πεπιστευκὼς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἀποφανούμενον. [212] οἰώνισμα δ' οὖν αὐτῷ προύκειτο, εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἥξειν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ὃς ἂν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀφίκοιτο πρότερος πρὸς αὐτόν. ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πέμπει παρὰ τοῦ υἱωνοῦ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν κελεύων ὑπὸ πρώτην ὥραν ἄγειν τὸν παῖδα ὡς αὐτόν, καταμελήσεσθαι στρατηγίας τὸν θεὸν ὑπολαμβάνων: ὁ δ' ἀντεψήφιζεν αὐτοῦ τὴν χειροτονίαν. [213] ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ' ἐνθυμησάμενος, ἐπεὶ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἦν, κελεύει τὸν Εὔοδον εἰσκαλεῖν τῶν παίδων τὸν παρόντα πρότερον. ἐξελθὼν δ' ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὸν Γάιον πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου καταλαβών, ὁ γὰρ Τιβέριος οὐ παρῆν μετεώρου τῆς τροφῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης, ᾔδει δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν ἐβούλετο ὁ δεσπότης, "καλεῖ σε, φησίν, ὁ πατήρ", καὶ εἰσήγαγεν αὐτόν. [214] Τιβέριος δὲ ὡς θεᾶται Γάιον, τότε πρῶτον εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἐλθὼν τοῦ θείου τῆς ἐξουσίας καὶ τὴν κατ' αὐτὸν ἡγεμονίαν παντελῶς ἀφῃρημένην ἐπικυροῦν οἷς ψηφίσαιτο δυνάμεως ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγενομένης, πολλὰ δὴ κατολοφυράμενος αὑτὸν μὲν τοῦ ἐφ' οἷς προβουλεύσειε κυροῦν ἀφῃρημένου τὸ κράτος, [215] Τιβέριον δὲ τὸν υἱωνόν, ὡς τῆς τε Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ διαμάρτοι καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας κεχρημένον διὰ τὸ ἐπ' ἄλλων κρειττόνων οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν εἰσηγησαμένω τὴν συναναστροφὴν κείσεσθαι τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ συγγενοῦς μὴ ὠφελεῖν δυναμένου, φόβῳ τε καὶ μίσει τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος χρησομένου πρὸς αὐτόν, τὰ μὲν ὡς προσεδρεύοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ, τὰ δὲ ὡς ἀντεπιβουλεύειν ὑπέρ τε τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἀντιλήψεως τῶν πραγμάτων μὴ ἀφησόμενον. [216] ἦν δὲ καὶ γενεθλιαλογίᾳ Τιβέριος μάλιστα προσκείμενος καὶ κατορθούμενα αὐτῇ μειζόνως τῶν εἰς τόδε ἀνακειμένων ἑκόντων τὸν βίον ἐξηγμένος. Γάλβαν οὖν ποτε θεασάμενος ὡς αὐτὸν εἰσιόντα φησὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους αὐτῷ, ὡς παραγίνοιτο ἀνὴρ τῇ Ῥωμαίων προτιμησόμενος ἡγεμονίᾳ. [217] τά τε πάντα μαντειῶν ὁπόσα ἐχόμενα πιθανὰ ἡγούμενος ἡγεμόνων μάλιστα ἀνὴρ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπαληθείοντος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐχρῆτο αὐταῖς. [218] καὶ τότε ἐν χαλεποῖς ἦν συντυχίᾳ τοῦ γεγονότος, ὡς ἐπ' ἀπολωλότι τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀχθεινῶς διατιθέμενος καὶ κατάμεμψιν αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν οἰώνισιν προμηθοῦς: παρὸν γὰρ [ἂν] αὐτῷ λύπης ἀπηλλαγμένῳ τελευτᾶν ἀμαθίᾳ τῶν ἐσομένων, διατρίβεσθαι τῷ προεγνωκὼς τὴν ἐσομένην δυστυχίαν τῶν φιλτάτων τελευτᾶν. [219] καίπερ δὲ συντεταραγμένος τῇ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς οὓς οὐκ ἤθελεν περιόδῳ, ἄκων δὲ καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος φησὶ γοῦν πρὸς τὸν Γάιον: "ὦ παῖ, καίπερ μοι συγγενεστέρου Τιβερίου ἢ κατὰ σὲ ὄντος δόξῃ τε τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῷ ὁμοψήφῳ ἐπ' αὐτῇ τῶν θεῶν σοὶ φέρων ἐγχειρίζω τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν. [220] ἀξιῶ δέ σε μηδὲν ἀμνημονεῖν ὁμιλήσαντα αὐτῇ μήτ' εὐνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς, ὃς εἰς τοσόνδε ἀξιώματος καθίστημι μέγεθος, [221] μήτε τοῦ πρὸς Τιβέριον συγγενοῦς, ἀλλ' ἐπιστάμενον, ὡς σύν τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μετ' αὐτοὺς τοιῶνδέ σοι κατασταίην ἀγαθῶν ποριστής, ἀμείβεσθαί μου τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς πρόθυμον καὶ ἅμα Τιβερίου φροντίζειν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἄλλως τε γινώσκειν, ὡς τεῖχός σοι καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν Τιβέριος, φροίμιον δὲ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς μεθιστάμενος. [222] αἵ τε γὰρ μονώσεις ἐπικίνδυνοι τοῖς εἰς τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ὄγκον καταστᾶσιν καὶ θεοῖς οὐκ ἀτιμώρητα ὁπόσα παρὰ δίκην πρασσόμενα ἀφανίζοι τοῦ νόμου τὸ ἑτέρως πράσσειν παρακαλοῦν." ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Τιβέριος ἔλεγεν, [223] οὐ μὴν πιθανὸς ἦν Γαίῳ καίπερ ὑπισχνουμένῳ, ἀλλὰ καταστὰς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν τόν τε Τιβέριον μαντείαις ἀναιρεῖ ταῖς ἐκείνου καὐτὸς ἐπιβουλῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν συντεθεισῶν μετ' οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ.
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211 When Tiberius had told Evodus to bring the children to him in the morning of the following day, he prayed his ancestral gods to show him a clear sign which of those children should succeed him as emperor. He himself wanted to leave it to his son's son, but relied more on what God might reveal about them than on his own view and preference. 212 He decided as an omen that the leadership should be left to the one who came to him first, the following day. With this resolve, he sent a message to his grandson's tutor telling him to bring the child to him early in the morning, thinking that God would take no notice of this ploy; but the emperor's choice was set aside. 213 For having set up things in this way, as soon as it was at day he told Evodus to call in whatever child was there first. The man went out and found Gaius outside the door, for young Tiberius had not yet arrived as he was finishing his breakfast. So, knowing nothing of what his master intended, he said to Gaius, "Your father is calling for you," and brought him in. 214 When Tiberius saw Gaius before him, he realised the power of God and how the granting of the leadership to the one he chose was entirely taken from him, and that he could not establish what he had intended. He was greatly shaken that his previous power to control things was taken from him, 215 for on his death his grandson Tiberius would not only lose the ruling of Rome but his very life, since his safety would now depend upon people more powerful than himself, who would think it intolerable to associate with him. His relatives would be unable to protect him, and he would be feared and hated by whoever was in power, because he was next in line to the empire and would always be plotting to take power, both for his own safety and also to be in charge of affairs. 216 Tiberius was devoted to horoscopes, and even more than the professionals had spent his life checking which predictions had turned out to be true. Once when he saw Galba coming to visit him, he told his closest friends that coming in was a man who would one day rise to be emperor of the Romans. 217 This man was more devoted than any of the other Roman emperors to all sorts of diviners, as he had found them to tell the truth about his own affairs. 218 Now he was distressed at what had happened and grieved at the foreseen ruination of his son's son, and blamed himself for using such a method of augury. He could have died without this grief of knowing the future, but must now die tormented by knowing in advance the misfortune of those dearest to him. 219 But though anguished at this paradoxical shift of the leadership to those he had not wished, he said to Gaius, reluctantly and against his will: "Child, although Tiberius is more closely related to me than you, by my own decision and the assent of the gods, I give and bequeath the Roman empire into your hands. 220 When you settle into it, I want you never to forget either my kindness to you, by appointing you to such a high rank, or your relationship with Tiberius. 221 Since you know that, having consulted the gods, it is I who have established your rank, in return for my help I want you to care for Tiberius because of his near relationship to you. Think of Tiberius as a security to you as long as he lives, both for holding the empire and for your own safety, but if he dies it will be the start of your own troubles. 222 For to be isolated in carrying out vast duties is very dangerous, and the gods will not leave unpunished any unjust breach of the law which otherwise directs men's behaviour." 223 This was what Tiberius said, but despite his promise to do so, Gaius was not persuaded to act accordingly, for once settled as ruler he did away with that Tiberius, as the other had predicted, and not long afterward he himself was killed in a conspiracy against him.

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[224] Τιβέριος δὲ τὸν Γάιον ἀποδείξας διάδοχον τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὀλίγας ἐπιβιοὺς ἡμέρας ἔθανεν σχὼν αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ πέντε μῆνας πρὸς ἐνιαυτοῖν δυοῖν καὶ εἴκοσι. Γάιος δὲ ἦν αὐτοκράτωρ τέταρτος. [225] Ῥωμαίοις δ' ἦν μὲν πύστις τῆς Τιβερίου τελευτῆς εὐφραίνοντό τε τῷ ἀγαθῷ τῆς ἀγγελίας, οὐ μὴν πιστεύειν γε θάρσος ἦν αὐτοῖς, οὐ τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι, πρὸ πολλῶν γὰρ ἂν ἐτίμησαν χρημάτων τὸ ἐπαληθεῦσαν τῶν λόγων, δέει δὲ μὴ ψευδοῦς τῆς ἀγγελίας γενομένης προεξαναστάντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τοῦ αὐτῶν χάρματος εἶτ' ἀπολλύοιντο διαβολῆς αὐτῶν γενομένης: [226] πλεῖστα γὰρ ἀνὴρ εἷς οὗτος Ῥωμαίων τοὺς εὐπατρίδας εἰργάσατο δεινὰ δυσόργητος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὢν καὶ ἀνήκεστος εἰς τὸ ἐργάζεσθαι καταστάς, εἰ καὶ χωρὶς λόγου τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπανέλοιτο τοῦ μισεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι μὲν οἷς κρίνοιεν ἐξαγριοῦν φύσιν ἔχων, εἰς θάνατον δὲ καὶ τῶν κουφοτάτων ἀνατιθεὶς τὴν ζημίαν. [227] ὥστε ἡδονῇ τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτῷ λόγου φέροντος τὴν ἀκρόασιν εἰς ὅσον ἐβούλοντο ἀπολαύσματι χρῆσθαι ἐπεκεκώλυντο δείμασι κακῶν, ἃ προεωρᾶτο ψευσθεῖσι τῆς ἐλπίδος. [228] Μαρσύας δὲ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου ὁ ἀπελεύθερος πυθόμενος τοῦ Τιβερίου τὴν τελευτὴν ὠθεῖτο δρομαῖος τὸν Ἀγρίππαν εὐαγγελιούμενος, καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν ἐξόδοις ὄντα εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον συννεύσας πρὸς αὐτὸν γλώσσῃ τῇ Ἑβραίων "τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων" φησίν. [229] ὁ δὲ σύνεσίν τε τοῦ λόγου ποιησάμενος καὶ χάρματι τῷ ἐπ' αὐτῷ περιενεχθείς "ἀλλά σοι τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε εὐαγγελίας χάριτες ἐν ἐμοὶ παντοῖαι γίνοιντο, μόνον ἀληθῆ τὰ λεγόμενα εἴη." καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης, [230] ὅσπερ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐφειστήκει τοῦ Ἀγρίππου, θεώμενος τήν τε σπουδὴν μεθ' οἵας ὁ Μαρσύας ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῶν λόγων χάρμα τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ συνελθόν, ὑποτοπήσας καίνωσίν τινα γεγονέναι τῶν λόγων ἤρετό σφας περὶ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. [231] οἱ δὲ τέως μὲν παρέτρεπον, ἐγκειμένῳ δὲ ἀποσημαίνει ὁ Ἀγρίππας, ἤδη γὰρ φίλος ἦν, μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσας. ὁ δὲ ἐκοινοῦτό τε τὴν ἡδονὴν τοῦ λόγου διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀγαθὰ τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ φέρειν προυτίθει τε αὐτῷ δεῖπνον. εὐωχουμένων δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ πότου προιόντος παρῆν τις λέγων ζῆν τε τὸν Τιβέριον καὶ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἐπανήξειν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. [232] καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης δεινῶς θορυβηθεὶς τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακείμενα πεπραχέναι δεσμώτῃ τε καὶ ἐπ' ἀγγελίᾳ θανάτου αὐτοκράτορος συνδιῃτῆσθαι μετὰ χάρματος, ἀπωθεῖταί τε τὸν Ἀγρίππαν τοῦ κλινιδίου καί "ἦπου, φησίν, λήσειν με ὑπονοεῖς θάνατον τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος κατεψευσμένος, ἀλλ' [233] οὐ κεφαλῇ τῇ σῇ τοῦτον ἀναμαξόμενος τὸν λόγον;" ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει δῆσαι τὸν Ἀγρίππαν λελυκὼς πρότερον αὐτὸν φυλακήν τε ἀκριβεστέραν αὐτοῦ ἢ πρότερον καθίσταται. καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐκείνην ὁ Ἀγρίππας ἐν τοιούτοις ἦν τοῖς κακοῖς. [234] τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ λόγος τε πλείων ἦν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἰσχυριζόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ τοῦ Τιβερίου, ἐθάρρουν τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι φανερῶς ἤδη θροεῖν καί τινες καὶ θυσίας ἐπετέλουν, ἐπιστολαί τε ἀφίκοντο παρὰ τοῦ Γαίου, ἡ μὲν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον τοῦ Τιβερίου διασαφοῦσα τὴν τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ παράληψιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας γενομένην, [235] ἡ δὲ πρὸς Πείσωνα τὸν φύλακα τῆς πόλεως τοῦτό τε ἀγορεύουσα, καὶ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μεταστῆσαι εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐν ᾗ πρότερον ἢ δεθῆναι δίαιταν εἶχεν. τότε ἐν θάρσει λοιπὸν ἦγεν τὰ περὶ αὐτῆς: φυλακὴ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τήρησις ἦν, μετὰ μέντοι ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν δίαιταν. [236] Γάιος δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης παρῆν ἄγων τοῦ Τιβερίου τὸ σῶμα, ταφάς τε αὐτοῦ ποιεῖται πολυτελεῖς νόμοις τοῖς πατρίοις, Ἀγρίππαν τε αὐθημερὸν λύειν ὄντα πρόθυμον κώλυμα Ἀντωνία ἦν οὔ τι μίσει τῷ πρὸς τὸν δεδεμένον προμηθείᾳ δὲ τοῦ Γαίου εὐπρεποῦς, μὴ δόξαν ἀπάγοιτο ἡδονῇ δεχομένου τὴν Τιβερίου τελευτὴν ἄνδρα ὑπ' ἐκείνου δεδεμένον λύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος. [237] διελθουσῶν μέντοι οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀποκείρει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεταμφιέννυσιν, εἶτα δὲ τὸ διάδημα περιτίθησιν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν αὐτὸν τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν Λυσανίου τετραρχίαν, ἀλλάττει τε σιδηρᾷ ἁλύσει χρυσῆν ἰσόσταθμον. ἱππάρχην δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἐκπέμπει Μάρυλλον.
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224 After Tiberius had appointed Gaius as his successor, he lived only a few more days and then died, after being emperor for twenty-two years, five months and three days, and Gaius became the fourth emperor. 225 When the Romans learned that Tiberius was dead, they were glad at the good news, but hardly dared to believe it. It was not that they did not want it to be true, for they would have given any money for it to be so, but they were afraid that if they showed joy and the news proved false, they could be accused of their joy and be ruined on account of it. 226 For this man had done many terrible things to the best families of Rome, being always prone to anger and relentless in venting his unreasoning hatred, and by nature savage in his judgments, ready to condemn someone to death for the slightest offenses. 227 Therefore the report about his death pleased them, but their enjoyment was checked by their fear of the evils they foresaw if their hopes proved groundedless. 228 Marsyas, Agrippa's freedman, as soon as he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the good news, and finding him going out to the baths, nodded to him and said in Hebrew, "The lion is dead." 229 The other grasped his meaning and delighted at the news said, "My thanks to you for everything and for this news you bring to me. I only wish that what you say is true." 230 The centurion who was serving as guard to Agrippa, when he saw how hastily Marsyas had come and Agrippa's joy at what he said, suspected that his words implied some great change in affairs and he asked them what it was about. 231 At first they deflected the question, but when he pressed them further, Agrippa, who was already his friend, told him with no further ado, so he shared in their pleasure at the news of Agrippa's good fortune and held a supper for him. But during the feast, as the drinking was under way, someone came and said that Tiberius was still alive and would return to the city in a few days. 232 The centurion was quite rattled by this news, since what he had done might cost him his life, for having so joyfully treated a prisoner on the news of the emperor's death. Thrusting Agrippa off the couch where he lay he said, "Do you expect not to be punished for fooling me by lying about the emperor's death? You'll pay for your malicious report at the price of your head!" 233 Saying this, he ordered Agrippa in chains again, for earlier he had released him, and guarded him more severely than before; and all that night Agrippa was in a wretched state. 234 But the following day word grew in the city confirming the news that Tiberius was dead, so that now people dared to discuss it publicly and aloud, and even offered sacrifices on account of it. Some letters also came from Gaius; one of them to the senate, telling them of the death of Tiberius and of his own accession as ruler; 235 another came to Piso, the prefect of the city, telling him the same thing. He also directed that Agrippa be moved from the camp to the house where he had lived before being put in prison. So now he had nothing to fear, for although still in custody, he could be ease regarding his safety. 236 When Gaius came to Rome bringing the dead body of Tiberius and gave him a magnificent funeral according to the laws of his country, he would have released Agrippa that very day, but Antonia bade him delay, not from any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard for Gaius's reputation, in case people should think him pleased at the death of Tiberius, by too soon releasing someone he had imprisoned. 237 But not many days passed before he invited him to his house and had him shaved and gave him a change of clothing. Afterwards he put a crown on his head and appointed him as king of the tetrarchy of Philip; and he also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and exchanged his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. Then he also sent Marullus as cavalry commander in Judea.

11.

[238] Δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς Γαίου Καίσαρος ἡγεμονίας Ἀγρίππας ἠξίου συγχώρησιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πλεύσαντι τήν τε ἀρχὴν καταστήσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰς δέον οἰκονομησαμένῳ ἐπανιέναι. [239] καὶ συγχωροῦντος τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος παρῆν παρ' ἐλπίδας τε ὤφθη πᾶσι βασιλεὺς πολλήν τε τῆς τύχης ἐπεδείκνυεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῖς θεωροῦσιν ἐκ λογισμῶν ἀπορίας τε τῆς πρότερον καὶ τοῦ ἐν τῷ παρόντι εὐδαίμονος. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐμακάριζον τοῦ μὴ διαμαρτίᾳ χρησαμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων, οἱ δ' ἐν ἀπιστίᾳ περὶ τῶν γεγονότων ἦσαν.
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238 In the second year of the reign of Gaius Caesar, Agrippa asked permission to sail home, promising to return again when he had secured his rule and put all other things in order. 239 With the emperor's permission he came home unexpectedly as king and proved to all who saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present affluence, so that some called him a lucky man and others could hardly believe that for him things had changed so much for the better.

Chapter 7. [240-256]
Urged on by his wife Herodias, Herod Antipas makes a foolish request and is banished by Caligula

1.

[240] Ἡρωδιὰς δὲ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου συνοικοῦσα Ἡρώδῃ, τετράρχης δὲ οὗτος ἦν Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας, φθόνῳ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐδέχετο ὁρῶσα ἐν πολὺ μείζονι ἀξιώματι γεγενημένον ἀνδρὸς τοῦ αὐτῆς, διὰ τὸ φυγῇ μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἔξοδον διαλῦσαι τὰ χρέα μὴ δυνάμενον, κάθοδον δὲ μετ' ἀξιώματος καὶ οὕτως πολλοῦ τοῦ εὐδαίμονος. [241] ἐλυπεῖτο οὖν καὶ βαρέως ἔφερεν τῇ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ μεταβολῇ, καὶ μάλιστα ὁπότε θεάσαιτο μετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων παρασήμων τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιφοιτῶντά τε τοῖς πλήθεσιν, ἐπικρύπτεσθαι οὐκ ἠνείχετο τὴν δυστυχίαν τοῦ φθόνου, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἄνδρα ἐξῆρεν κελεύουσα ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης πλεῖν ἐπὶ μνηστείᾳ τῶν ἴσων: [242] οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀνεκτὸν εἶναι σφίσι τὸ ζῆν, εἰ Ἀγρίππας Ἀριστοβούλου μὲν υἱὸς ὢν θανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς κατεγνωσμένου, πενίᾳ δὲ ἀπόρῳ συνιών, ὡς τελέως αὐτῷ ἐπικουφίζεσθαι τἀναγκαῖα τοῦ ἐφ' ἡμέρας, φυγῇ δὲ τῶν δεδανεικότων τὸν πλοῦν πεποιημένος ἐπανεληλύθοι βασιλεύς, αὐτὸς δέ γε ὢν παῖς βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ συγγενοῦς τῆς ἀρχῆς καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μεταποιήσει τῶν ἴσων καθέζοιτο ἀγαπῶν ἐν ἰδιωτείᾳ διαβιοῦν. [243] ἀλλ' εἰ καὶ πρότερόν γε, Ἡρώδη, μηδὲν ἐλύπει σε τὸ ἐν ἐλάσσονι τιμῇ πατρὸς οὗ γέγονας εἶναι, νῦν γοῦν ὀρέχθητι συγγενοῦς ἀξιώματος μηδὲ ὑπόμενε ἡσσᾶσθαι προύχοντι τιμῆς ἀνδρὶ πλοῦτον τεθεραπευκότι τὸν σόν, μηδὲ πενίαν ἀποφήνῃς τὴν ἐκείνου τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐπορίας ἀρετῇ μᾶλλον χρῆσθαι δυναμένην, μηδὲ δευτερεύειν ἀνεπαίσχυντον ἡγοῦ τῶν χθές τε καὶ πρῴην ἐλέῳ τῷ σῷ διαβεβιωκότων. [244] ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἴωμεν, καὶ μήτε πόνου φειδώ τις ἔστω μήτε ἀργυρίου δαπάνης καὶ χρυσίου, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ' οὐδαμινοῖς ἐν βελτίοσιν γενέσθαι τὴν τήρησιν αὐτῶν ἀναλώσεως τῆς ἐπὶ κτήσει βασιλείας ἐσομένης."
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240 But Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to the Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, envied this authority of her brother, particularly when she saw him given higher rank than her husband, since he had fled because he was unable to pay his debts and now he was back, with all dignity and affluence. 241 She was annoyed at such a change in his affairs, especially when she saw him making his entrance among the crowds in all his regalia, and could not conceal her bitter envy at him, but stirred up her husband to sail to Rome, to seek equal status to his. 242 She said she could no longer bear to live if Agrippa, the son of the Aristobulus who was executed by his father, a man who had come to her husband in such extreme poverty that he had to be supplied with the essentials of everyday life, and had fled overseas to escape his creditors, now returned as king, while her husband, himself the son of a king and whose royal blood called on him to hold a similar dignity, sat idle and must be content to live as a commoner. 243 "But Herod, even if formerly you were not bothered at being in a lower rank than your father once had, now you must go after the same rank your kinsman has reached. Do not endure the indignity of letting a man who used to court your wealth now be in higher station than yourself, seeing his poverty was able to buy more esteem than our abundance. Do not think it less than shameful to be inferior to one who so recently lived off your charity. 244 But let us go to Rome and spare no effort or expense of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the winning of a kingdom."

2.

[245] Ὁ δὲ τέως μὲν ἀπεμάχετο ἀγαπῶν τὴν ἡσυχίαν καὶ τῆς Ῥώμης τὸν ὄχλον δι' ὑποψίας λαμβάνων ἀναδιδάσκειν τε αὐτὴν ἐπειρᾶτο, ἡ δ' ἐφ' ὅσον ἐξαναχωροῦντα ἑώρα μειζόνως ἐπέκειτο κελεύουσα μὴ ἀνιέναι πάντα πράσσειν ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ. [246] καὶ πέρας οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἕως ἐξενίκησεν αὐτὸν ὁμογνώμονα αὐτῇ ἀκουσίως γενέσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ἀποφυγεῖν αὐτῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ψηφισάμενον, παρασκευασάμενός τε ὡς ἐνῆν πολυτελῶς καὶ φειδοῖ μηδενὸς χρώμενος ἀνήγετο ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἅμα καὶ τὴν Ἡρωδιάδα ἀγόμενος. [247] Ἀγρίππας δὲ τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν αἰσθόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς παρεσκευάζετο, ἐπεί τε ἐκπεπλευκότας ἀκούει, πέμπει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης Φορτουνᾶτον αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων δῶρά τε κομίζοντα τῷ αὐτοκράτορι καὶ ἐπιστολὰς κατὰ τοῦ Ἡρώδου τὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν διδάξοντα ᾗ καιρὸς τὸν Γάιον. [248] ὁ δὲ ἐπαναχθεὶς τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην καὶ δεξιῷ χρησάμενος τῷ πλῷ τοσόνδε ἀπελίπετο τοῦ Ἡρώδου, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἐντυχεῖν Γαίῳ, ὁ δὲ ἐπικατάγεται καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀπεδίδου. καὶ προσέπλευσαν ἀμφότεροι Δικαιαρχείᾳ καὶ τὸν Γάιον ἐν Βαίαις λαμβάνουσιν. [249] πολύδριον δ' ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς Καμπανίας ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων πέντε τῆς Δικαιαρχείας κείμενον, βασίλειοί τέ εἰσιν οἰκήσεις αὐτόθι πολυτελέσι κεχρημέναι κατασκευαῖς φιλοτιμηθέντος τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ἑκάστου τοὺς προγεγονότας ὑπερβάλλεσθαι, λουτρά τε παρέχεται τὸ χωρίον θερμὰ γῆθεν αὐτόματα ἀνιέντα ἀγαθὰ ἐπί τε ἰάσει τοῖς χρωμένοις καὶ ἄλλως τῷ ἀνειμένῳ τῆς διαίτης συμφέροντα. [250] Γάιος δὲ ἅμα τε προσαγορεύων τὸν Ἡρώδην, πρῶτον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐνετύγχανεν, ἅμα τε τοῦ Ἀγρίππου τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιὼν ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου συγκειμένας, κατηγόρει δὲ αὐτοῦ ὁμολογίαν πρὸς Σηιανὸν κατὰ τῆς Τιβερίου ἀρχῆς καὶ πρὸς Ἀρτάβανον τὸν Πάρθον ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος κατὰ τῆς Γαίου ἀρχῆς, [251] παράδειγμά τε ἦν αὐτῷ τοῦ λόγου μυριάσιν ἑπτὰ ὁπλιτῶν ἀρκέσουσα κατασκευὴ ἐν ταῖς Ἡρώδου ὁπλοθήκαις ἀποκειμένη, ἐκινεῖτό τε ὑπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων καὶ ἤρετο τὸν Ἡρώδην, εἰ ἀληθὴς ὁ περὶ τῶν ὅπλων λόγος. [252] τοῦ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀντιφθέγξασθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἰπόντος εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα, πιστὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει κατηγορούμενα, τὴν τετραρχίαν ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν προσθήκην τῇ Ἀγρίππου βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖται καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ φυγῇ ἀιδίῳ ἐζημίωσεν ἀποδείξας οἰκητήριον αὐτοῦ Λούγδουνον πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας. [253] Ἡρωδιάδα δὲ μαθὼν Ἀγρίππου ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν τά τε χρήματα ἐδίδου ὁπόσα ἐκείνῃ ἰδίᾳ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μὴ κοινωνεῖν νομίσας τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς τεῖχος αὐτῇ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγεν. [254] ἡ δέ "ἀλλὰ σὺ μέν, αὐτόκρατορ, εἶπεν, μεγαλοφρόνως τε καὶ ἀξιώματι τῷ σαυτοῦ πρεπόντως τάδε λέγεις, κώλυμα δέ μοί ἐστιν χρῆσθαί σου τῇ χάριτι τῆς δωρεᾶς εὔνοια ἡ πρὸς τὸν γεγαμηκότα, οὗ κοινωνόν με τῆς εὐδαιμονίας γενομένην οὐ δίκαιον ἐγκατα [255] λιπεῖν τὸ ἐπὶ ταῖς τύχαις καθεσταμένον." ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος αὐτὴν ποιησάμενος συνήλαυνεν καὶ αὐτὴν τῷ Ἡρώδῃ καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῆς τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν. Ἡρωδιάδι μὲν δὴ φθόνου τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ Ἡρώδῃ γυναικείων ἀκροασαμένῳ κουφολογιῶν δίκην ταύτην ἐπετίμησεν ὁ θεός. [256] Γάιος δὲ τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ τὸν ἑξῆς πάνυ μεγαλοφρόνως ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασιν καὶ μέτριον παρέχων αὑτὸν εἰς εὔνοιαν πολλὴν προυχώρει παρά τε Ῥωμαίοις αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις. προιὼν δ' ἐξίστατο τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνως φρονεῖν ὑπὸ μεγέθους τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκθειάζων ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐπ' ἀτιμίᾳ τοῦ θείου πολιτεύειν ἦρτο.
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245 He [Herod] opposed her request for a time, from his love of leisure and having an inkling of the trouble he might have in Rome, so he tried to bring her around. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it and asked him to seek to be king at any cost. 246 She never gave up until she won him over, like it or not, to her view, as the only way to stop her nagging. So he prepared everything, sparing no expense, and set off for Rome, taking Herodias with him. 247 But Agrippa learned of their intentions and preparations, and also prepared to go there. As soon as he heard they had set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freedmen, to Rome, bringing gifts to the emperor and letters against Herod and to tell Gaius about them as soon as opportunity arose. 248 This man followed so soon after Herod and had such a good voyage that he arrived in Rome almost at the same time, so that when Herod reached Gaius, this man had already come and delivered his letters. They both sailed to Dicaearchia and found Gaius at Baii. 249 This is a little city of Campania, about five furlongs from Dicearchia, and in it are royal palaces, with rich apartments, as each emperor tried to outdo his predecessor's magnificence. It has warm springs coming naturally from the ground, which are of therapeutic value along with being an amenity for good living. 250 Now Gaius greeted Herod, meeting him the first time, and then looked at the letters Agrippa had sent him, written in order to accuse Herod, and where he accused him of plotting with Sejanus against Tiberius and of now plotting with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, against the rule of Gaius. 251 In proof, he alleged that he had ready in his armoury enough weapons for seventy thousand men. Roused by this, he asked Herod if what was said about the armour was true. 252 Since he could not deny it, as it was too well known, he said the weapons were there, and Gaius took it as proof of the accusation that he meant to revolt. So he took away his tetrarchy from him and added it Agrippa's kingdom. He also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and as a punishment, assigned him to perpetual banishment in Lyons, a city of Gaul. 253 When he learned that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a gift of money in her own right and told her she was spared from the same plight as her husband, on account of her brother. 254 But she replied: "Emperor, what you offer me is magnificent and worthy of you, but my love for my husband prevents me from accepting the favour of your gift, for it is not right that I, who have shared in his prosperity, should forsake him in his troubles." 255 Gaius was angry with her for this and sent her into banishment with Herod and gave her estate to Agrippa. So did God punish the envy of Herodias towards her brother, and Herod too, for giving ear to the woman's vain words. 256 Now during the first and second year of his reign Gaius managed public affairs very ably and acted with such moderation that he gained the goodwill of the Romans themselves and the subject peoples. But in the course of time, he went beyond the humane limits in his self-conceit and because of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god and took upon himself to act in all things in disregard of the honour of God.

Chapter 8. [257-309]
Gaius sends Petronius to make the Jews accept his statue. Successful Intervention by Agrippa, to avoid revolt

1.

[257] Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ γενομένης Ἰουδαίων τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ Ἑλλήνων τρεῖς ἀφ' ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Γάιον. καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων πρέσβεων εἷς Ἀπίων, ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν Καίσαρος τιμῶν περιορῷεν: [258] πάντων γοῦν ὁπόσοι τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ὑποτελεῖς εἶεν βωμοὺς τῷ Γαίῳ καὶ νεὼς ἱδρυμένων τά τε ἄλλα πᾶσιν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τοὺς θεοὺς δεχομένων, μόνους τούσδε ἄδοξον ἡγεῖσθαι ἀνδριᾶσι τιμᾶν καὶ ὅρκιον αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ποιεῖσθαι. [259] πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ Ἀπίωνος εἰρηκότος, ὑφ' ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν Γάιον καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, Φίλων ὁ προεστὼς τῶν Ἰουδαίων τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος Ἀλεξάνδρου τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ' αὐτὸν Γάιος κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν, [260] περιοργής τε ὢν φανερὸς ἦν ἐργασόμενός τι δεινὸν αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ Φίλων ἔξεισι περιυβρισμένος καί φησι πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν, ὡς χρὴ θαρρεῖν, Γαίου λόγῳ μὲν αὐτοῖς ὠργισμένου, ἔργῳ δὲ ἤδη τὸν θεὸν ἀντιπαρεξάγοντος.
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257 Meanwhile there was disorder in Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks, and three envoys were chosen from each of the rival parties to come to Gaius. One of the envoys from Alexandria was Apion, who heaped many insults on the Jews, among other things, that they neglected the honours due to Caesar. 258 All others who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Gaius and received him in every way as they received the gods, while they alone thought it unworthy of them to honour human statues and to swear by his name. 259 Many such harsh things were said by Apion, hoping to provoke Gaius to anger, as seemed likely. Then Philo, the head of the Jewish delegation, a most eminent man, the brother of Alexander the alabarch and one not unskilled in philosophy, was about to make his defense against those accusations, when Gaius stopped him and ordered him away. 260 He was in such a rage, that it seemed clear he was about to do them some great harm. So Philo, much insulted, went out and told the Jews around him to take heart, since Gaius's words showed him angry at them, but in truth he had already drawn on himself the wrath of God.

2.

[261] Γάιος δὲ ἐν δεινῷ φέρων εἰς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίων περιῶφθαι μόνων πρεσβευτὴν ἐπὶ Συρίας ἐκπέμπει Πετρώνιον διάδοχον Οὐιτελλίῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς, κελεύων χειρὶ πολλῇ εἰσβαλόντι εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν, εἰ μὲν ἑκόντες δέχοιντο, ἱστᾶν αὐτοῦ ἀνδριάντα ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰ δ' ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρῷντο, πολέμῳ κρατήσαντα τοῦτο ποιεῖν. [262] καὶ Πετρώνιος Συρίαν παραλαβὼν ἠπείγετο διακονεῖσθαι ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος, συμμαχίαν τε πλείστην ὅσην ἠδύνατο ἀθροίσας καὶ τάγματα δύο τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως ἄγων ἐπὶ Πτολεμαίδος παρῆν αὐτόθι χειμάσων ὡς πρὸς ἔαρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν οὐκ ἀφεξόμενος, καὶ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον ἔγραφεν περὶ τῶν ἐπεγνωσμένων. ὁ δὲ ἐπῄνει τῆς προθυμίας αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκέλευεν μὴ ἀνιέναι πολεμεῖν δὲ μὴ πειθομένοις ἐντεταμένως. [263] Ἰουδαίων δὲ πολλαὶ μυριάδες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Πετρώνιον εἰς Πτολεμαίδα κατὰ δεήσεις μηδὲν ἐπὶ παρανομίᾳ σφᾶς ἐπαναγκάζειν καὶ παραβάσει τοῦ πατρίου νόμου. [264] εἰ δέ σοι πάντως πρόκειται τὸν ἀνδριάντα φέρειν καὶ ἱστᾶν, ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς πρότερον μεταχειρισάμενος πρᾶσσε τὰ δεδογμένα: οὐδὲ γὰρ δυνάμεθα περιόντες θεωρεῖν πράγματα ἡμῖν ἀπηγορευμένα ἀξιώματί τε τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ προπατόρων τῶν ἡμετέρων τῶν εἰς ἀρετὴν ἀνήκειν αὐτὰ κεχειροτονηκότων." Πετρώνιος δὲ ὀργὴν λαβὼν εἶπεν: [265] "ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ ὢν βουλεύμασι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ τάδε πράσσειν ἐπενόουν, κἂν δίκαιος ἦν ὑμῖν πρός με οὗτος ὁ λόγος. νυνὶ δέ μοι Καίσαρος ἐπεσταλκότος πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διακονεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐκείνῳ προανεψηφισμένοις διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀνηκεστοτέραν φέρειν ζημίαν τὴν παρακρόασιν αὐτῶν." "ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὕτως φρονεῖς, [266] ὦ Πετρώνιε, φασὶν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, ὡς μὴ ἂν ἐπιστολὰς τὰς Γαίου παρελθεῖν, οὐδ' ἂν αὐτοὶ παραβαίημεν τοῦ νόμου τὴν προαγόρευσιν θεοῦ πεισθέντες ἀρετῇ καὶ προγόνων πόνοις τῶν ἡμετέρων εἰς νῦν ἀπαράβατοι μεμενηκότες, οὐδ' ἂν τολμήσαιμεν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κακοὶ γενέσθαι, ὥστε ὁπόσα ἐκείνῳ δόξειεν μὴ πρασσόμενα ἀγαθοῦ ῥοπὴν ἡμῖν φέρειν αὐτοὶ παραβαίνειν ποτ' ἂν θάνατον φοβηθέντες. [267] ὑπομενοῦμεν δὲ εἰς τύχας ἰόντες ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τε πατρίων καὶ κινδυνεύειν προθεμένοις ἐλπίδα οὖσαν ἐξεπιστάμενοι κἂν περιγενέσθαι διά τε τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ στησόμενον μεθ' ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τε τῇ ἐκείνου τὰ δεινὰ ὑποδεχομένων καὶ τῆς τύχης τὸ ἐπ' ἀμφότερα φιλοῦν τοῖς πράγμασι παρατυγχάνειν, [268] ἐκ δὲ τοῦ σοὶ πείθεσθαι πολλὴν μὲν λοιδορίαν τοῦ ἀνάνδρου προσκεισομένην ὡς δι' αὐτὸ παράβασιν τοῦ νομίμου προσποιουμένοις, καὶ ἅμα πολλὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ, ὃς καὶ παρὰ σοὶ δικαστῇ γένοιτ' ἂν βελτίων Γαίου."
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261 Gaius was grievously angry that the Jews alone dared to scorn him in this way, so he sent Petronius as governor of Syria and successor to Vitellius with orders to invade Judea with a large army and if they were willing to accept his statue, to erect it in the temple of God, but if they persisted, to crush them in war and then to do it. 262 So Petronius took up the government of Syria and hurried to obey Caesar's rescript. He gathered as many allies as he could and took two legions of the Roman army and came to Ptolemais, where he wintered, intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote to Gaius about what he intened to do, and was praised for his zeal and told to go on to war with them, if they would not obey. 263 But many thousands came to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to petition him not to make them transgress and violate their ancestral law. 264 "However," they said, "if you are fully resolved to bring this statue and set it up, you must first kill us and then do what you intend, for while we are alive we cannot let such things be done that are forbidden to us by our revered Lawgiver and our ancestors' virtuous resistence to them." 265 But Petronius was angry with them and said, "If I myself were emperor and were free to follow my own inclination if I wished, this petition of your could be fairly made to me, but it is Caesar who sent me instructions and I have to carry them out, since to disobey them will bring inevitable punishment on me." 266 Then the Jews answered, "Petronius, just as you are not prepared to disobey Gaius's letters, neither will we break the commands of our law, and as we depend on the value of our laws, and have survived up to now, by the efforts of our ancestors, without letting them be broken, we dare not yield and let those laws God gave us for our good be broken, just because of fear of death. 267 If we are fated to die, we will bear it in defence of our ancestral laws, knowing that even amid dangers we have good hope of escaping, since God stands on our side when we suffer the uncertain turns of fortune for his sake. 268 But if we submit to you, we would be branded as cowards in being ready to transgress our law, and would also risk the wrath of God, whose judgment even you know to be above that of Gaius."

3.

[269] Καὶ ὁ Πετρώνιος ἐκ τῶν λόγων θεασάμενος δυσνίκητον αὐτῶν τὸ φρονοῦν καὶ μὴ ἂν ἀμαχεὶ δύναμιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι διακονήσασθαι Γαίῳ τὴν ἀνάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος πολὺν δὲ ἔσεσθαι φόνον, τούς τε φίλους ἀναλαβὼν καὶ θεραπείαν, ἣ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, ἐπὶ Τιβεριάδος ἠπείγετο χρῄζων κατανοῆσαι τῶν Ἰουδαίων τὰ πράγματα ὡς ἔχοι. [270] καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι μέγαν ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πολέμου κίνδυνον, πολὺ μείζονα δὲ κρίνοντες τὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν, αὖθις πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὑπηντίαζον Πετρώνιον εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα γενόμενον, [271] καὶ ἱκετείᾳ χρώμενοι μηδαμῶς εἰς ἀνάγκας τοιαύτας αὐτοὺς καθιστᾶν μηδὲ μιαίνειν ἀνδριάντος ἀναθέσει τὴν πόλιν, "πολεμήσετε ἄρα Καίσαρι, Πετρώνιος ἔφη, μήτε τὴν ἐκείνου παρασκευὴν λογιζόμενοι μήτε τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀσθένειαν;" οἱ δ' "οὐδαμῶς πολεμήσαιμεν, ἔφασαν, τεθνηξόμεθα δὲ πρότερον ἢ παραβῆναι τοὺς νόμους." ἐπί τε τὰ πρόσωπα κείμενοι καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς προδεικνύντες ἕτοιμοι κτιννύεσθαι ἔλεγον εἶναι. [272] καὶ ταῦτ' ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα, καὶ τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀπερίοπτοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἦσαν καὶ ταῦτα τῆς ὥρας οὔσης πρὸς σπόρῳ, πολλή τε ἦν προαίρεσις αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ θνήσκειν ἐπιθυμίας πρόθεσις, ἢ τὴν ἀνάθεσιν θεάσασθαι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος.
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269 Petronius saw by their words that their resolve was immovable and that he could not follow Gaius' orders and dedicate his statue without starting a war, and that a great deal of blood would be shed, so he took his friends and servants and hurried to Tiberias, to see the attitude of the Jews there. 270 Knowing they ran a mighty risk of war with the Romans but judging that the breaking of the law was more important, thousands of them met Petronius again, when he came to Tiberias. 271 They implored him not to force them into such dire straits, nor defile their city by dedicating the statue. Petronius asked them, "Do you want to go to war with Caesar then, regardless of his great power and your own weakness?" They answered, "No way do we want war, but we will rather die than see our laws transgressed," and threw themselves face down and stretched out their necks, saying that they were ready to be killed. 272 They kept this up for a period of forty days, in the meanwhile neglecting to farm their land during the very season of the year that required them to sow it. So they continued firmly in their intention and planned to die willingly, rather than see the statue set up.

4.

[273] Ἐν τούτοις ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων Ἀριστόβουλος ὁ Ἀγρίππου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς καὶ Ἑλκίας ὁ μέγας ἄλλοι τε οἱ κράτιστοι τῆσδε τῆς οἰκίας καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰσίασιν ὡς τὸν Πετρώνιον παρακαλοῦντες αὐτόν, [274] ἐπειδὴ τὴν προθυμίαν ὁρᾷ τῆς πληθύος, μηδὲν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῆς παρακινεῖν, ἀλλὰ γράφειν πρὸς Γάιον τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν ἀποδοχὴν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος, πῶς τε ἀποστάντες τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀντικαθέζονται, πολεμεῖν μὲν οὐ βουλόμενοι διὰ τὸ μηδ' ἂν δύνασθαι, θανεῖν δ' ἔχοντες ἡδονὴν πρὶν παραβῆναι τὰ νόμιμα αὐτοῖς, ὥστε ἀσπόρου τῆς γῆς γενομένης λῃστεῖαι ἂν φύοιντο ἀδυναμίᾳ καταβολῆς τῶν φόρων. [275] ἴσως γὰρ ἂν ἐπικλασθέντα τὸν Γάιον μηδὲν ὠμὸν διανοηθῆναι μηδὲ ἐπ' ἀναστάσει φρονῆσαι τοῦ ἔθνους: ἐμμένοντος δὲ τῇ τότε βουλῇ τοῦ πολεμεῖν τότε δὴ καὐτὸν ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ πράγματος. [276] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀριστόβουλον ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν Πετρώνιον παρεκάλουν. Πετρώνιος δὲ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀριστόβουλον παντοίως ἐπικειμένων διὰ τὸ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν δέησιν καὶ πάσῃ μηχανῇ χρησαμένων εἰς τὰς ἱκετείας, [277] τοῦτο δὲ τῶν Ἰουδαίων θεώμενος τὴν ἀντιπαράταξιν τῆς γνώμης καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τοσαῖσδε ἀνθρώπων μυριάσιν μανίᾳ τῇ Γαίου διακονούμενος ἐπαγαγὼν θάνατον ἐν αἰτίᾳ τὸ πρὸς θεὸν σεβάσμιον ἔχειν καὶ μετὰ πονηρᾶς τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα βίον ἐλπίδος διαιτᾶσθαι, πολὺ κρεῖσσον ἡγεῖτο ἐπιστείλας τῷ Γαίῳ τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν ὀΡγὴν φέροντος μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος δεδιακονημένου αὐτοῦ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς: [278] τάχα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πείσειν: καὶ τῇ τὸ πρῶτον μανίᾳ τῆς γνώμης ἐπιμένοντος ἅψεσθαι πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰ δ' ἄρα τι καὶ κατ' αὐτοῦ τρέποι τῆς ὀργῆς, καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένοις ὑπὲρ τοσῆσδε ἀνθρώπων πληθύος τελευτᾶν, ἔκρινε πιθανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν δεομένων τὸν λόγον.
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273 In this state of affairs, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's brother and Helkias the Great with the other leaders of that family and notables, went to Petronius to intercede with him. 274 Seeing the resoluteness of the people, he should not do anything to drive them to madness, but should write to Gaius about their aversion to accepting the statue and how they persisted in neglecting to cultivate their land; how they were unwilling to start a war they could not win, but were gladly ready to die rather than let their laws to be transgressed, and how, if the land remained unsown, brigandage would increase since they would be unable to pay their taxes. 275 Perhaps this might move Gaius to pity, so that he would not have any cruelties inflicted on them, or think of destroying the nation; but if he was inflexible on the matter, he could start the war himself. 276 That is how Aristobulus and his group petitioned Petronius, and Petronius was moved by their ardour and the importance of what they asked for and the arguments they used in asking it. 277 He saw the firm opposition raised by the Jews, and thought it monstrous to be so subject to the madness of Gaius as to kill so many thousands of people just because of their piety towards God and then spend the rest of his life expecting to be punished for it. So he thought he should write to Gaius telling him how reluctant he was to incur his anger for not doing sooner what he was ordered in the letter. 278 He would seek to persuade him against it, for if he continued in the mad plan it would start a war against them, in that case he would turn his hatred on himself, as it was the way of virtue to be willing to die for the sake of so many others. So he decided to go along with the petitioners.

5.

[279] Συγκαλέσας δὲ εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, οἱ δὲ ἀφίκοντο πολλαὶ μυριάδες, καταστὰς ἐπ' αὐτῶν τήν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι στρατείαν οὐ γνώμης ἀπέφαινε τῆς αὐτοῦ τοῦ δὲ αὐτοκράτορος τῶν προσταγμάτων, τὴν ὀργὴν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολάς, ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐπιφέρεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν τοῖς παρακροᾶσθαι θάρσος εἰσφερομένοις: ᾧ καλῶς ἔχον ἐστὶν τόν γε τιμῆς τοσαύτης ἐπιτετευχότα συγχωρήσει τῇ ἐκείνου οὐδὲν ἐναντίον πράσσειν: [280] οὐ μὴν δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι ἀσφάλειάν τε καὶ τιμὴν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ μὴ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὑμετέρου μὴ ἀπολουμένου τοσούτων ὄντων ἀναλοῦν διακονούμενον τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ νόμου, ὃν πάτριον ὄντα περιμάχητον ἡγεῖσθε, καὶ τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀξιώσει καὶ δυνάμει τοῦ θεοῦ, οὗ τὸν ναὸν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τολμήσαιμι ὕβρει πεσεῖν τῆς τῶν ἡγεμονευόντων ἐξουσίας. [281] στέλλω δὲ ὡς Γάιον γνώμας τε τὰς ὑμετέρας διασαφῶν καί πῃ καὶ συνηγορίᾳ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς παρὰ γνώμην πεισομένην οἷς προύθεσθε ἀγαθοῖς. καὶ συμπράσσοι μὲν ὁ θεός, βελτίων γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς καὶ δυνάμεως ἡ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἐξουσία, πρυτανεύων ὑμῖν τε τὴν τήρησιν τῶν πατρίων καὶ αὐτῷ τὸ μηδὲν ἀνθρωπείαις παρὰ γνώμην βουλεύσεσι τιμῶν τῶν εἰωθυιῶν ἁμαρτεῖν. [282] εἰ δ' ἐκπικρανθεὶς Γάιος εἰς ἐμὲ τρέψει τὸ ἀνήκεστον τῆς ὀργῆς, τλήσομαι πάντα κίνδυνον καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν συνιοῦσαν τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ὑμᾶς τοσούσδε ὄντας ἐπὶ οὕτως ἀγαθαῖς ταῖς πράξεσι διολλυμένους θεωρεῖν. [283] ἄπιτε οὖν ἐπὶ ἔργα τὰ αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι καὶ τῇ γῇ ἐπιπονεῖτε. πέμψω δ' αὐτὸς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης καὶ τὰ πάντα ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν δι' ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων οὐκ ἀποτραπήσομαι διακονεῖν."
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279 But first he convened the Jews to Tiberias, and many thousands of them came. Setting his army across from them, he did not reveal his intentions, only the emperor's commands, whose anger would quickly fall on any who disobeyed his orders, and that it was the duty of one to whom he had entrusted such high office not to contradict him in anything. 280 "Still I do not think it right to value my own safety and honour so highly as to refuse to risk them for your safety, who are so many in number, in trying to preserve the respect due to your ancestral law, which you deem worthy of fighting for, under the power of God, and I will not let his temple be dishonoured by imperial authority. 281 So I will send to Gaius to let him know of your resolve and help your cause as far as I can, that you may not have to suffer for your honest ideals, and may God help you, since his authority is beyond all human planning and power. May he grant you to preserve your ancient laws not he be deprived of his accustomed worship, against your will. 282 But if Gaius is angry and vents his rage on me, I will risk that danger and the consequent penalty to my body or soul, rather than see so many of you die for behaving so admirably. 283 So let each of you go off about your jobs and cultivate your land. I will send to Rome and will not fail to serve you in all things, both personally and through my friends."

6.

[284] Ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τῶν Ἰουδαίων τὸν σύλλογον προμηθεῖσθαι τῶν εἰς τὴν γεωργίαν ἠξίου τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ καθομιλεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθυμεῖν τὸ πλῆθος ἔσπευδεν. ὁ θεὸς δὲ παρρησίαν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν αὐτοῦ Πετρωνίῳ καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅλοις σύλληψιν: [285] ἅμα τε γὰρ ἐπαύετο τοῦ λόγου, ὃν πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους εἶπεν, καὶ αὐτίκα ὑετὸν ἠφίει μέγαν παρ' ἐλπίδα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις γενόμενον διὰ τὸ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν αἴθριον ἕωθεν οὖσαν οὐδὲν ὄμβριον ἀποσημαίνειν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔτος αὐχμῷ μεγάλῳ κατεσχημένον ἐπ' ἀπογνώσει ποιεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὕδατος τοῦ ἄνωθεν, εἰ καὶ σύννεφόν ποτε θεάσαιντο τὸν οὐρανόν. [286] ὥστε δὴ τότε πολλοῦ καὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἑτέρῳ δόξαν ἀφιγμένου ὕδατος τοῖς τε Ἰουδαίοις ἐλπὶς ἦν ἐπ' οὐδαμοῖς ἀτυχήσειν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δεόμενον, ὅ τε Πετρώνιος κατεπέπληκτο μειζόνως ὁρῶν ἐναργῶς τὸν θεὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων προμηθούμενον καὶ πολλὴν ἀποσημήναντα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, ὡς μηδ' ἂν τοῖς ἔργῳ προθεμένοις τἀναντία φρονεῖν ἰσχὺν ἀντιλέξεως καταλελεῖφθαι. [287] ὡς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ὁπόσα ἔγραφεν, ἐπαγωγὰ δὲ ἦν τὰ πάντα καὶ παντοίως παρακαλοῦντα μὴ τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἀπονοεῖν, ἃς εἰ κτείνοι, οὐ γὰρ δίχα γε πολέμου παραχωρήσειν τοῦ νομίμου τῆς θρησκείας, προσόδου τε τῆς ἀπ' αὐτῶν ἀποστερεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ τροπαίῳ τῆς ἀρᾶς ὑποτίθεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα αἰῶνα. [288] κἄλλως θείου τοῦ προεστηκότος αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν ὡς ἀκραιφνῆ ἀπέφαινεν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδοίαστον ἐπὶ δυνάμει τῇ αὐτῆς ἐπιδείκνυσθαι καταλείπουσαν. καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
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284 When Petronius had said this and dismissed the assembled Jews, he asked their leaders to focus on their farming and speak positively to the people, urging them to have good hope in this matter, and this quickly brought the masses to a cheerful spirit, and God gave Petronius confidence of his help in this whole matter. 285 No sooner had he finished the speech to the Jews than great showers of rain began to fall, contrary to all hope, for it was a clear day and the sky gave no sign of any rain. The whole year had been one of great drought that made people despair of any water from above, even at times when they saw the heavens overcast. 286 Now that such an unusual amount of rain did come so unexpectedly, the Jews had hope that Petronius would not fail in his petition for them, and Petronius himself was amazed to see how God very clearly showed his providence towards the Jews, to the extent that even those who thought contrary to them could no longer doubt it. 287 This was also among the things he wrote to Gaius, to persuade him not to drive so many thousands of them to desperation. Also, if he killed them, and they not would let the laws of their religion be set aside without a war, he would lose the taxes they paid him and be cursed by them for all future ages. 288 Moreover, the God who ruled them had clearly shown his power in their favour in a way that left no room for doubt. This was now what Petronius was engaged in.

7.

[289] Ἀγρίππας δὲ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐτύγχανεν γὰρ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης διαιτώμενος, προύκοπτε φιλίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως. καί ποτε προθεὶς δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ πρόνοιαν ἔχων πάντας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τέλεσί τε τοῖς εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ παρασκευῇ τοῦ εἰς ἡδονὴν φέροντος, [290] ὡς μὴ ὅπως ἄν τινα τῶν λοιπῶν, ἀλλὰ μηδ' αὐτὸν Γάιον πιστεύειν ποτε ἰσωθῆναι θελήσοντα οὐχ ὅπως ὑπερβαλέσθαι: τοσοῦτον ὁ ἀνὴρ τῇ παρασκευῇ πάντας ὑπερῆρεν καὶ τῷ τὰ πάντα ἢ Καίσαρος ἐκφροντίσας παρασχεῖν. [291] καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἐκθαυμάσας τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μεγαλοπρέπειαν, ὡς ἐπ' ἀρεσκείᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ βιάζοιτο καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν τῶν χρημάτων εὐπορίᾳ χρήσασθαι, βουλόμενός τε μιμήσασθαι τὴν Ἀγρίππου φιλοτιμίαν ἐφ' ἡδονῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ πρασσομένην, ἀνειμένος ὑπὸ οἴνου καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν εἰς τὸ ἱλαρώτερον ἐκτετραμμένος, φησὶν ἐν συμποσίῳ παρακαλοῦντος εἰς πότον: [292] "Ἀγρίππα, καὶ πρότερον μέν σοι τιμὴν συνῄδειν ᾗ ἐχρῶ τὰ πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν μετὰ κινδύνων ἀποδειχθεῖσαν, οἷς ὑπὸ Τιβερίου περιέστης δι' αὐτήν, ἐπιλείπεις τε οὐδὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ὅθεν, αἰσχρὸν γὰρ ἡσσᾶσθαί με ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς σπουδῆς, ἀναλαβεῖν βούλομαι τὰ ἐλλελειμμένα πρότερον: [293] ὀλίγον γὰρ πᾶν ὁπόσον σοι δωρεῶν ἐχόμενον ἀπεμοιρασάμην. τὸ πᾶν, ὅπερ σοι ῥοπὴν ἂν προσθείη τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, δεδιακονήσεται γάρ σοι προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐμῇ." καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν οἰόμενος γῆν τε πολλὴν τῆς προσόδου αἰτήσεσθαι ἢ καί τινων προσόδους πόλεων, [294] ὁ δὲ καίπερ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' οἷς αἰτήσαι παρασκευασάμενος οὐκ ἐφανέρου τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἀμείβεται τὸν Γάιον, ὅτι μήτε πρότερον κέρδος τὸ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ καραδοκῶν παρὰ τὰς Τιβερίου ἐπιστολὰς θεραπεύσειεν αὐτὸν οὔτε νῦν πράσσειν τι τῶν εἰς χάριν τὴν ἐκείνου κερδῶν οἰκείων ἔν τισι λήψεσι. [295] μεγάλα δὲ εἶναι τὰ προδεδωρημένα καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ θράσει χρωμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων: καὶ γὰρ εἰ τῆς σῆς ἐλάττονα γέγονεν δυνάμεως, τῆς γ' ἐμοῦ τοῦ εἰληφότος διανοίας τε καὶ ἀξιώ [296] σεως μείζονα." καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἐκπλαγεὶς τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ πλειόνως ἐνέκειτο εἰπεῖν, ὅ τι χαρίζοιτ' ἂν αὐτῷ παρασχόμενος. ὁ δέ, "ἐπεί περ, ὦ δέσποτα, προθυμίᾳ τῇ σῇ δωρεῶν ἄξιον ἀποφαίνεις, αἰτήσομαι τῶν μὲν εἰς ὄλβον φερόντων οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ μεγάλως με ἐνδιαπρέπειν οἷς ἤδη παρέσχες: [297] ὅ τι δ' ἂν σοὶ δόξαν προσποιοῖ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς καὶ τὸ θεῖον σύμμαχον ἐφ' οἷς θελήσειας παρακαλοῖ κἀμοὶ πρὸς εὐκλείας γένοιτο παρὰ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις, ὡς μηθενὸς ὧν χρησαίμην ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς ἐξουσίας ἀτυχεῖν πώποτε γνόντι: ἀξιῶ γάρ σοι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος τὴν ἀνάθεσιν, ἣν ποιήσασθαι κελεύεις Πετρώνιον εἰς τὸ Ἰουδαίων ἱερόν, μηκέτι πράσσειν διανοεῖσθαι."
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289 Meanwhile king Agrippa, who was now living in Rome, came more and more into favour with Gaius, and once gave a dinner for him, intending to excel all expectations, both in lavishness and in all details designed to please. 290 It was so exceptional that even Gaius could not equal, much less exceed it, such care had the man taken to surpass all others and have everything to Caesar's taste. 291 Gaius admired his ingenuity and the generosity that drove him to do all to please him, even spending more than he could afford, and wished to equal Agrippa in the generosity he had shown to please him. After plenty of wine at the dinner, and in a merry frame of mind while drinking to him he said, 292 "Agrippa, I already knew your great respect for me and the kindness you have shown me, in spite of the personal risks you took on that account under Tiberius. As you have stopped at nothing to show your goodwill towards us, even beyond your means, it would be a shame me to be outdone by your affection, so I want to make up to you for all my former neglect. 293 All I have given to you up to now is but little, but whatever you want for your happiness shall be at your service, cheerfully in so far as is in my power." This he said expecting him to ask for some large country, or the revenues of some cities. 294 But though he had planned in advance what to ask, he had not made his intentions known, but immediately said to Gaius that it was not from any hope of gain that he had shown him respect from the start, in spite of the written orders of Tiberius, nor were his present actions to please him aimed at getting anything from him. 295 What Caesar had already given him were gifts beyond the hopes of rashness. "For while they may be below your power to give, they are above any wants or claims of mine." 296 When Gaius was impressed by this sentiment and pressed him still more to make a request for something he could grant him, he replied, "Since you, my lord, so readily declare me worthy of your gifts, I will ask nothing for my own benefit, for what you have already given to me has made me greatly content. 297 What I desire is something that will make you splendid for piety and get the Deity to help your plans and do me honour among those who enquire, showing how I never fail to get from you what I desire. My wish is that you no longer think about dedicating the statue which you have ordered to be set up by Petronius in the Jewish temple."

8.

[298] Καὶ ὁ μὲν καίπερ ἐπικίνδυνον τοῦτο ἡγούμενος, εἰ γὰρ μὴ πιθανὰ ἔκρινε Γάιος, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἐς θάνατον ἔφερεν, διὰ τὸ μεγάλα νομίζειν τε καὶ εἶναι κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἡγεῖτο. [299] Γάιος δὲ [καὶ] ἅμα τε τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου ἀνειλημμένος καὶ ἄλλως ἀπρεπὲς ὑπολαμβάνων ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε μαρτύρων ψευδὴς γενέσθαι περὶ ὧν προθύμως ἐβιάζετο αἰτεῖσθαι τὸν Ἀγρίππαν μετὰ τοῦ ὀξέος μεταμέλῳ χρώμενος, [300] ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ἀγρίππου τὴν ἀρετὴν θαυμάσας, ἐν ὀλίγῳ αὔξειν τὴν οἰκείαν ἀρχὴν ἤτοι προσόδοις χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει τοῦ κοινοῦ δὲ τῆς εὐθυμίας ἐπιμελοῖτο πρεσβεύων τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ θεῖον, συνεχώρει καὶ γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον, ἐκεῖνον τῆς τε ἀθροίσεως τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐπαινῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπεσταλκότος: [301] "νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν φθάνεις τὸν ἀνδριάντα ἑστακώς, ἑστάτω: εἰ δὲ μήπω πεποίησαι τὴν ἀνάθεσιν, μηδὲν περαιτέρω κακοπαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τόν τε στρατὸν διάλυε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφ' ἃ τὸ πρῶτόν σε ἔστειλα ἄπιθι: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔτι δέομαι τῆς ἀναστάσεως τοῦ ἀνδριάντος Ἀγρίππᾳ χαριζόμενος ἀνδρὶ παρ' ἐμοὶ τιμωμένῳ μειζόνως ἢ ὥστε με χρείᾳ τῇ [302] ἐκείνου καὶ οἷς κελεύσειεν ἀντειπεῖν." Γάιος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον πρότερον ἢ ἐντυχεῖν ἐΠὶ ἀποστάσει καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἐπείγεσθαι, μηδὲν γὰρ ἕτερον ἀποσημαίνειν τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ πόλεμον ἄντικρυς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπειλεῖν. [303] καὶ περιαλγήσας ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ τετολμηκότων, ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἥσσων μὲν τοῦ αἰσχροῦ, κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ἐφ' οἷστισι κρίνειεν ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι παρ' ὁντινοῦν ἐπειγόμενος παίδευσιν αὐτῆς οὐδ' ἡντινοῦν προστιθείς, ἀλλ' ἐφ' ἡδονῇ τιθεὶς τῇ ἐκείνης τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον: [304] "ἐπειδὴ δῶρα ὁπόσα σοι οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι παρέσχον ἐν μείζονι λόγῳ τῶν ἐμῶν πεποίησαι ἐντολῶν διακονεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐκείνων ἀρθεὶς ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν ἐμῶν ἐντολῶν, κελεύω σε σαυτῷ. κριτὴν γενόμενον λογίσασθαι περὶ τοῦ ποιητέου σοι ὑποστάντα ὀργῇ τῇ ἐμῇ, ἐπεί τοι παράδειγμα ποιοῖντό σε οἵ τε νῦν πάντες καὶ ὁπόσοι ὕστεροι γένοιντ' ἄν, μηδαμῶς ἀκυροῦν αὐτοκράτορος ἀνδρὸς ἐντολάς."
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298 He asked this, knowing that if Gaius did not grant it, it could result in no less than his own death, but considering it very important and that the dice must be thrown in this matter. 299 But Gaius was very taken by Agrippa's attentiveness and felt it shameful to renege in front of so many witnesses and change h is mind after so forcing Agrippa to make the petition. 300 Also he greatly admired Agrippa's virtue in not asking for the least increase of his realm, or larger income or more authority, but being concerned for the public good, the laws and the Divinity. So he granted him his request and wrote to Petronius about it, commending him for mustering his army and then consulting him about the matter. 301 "If you have already erected my statue, let it stand, but if you have not yet dedicated it, do not bother any more about it, but dismiss your army and go back to the matters for which I sent you. I no longer need to have the statue erected for I have granted this as a favour to Agrippa, whom I honour so much that I cannot refuse what he needs or asks of me." 302 Gaius wrote this to Petronius, before he heard that the Jews were ready to revolt and that they seemed to threaten no less than actual war against the Romans. 303 He was much displeased that they dared threaten his authority, since he was always subject to base passion and cared nothing for good ideals, and if resolved to show his anger against anyone for any reason, he would heed no warning, but felt real pleasure in indulging his anger. So he wrote to Petronius: 304 "Seeing that you value the gifts given to you by the Jews more highly than my commands, and are so insolent as to disobey my commands, I appoint you as your own judge; consider what you must do, now that you stand under my wrath. I will make you an example to the present and all future ages, not to contradict the commands of their emperor in any way."

9.

[305] Ταύτην μὲν γράφει Πετρωνίῳ τὴν ἐπιστολήν, οὐ μὴν φθάνει γε ζῶντος Πετρώνιος δεξάμενος αὐτὴν βραδυνθέντος τοῦ πλοῦ τοῖς φέρουσιν εἰς τοσόνδε, ὥστε Πετρωνίῳ γράμματα πρὸ αὐτῆς ἀφικέσθαι, δι' ὧν μανθάνει τὴν Γαίου τελευτήν. [306] θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἄρ' ἀμνημονήσειν ἔμελλε Πετρωνίῳ κινδύνων, οὓς ἀνειλήφει ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν Ἰουδαίων χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ τὸν Γάιον ἀποσκευασάμενος ὀργῆς ὧν ἐπὶ σεβασμῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ πράσσειν ἐτόλμησε, τὸν μισθὸν χρεολυτεῖν Συνευεργετεῖν τῷ Πετρωνίῳ ἥ τε Ῥώμη καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχή, μάλιστα δ' ὁπόσοι τῆς βουλῆς προύχοιεν ἀξιώματι, διὰ τὸ εἰς ἐκείνους ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι τὸν Γάιον. [307] καὶ τελευτᾷ μὲν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἢ γράψαι τῷ Πετρωνίῳ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ θανεῖν ἀνακειμένην ἐπιστολήν, τὴν δ' αἰτίαν, ἐξ ἧς τελευτᾷ, καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον ἀφηγήσομαι προιόντος τοῦ λόγου. [308] Πετρωνίῳ δὲ προτέρα μὲν παρῆν ἡ διασαφοῦσα τοῦ Γαίου τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπιστολή, μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἡ κελεύουσα αὐτὸν τελευτᾶν αὐτόχειρα, καὶ ἥσθη τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ τοῦ ὀλέθρου, ὃς τὸν Γάιον κατέλαβεν, [309] καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν ἐξεθαύμασεν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μισθὸν αὐτῷ τιμῆς τε τῆς εἰς τὸν ναὸς καὶ βοηθείας τῆς Ἰουδαίων σωτηρίας παρασχομένου. καὶ Πετρωνίῳ μὲν οὕτως μὴ ἂν τοπασθεὶς διεφεύχθη ῥᾳδίως ὁ κίνδυνος τοῦ θανεῖν.
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305 This was the letter he wrote to Petronius, but Petronius did not receive it while he [Gaius] was still alive, because the ship bringing it sailed so slowly that other letters reached Petronius first, from which he learned of the death of Gaius. 306 For God did not forget the risks Petronius had taken on behalf of the Jews and for his own honour, but removed Gaius, angry at his insolent attempt to usurp divine honour. Both Rome and all the empire, especially those of the senate, conspired with Petronius to take revenge on Gaius, who had been unmercifully severe to them. 307 For he died not long after writing the letter threatening Petronius with death. The cause of his death and the nature of the plot against him, I will tell in due time. 308 The letter informing Petronius of Gaius's death arrived first, and a little later the one ordering him to die by his own hand, so he was glad at how Gaius had met his end. 309 He also wondered greatly at the providence of God, who quickly and immediately rewarded him for his respect for the temple and helping to save the Jews. And so the danger of death to Petronius was easily escaped.

Chapter 9. [310-379]
The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Babylonia

1.

[310] Γίνεται δὲ καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν οἰκοῦντας Ἰουδαίους συμφορὰ δεινὴ καὶ οὐδεμιᾶς ἧστινος ἐλάσσων φόνος τε αὐτῶν πολὺς καὶ ὁπόσος οὐχ ἱστορημένος πρότερον. περὶ ὧν δὴ τὰ πάντα ἐπ' ἀκριβὲς διηγησάμενος ἐκθήσομαι καὶ τὰς αἰτίας, ἀφ' ὧν αὐτοῖς τὸ πάθος συνέτυχεν. [311] Νέερδα τῆς Βαβυλωνίας ἐστὶ πόλις ἄλλως τε πολυανδροῦσα καὶ χώραν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλὴν ἔχουσα καὶ σὺν ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἀνάπλεως. ἔστιν δὲ καὶ πολεμίοις οὐκ εὐέμβολος περιόδῳ τε τοῦ Εὐφράτου πᾶσαν ἐντὸς αὐτὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντος καὶ κατασκευαῖς τειχῶν. [312] ἔστιν δὲ καὶ Νίσιβις πόλις κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ περίρρουν, ὅθεν Ἰουδαῖοι τῇ φύσει τῶν χωρίων πεπιστευκότες τό τε δίδραχμον, ὃ τῷ θεῷ καταβάλλειν ἑκάστοις πάτριον, ταύτῃ κατετίθεντο καὶ ὁπόσα δὲ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, ἐχρῶντό τε ὥσπερ ταμιείῳ ταῖσδε ταῖς πόλεσιν. [313] ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ἀνεπέμπετο ᾗ καιρός, πολλαί τε ἀνθρώπων μυριάδες τὴν κομιδὴν τῶν χρημάτων παρελάμβανον δεδιότες τὰς Παρθυαίων ἁρπαγὰς ὑποτελούσης ἐκείνοις τῆς Βαβυλωνίας. [314] καὶ ἦσαν γὰρ Ἀσιναῖος καὶ Ἀνιλαῖος Νεερδᾶται μὲν τὸ γένος, ἀλλήλων δὲ ἀδελφοί. καὶ αὐτούς, πατρὸς δ' ἦσαν ὀρφανοί, ἡ μήτηρ προσέταξεν ἱστῶν μαθήσει ποιήσεως, οὐκ ὄντος ἀπρεποῦς τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ὥστε τοὺς ἄνδρας ταλασιουργεῖν παρ' αὐτοῖς. τούτοις ὁ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐφεστώς, καὶ γὰρ ἐμεμαθήκεσαν παρ' αὐτῷ, βραδυτῆτα ἐπικαλέσας τῆς ἀφίξεως ἐκόλασε πληγαῖς. [315] οἱ δὲ ἐφ' ὕβρει τὴν δικαίωσιν λογιζόμενοι, κατασπάσαντες τῶν ὅπλων πολλὰ ὁπόσα ἦν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας φυλασσόμενα ᾤχοντο εἴς τι χωρίον, διάρρηξιν μὲν ποταμῶν λεγόμενον, νομὰς δὲ ἀγαθὰς παρασχεῖν πεφυκὸς καὶ χιλὸν ὁπόσοι εἰς τὸν χειμῶνα ἀποτιθοῖντο. συνῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτοὺς τῶν νέων οἱ ἀπορώτατοι, καὶ τούτους τοῖς ὅπλοις φραγνύντες στρατηγοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῶν κακῶν ἡγεμόνες οὐκ ἐκωλύοντο εἶναι. [316] προελθόντες γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμαχον καὶ κατασκευάσαντες ἀκρόπολιν διέπεμπον πρὸς τοὺς νέμοντας φόρον αὐτοῖς κελεύοντες καταβάλλειν τῶν βοσκημάτων, ἣ ἀρκοῦσα ἐπιτροφὴ γίνοιτ' ἄν, προστιθέντες φιλίαν τε πειθομένοις καὶ ἄμυναν τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν ποθὲν πολεμίων, σφαγὰς δὲ τῶν ποιμνίων ἀπειθοῦσιν. [317] οἱ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα παρ' αὐτὰ ποιεῖν, ἠκροῶντο καὶ τῶν προβάτων ἔστελλον ὁπόσα κελευσθεῖεν, ὥστε δὴ καὶ πλείων αὐτοῖς συνελέγετο ἰσχὺς κύριοί τε ἦσαν ἐφ' οἷς βουλεύσειαν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐλαύνοντες κακουργεῖν. θεραπεύειν τε αὐτοὺς ἦρκτο πᾶς προστυγχάνων, καὶ ἦσαν φοβεροὶ καὶ τοῖς πειρασομένοις, ὥστ' ἤδη προύκοπτε λόγος περὶ αὐτῶν κἀπὶ τοῦ Πάρθων βασιλέως.
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310 A terrible disaster no less than their former woes now befell the Jews living in Mesopotamia and especially those in Babylonia, causing the death of more of them than any recorded before. I will describe this in detail and explain the reasons why they suffered this. 311 There was a thriving city in Babylonia called Neerda, surrounded by a good, broad territory and with the added advantages of being very populous and hard to attack by its enemies, as on all sides it was surrounded by the river Euphrates and protected by its walls. 312 The city of Nisibis was situated on the same branch of the river, and so the Jews, trusting in the nature of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which by our national custom each individual offers to God, along with other things devoted to him, using these cities as a bank-vault. 313 From there, they were transferred to Jerusalem at the proper time, and large groups of people were involved in bringing the donations, for fear of the raids of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. 314 There were two men from Neerda, Asineus and Anileus, brothers whose father was dead and whose mother sent them to learn the art of weaving curtains, as it was no disgrace in that area for men to do that sort of work. The overseer from whom they were learning complained when they came late to their work and punished them with a beating. 315 This deserved punishment they took as an insult and so they stole the many weapons he kept in the house, and went to an area called "between the rivers" which was very suited for feeding livestock and for preserving fodder and grain in storage for the winter. The most deprived kind of young men gathered round them, whom they armed with the weapons they had taken; then they became their officers, with nothing to stop them leading them into mischief. 316 When they had become invincible and had built a fortress, they sent to the herders of livestock, demanding that they pay a tax to support them, offering to be their friends if they submitted to them and to defend them from all enemies on every side, whereas they would kill the livestock of any who refused to obey them. 317 They agreed, as there was nothing else they could do, and sent them as many sheep as were demanded, so that their forces grew and they became masters to do as they pleased, for they were quick to march out and do harm. All who had to do with them chose to respect them and they were feared by any came to attack them, until news about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.

2.

[318] Ὁ δὲ τῆς Βαβυλωνίας σατράπης μαθὼν ταῦτα καὶ βουληθεὶς ἔτι φυομένους κωλῦσαι πρίν τι μεῖζον κακὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀναστῆναι, συλλέξας στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ τῶν Παρθυαίων καὶ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων ἤλασε πρὸς αὐτοὺς, φθῆναι θέλων προσβαλὼν ἐξελεῖν πρὶν ἐξάγγελτος γενέσθαι κατασκευάζων τὸν στρατόν. [319] περικαθίσας δὲ τὸ ἕλος ἡσύχαζεν, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν, ἦν δὲ σάββατον ἀργίας παντὸς χρήματος Ἰουδαίοις ἡμέρα, οἰόμενος οὐ τολμήσειν ἀντιστατήσειν αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ ἀμαχεὶ λαβὼν ἄξειν δεδεμένους, κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προσῄει χρῄζων αἰφνίδιον ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπίπτωσιν. [320] Ἀσιναῖος δὲ ἐτύγχανε σὺν τοῖς ἑταίροις καθεζόμενος καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παρέκειτο αὐτοῖς "ἄνδρες, φησί, χρεμετισμός μοι ἵππων προσέπεσεν οὐ φορβάδων, ἀλλ' οἷος γένοιτ' ἂν ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπιβεβηκότων, ἐπεὶ καί τινος ἀνακρούσεως αἰσθάνομαι χαλινῶν: δέδια, μὴ λελήθασιν ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι περιστάντες. ἀλλά τις προίτω κατόπτης ἀπαγγελίαν ἡμῖν σαφῆ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων ποιησόμενος. εἴη δὲ ἐπὶ ψευδέσι μοι λελέχθαι τὰ εἰρημένα." καὶ ὁ μὲν τάδε εἶπεν, [321] καὶ ᾤχοντό τινες προσκοποῦντες τὸ γινόμενον καὶ ᾗ τάχος παρελθόντες, "καὶ οὔτε αὐτὸς ψεύδῃ σαφὴς εἰκαστὴς εἶναι τῶν πρασσομένων τοῖς πολεμίοις οὔτε ἐκεῖνοι πλειόνως ἐπιτρέψειν ἤμελλον ἡμῖν ὑβριεῖν. [322] περιειλήμμεθα δόλῳ μηδὲν βοσκημάτων διαφέροντες: τοσῆσδε ἵππου πλῆθος ἐπελαύνουσιν ἡμῖν ἐν ἀπορίᾳ χειρῶν κειμένοις διὰ τὸ κατείργεσθαι προαγο [323] ρεύσει τῶν πατρίων εἰς τὸ ἀργεῖν." Ἀσιναῖος δὲ οὐκ ἄρα γνώμῃ τοῦ κατασκόπου κρίνειν ἔμελλεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις, ἀλλὰ νομιμώτερον ἡγησάμενος τοῦ ἐπ' ἀπράκτοις τελευτῶντας εὐφραίνειν τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἀλκῆς δεξάμενος αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνάγκης εἰς ἣν ἐνεπεπτώκει παρανομεῖν τιμωρίαν ἀπολαμβάνοι, εἰ δέοι τελευτᾶν, αὐτός τε ἀναλαμβάνει τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ θάρσος ἐνεποίει τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ ὅμοια ἀρετῆς. [324] ὁμόσε ἴασι τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ πολλοὺς κτείναντες αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ὡς ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτοιμα χωρεῖν εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται τὸ λοιπόν.
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318 When the satrap of Babylonia understood this he wanted to put a stop to them before they grew too strong and caused even greater evils, so he gathered as large an army of Parthians and Babylonians as possible, and set out, hoping to attack and destroy them before it was known that he had mustered the army. 319 He encamped at the marsh and rested there, but on the next day, a sabbath, which among Jews is a day of rest from work of all sorts, he thought the enemy would not dare to fight him, but that he could take them prisoner without a fight. So he moved forward in stages, planning to attack them by surprise. 320 Now Asineus was sitting with the others, all armed and ready, when he said, "Men, I hear the sound of horses, not like those that are feeding, but those with men on their backs. From the sound of bridles I fear that some enemies have secretly surrounded us. Let someone go and look round and report how things stand, and may my words turn out to be a false alarm." 321 When he had said this, some of them went out to check out what was the matter, and they came back immediately and said, "You were not mistaken about what our enemies were doing, and those enemies were not about to let us insult them any longer. 322 We are caught like wild animals in a trap and there is a large force of cavalry coming upon us, and we cannot even use our weapons since our ancestral laws say that we must rest." 323 Asineus did not at all agree with this opinion of his lookout about what must be done, for in this crisis he thought it more legitimate to raise their spirits and break the law and defend themselves, even if they died in the action than play into their enemies' hands by doing nothing and letting themselves be killed; so he seized his weapons and inspired his companions to follow his good example. 324 Then they fell on their enemies and killed many of those who had scorned them as if certain of victory, and routed the rest.

3.

[325] Ὁ δὲ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεύς, ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο αὐτῷ ἡ ἀγγελία τῆς μάχης, ἐκπλαγεὶς τῷ τολμήματι τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπεθύμησεν αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν δι' ὄψεως καὶ λόγων, καὶ πέμπει τὸν πιστότατον τῶν σωματοφυλάκων λέγοντα, [326] ὅτι βασιλεὺς Ἀρτάβανος καίπερ ἠδικημένος ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἐπιχειρήσεως αὐτοῦ τῇ ἀρχῇ γενομένης ἐν ἐλάσσονι τὴν καθ' αὑτὸν ὀργὴν τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ποιησάμενος ἀπέστειλέν με δεξιάς τε καὶ πίστιν δώσοντα ὑμῖν, συγχωρῶν ἄδειάν τε καὶ ἀσυλίαν ὁδῶν, χρῄζων ἐπὶ φιλίᾳ προσχωρεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν δόλου τε καὶ ἀπάτης χωρίς, δῶρά τε δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται καὶ τιμήν, ἥτις ὑμῖν πρὸς τῇ νῦν οὔσῃ ἀρετῇ μελλήσει δυνάμει τῇ ἐκείνου ὠφελεῖν." Ἀσιναῖος δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπερβάλλεται ὁδοὺς τὰς ἐκεῖ, [327] τὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ Ἀνιλαῖον ἐκπέμπει μετὰ δώρων ὁπόσα πορίσαι ἦν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ᾤχετο καὶ εἴσοδος αὐτῷ γίνεται παρὰ βασιλέα. Ἀρτάβανος δὲ ἐπεὶ θεᾶται τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον καταμόνας ἥκοντα, ἤρετο τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ καὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον ἐφυστερηκότος. [328] ἐπεὶ δὲ πυνθάνεται αὐτὸν δείσαντα ἐν τῷ ἕλει ὑπομένειν, ὁ δὲ τούς τε πατρῴους θεοὺς ἐπώμνυτο μηδὲν κακὸν δράσειν αὐτοὺς πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ προσκεχωρηκότας, καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐδίδου, ὅπερ μέγιστον παρὰ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάροις παράδειγμα τοῦ θαρσεῖν γίνεται τοῖς ὁμιλοῦσιν: [329] οὐ γὰρ ἂν ψεύσαιτό τις δεξιῶν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ δόσεων γενομένων οὐδὲ πιστεύειν ἐνδοιάσειεν, εἰ τοιᾶσδε ἀσφαλείας δόσις γίνοιτο παρὰ τῶν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ἀδικήσειν καθεστηκότων. καὶ Ἀρτάβανος μὲν ταῦτα πράξας ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον πείσοντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐπανελθεῖν, [330] ἔπρασσεν δὲ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς χρῄζων ἐνστομισμάτων τῇ ἀρετῇ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἀδελφῶν εἰς φιλίαν κτήσασθαι τῶν ἐκείνου σατραπειῶν ἐν ἀποστάσει τε οὐσῶν καὶ διανοίᾳ τοῦ ἀποστησομένου μέλλων ἐλάσειν ἐπ' αὐτούς. [331] ἐδεδίει γάρ, μὴ καὶ περιεχομένου πολέμῳ τῷ ἐκείνῃ κατὰ χείρωσιν τῶν ἀφεστηκότων αὐξηθῶσιν ἐπὶ μέγα οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον καὶ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἤτοι γε συστήσονται ἐπ' ἀκροάσει τῇ αὐτῶν ἢ καὶ τούτου γε ἀποτυχόντες τοῦ κακῶσαι μειζόνως οὐ διαμάρτοιεν.
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325 When the king of Parthia got news of this battle he was impressed by the audacity of these brothers and wished to see them and speak with them. So he sent the most trusted of all his guards to tell them: 326 "King Artabanus, though wronged by your challenge to his rule, is more interested in your bravery than in being angry at you. He has sent me to offer you a guarantee of safety, to let you come to him safe and unharmed on the journey, as he wants to have you approach him as friends, meaning you no guile or deceit; indeed, he promises you gifts and honour, if you put your bravery at his service." 327 Asineus postponed going there but sent his brother Anileus to him with whatever gifts he could muster. He arrived and was admitted to the king's presence, and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he asked why Asineus had stayed behind. 328 When he learned that he was afraid and stayed in the marsh, he swore by the gods of his country that he would do them no harm if they came to him under his solemn pledge. Then he gave him his right hand, which is of the utmost significance with all these barbarians and is the best security to those who come to talk with them. 329 None of them will deceive you once they have given you his right hand, nor need one have further doubts about safety once it is given, even if previously one suspected their intentions. When Artabanus had done this, he sent Anileus off to persuade his brother to come to him. 330 The king did this in order to avail of the courage of these Jewish brothers to curb his own satraps, who were ready for a revolt and were disposed to rebel from him and enter an alliance with them. 331 He feared that once he went to war to subdue those rebellious satraps, the party of Asineus would grow in strength and might try to take power in Babylonia, or even if they did not succeed, they would not fail to do him further harm.

4.

[332] Ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον, ὁ δὲ πιθανὸς ἦν τῷ ἀδελφῷ τήν τε ἄλλην προθυμίαν εἰσηγούμενος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὅρκιον τὸ γεγενημένον, ὥστε δὴ ἠπείγοντο ὡς τὸν Ἀρτάβανον. [333] ὁ δὲ ἡδονῇ αὐτοὺς δέχεται παραγενομένους ἐθαύμαζεν τε τὸν Ἀσιναῖον τοῦ ἐν ταῖς πράξεσιν εὐψύχου, θεωρῶν παντελῶς ὄντα ὀφθῆναι βραχύν τε καὶ τοῖς τὸ πρῶτον ὄψει συνελθοῦσιν ἐνδοῦναι καταφρονήματος ἀφορμὰς ὡς οὐδενὶ κρίνοιεν αὐτόν, φησί τε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ὡς μείζονα ἐν τῇ παραθέσει παρέχοιτο τὴν ψυχὴν τοῦ σώματος, παρά τε πότον δεικνὺς τὸν Ἀσιναῖον Ἀβδαγάσῃ τῷ αὐτοῦ στρατοπεδάρχῃ τό τε ὄνομα διασαφεῖ καὶ τὴν πᾶσαν ἀρετήν, ᾗ χρῷτο εἰς πόλεμον. [334] τοῦ δὲ Ἀβδαγάσου κελεύοντος συγχώρημα αὐτῷ γενέσθαι κτείναντα αὐτὸν ἄποινα ἀπολαβεῖν ὑπὲρ ὧν ὑβρίσειεν εἰς τὴν Παρθυαίων ἀρχήν "ἀλλ' οὐκ ἄν, εἶπεν ὁ βασιλεύς, συγχώρημα διδοίην ἐπ' ἀνδρὶ πίστει τῇ εἰς ἐμὲ τεθαρρηκότι καὶ προσέτι δεξιάν τε πέμψας καὶ θεῶν ὅρκοις πιθανὸς γενέσθαι σπουδάσας. [335] εἰ δὲ ἀνὴρ τυγχάνεις τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθός, μηδὲν ἐπιορκίας χρῄζων τῆς ἐμῆς Παρθυαίων ἐκδίκει τὴν ἀρχὴν περιυβρισμένην: ἐπαναχωροῦντι γὰρ ἐπιθέμενος περιγίνου κράτει τῷ [336] περὶ σὲ καὶ μετ' ἀγνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς." ἕωθεν δὲ μετακαλέσας τὸν Ἀσιναῖον "ὥρα σοι, φησίν, ὦ νεανία, χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ σαυτοῦ, μὴ καὶ πλείοσιν τῶν ἐνθάδε στρατηγῶν τὴν ὀργὴν ἐρεθίσειας ἐπιχειρεῖν σου τῇ σφαγῇ καὶ δίχα γνώμης τῆς ἐμῆς. [337] παρακαταθήκην δέ σοι δίδωμι τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν γῆν ἀλῄστευτόν τε καὶ ἀπαθῆ κακῶν ἐσομένην ὑπὸ τῶν σῶν φροντίδων. ἄξιον δέ μοι τυγχάνειν σου χρηστοῦ ἀνεπίκλητόν σοι παρασχόμενος τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ πίστιν, οὐκ [338] ἐπὶ κούφοις ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς σωτηρίαν ἀνακειμένοις." ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ δῶρα δοὺς τοτηνίκα ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀσιναῖον. ὁ δὲ εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν παραγενόμενος φρούρια κατασκευάζει καὶ ὁπόσα πρότερον ὠχύρου, μέγας τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ γεγόνει καὶ οἷος οὐκ ἄλλος τῶν πρότερον ἐκ τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς ἅψασθαι πραγμάτων ἐν τόλμῃ γεγονότων, [339] Παρθυαίων τε αὐτὸν ἐθεράπευον οἱ ταύτῃ καταπεμπόμενοι στρατηγοί: μικρὸν γὰρ ἐδόκει καὶ τῆς κατ' αὐτὸν ἧσσον ἀρετῆς ἡ ἐκ Βαβυλωνίων προιοῦσα τιμή. ἦν τε ἐν ἀξιώματι καὶ δυνάμει, πάντα τε ἤδη τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦρτο πράγματα, προύκοπτέν τε αὐτῶν ἡ εὐδαιμονία ἐπὶ ἔτη πεντεκαίδεκα.
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332 With these intentions, he sent off Anileus and he persuaded his brother by reporting about the king's goodwill and the oath he had given; so they hurried to Artabanus. 333 He received them with pleasure, full of admiration for Asineus's active courage seeing how small in stature he was, a man who at first sight seemed of no significance at all. He said to his friends, that in contrast he showed that his soul was in all respects superior to his body, and when, as they were drinking together, he once pointed out Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army and told him his name and described his great courage in war, 334 Abdagases had asked leave to kill him and thereby punish him for the harm he had done to Parthian rule, the king answered, "I will never let you kill a man who has trusted in my word, especially since I shaken his hand and won his trust by oaths made by the gods. 335 But if you are truly a warrior, you have no need to perjure me. Go and avenge the Parthian rule; attack this man on his return home without letting me know, and defeat him with the forces under your command." 336 So the king called for Asineus and said to him, "Young man, it is time for you to return home and no longer provoke the anger of my generals here, in case they try to murder you without my approval. 337 I entrust to you the district of Babylonia, to keep it free from brigands and other evils. I have kept my pledge to you in no small matters about your safety, so now I deserve that you be loyal to me." 338 When he had said this and given Asineus gifts, he immediately sent him away. And when he arrived home, he built fortresses and soon became strong and managed things with more courage and success than anyone of such lowly origins ever before. 339 The Parthian officers who were sent to him paid him great respect, and the honour paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them even less than he deserved. So he held dignity and power there and ruled the affairs of Mesopotamia and flourished like this for fifteen years.

5.

[340] Ἀκμαζόντων δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀρχὴ αὐτοὺς ἐπικαταλαμβάνει κακῶν ἐκ τοιᾶσδε αἰτίας, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἀρετήν, ᾗ προύκοψαν ἐπὶ μέγα δυνάμεως, ἐκτρέπουσιν εἰς ὕβριν ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν πατρίων ὑπὸ ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ ἡδονῆς ἐμπεσόντες τῶν Πάρθων τινί, στρατηγὸς δὲ ἀφίκετο τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων, [341] ᾧ δὴ καὶ εἵπετο γαμετὴ τά τε ἄλλα καὶ εἰς τὸ ἐπαινεῖσθαι προειληφυῖα πασῶν καὶ μείζονα ῥοπὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ λαμβάνουσα θαύματι τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς. [342] ταύτης εἴτε ἀκοῇ τῆς εὐπρεπείας ἐκμαθὼν εἴτε καὶ ἄλλως αὐτόπτης γενόμενος Ἀνιλαῖος ὁ τοῦ Ἀσιναίου ἀδελφὸς ἐραστής τε ἐγεγόνει καὶ πολέμιος, τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ ἄλλως ἐλπίζειν ἐκπράσσεσθαι τὴν σύνοδον τῆς γυναικὸς μὴ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὡς ἐπ' αὐτῇ κτηθείσῃ παραλαβών, τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δυσαντίλεκτον κρίνειν τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν. [343] ἅμα τε οὖν πολέμιος ἐπ' αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ κεχειροτόνητο κτείνων κιτιῶν καὶ μάχης ἐπάκτου γενομένης πεσόντος ἀνῃρημένου ἁλοῦσα ἐγεγάμητο τῷ ἐραστῇ. οὐ μὴν δίχα γε μεγάλων δυστυχιῶν Ἀνιλαίῳ τε ἅμα αὐτῷ καὶ Ἀσιναίῳ ἡ γυνὴ ἀφίκετο εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ σύν τινι μεγάλῳ κακῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: [344] ἐπεὶ γὰρ τἀνδρὸς τεθνηκότος αἰχμάλωτος ἤγετο, τὰ ἀφιδρύματα τῶν θεῶν, ἅπερ τῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ αὐτῇ πατρῷα ἦν, ἐπιχώριον δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνῃ πᾶσίν ἐστιν ἐπί τε τῆς οἰκίας ἔχειν σεβάσματα καὶ ἰοῦσιν ἐπὶ ξένης συνεπάγεσθαι, περιστέλλουσα καὶ ταύτῃ τοῦ πατρίου τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναπήγετο, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λεληθότως αὐτῶν θρησκείαν ἐποιεῖτο, γαμετὴ δὲ ἀποδειχθεῖσα ἤδη τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῆς εἰωθότι καὶ μεθ' οἵων νομίμων ἐπὶ τοῦ προτέρου ἀνδρὸς ἐθεράπευεν αὐτούς. [345] καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων οἱ μάλιστα τιμώμενοι παρ' αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Οὐδαμῶς πράσσοι Ἑβραικὰ οὐδὲ ὁπόσα νόμοις τοῖς αὐτῶν πρόσφορα γυναῖκα ἠγμένος ἀλλόφυλον καὶ παραβαίνουσαν θυσιῶν καὶ σεβασμῶν τῶν αὐτοῖς εἰωθότων τὴν ἀκρίβειαν: ὁρᾶν οὖν, μὴ τὰ πολλὰ τῇ ἡδονῇ τοῦ σώματος συγχωρῶν ἀπολέσειε τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς καὶ τὴν εἰς νῦν ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου προελθοῦσαν ἐξουσίαν. [346] ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον, ἀλλὰ καί τινα αὐτῶν τὸν μάλιστα τιμώμενον ὅτι πλέονι παρρησίᾳ χρήσαιτο ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ ὃς Θεώμενος εὐνοίας τε τῶν νόμων καὶ τοῦ κτείνοντος αὐτὸν τιμωρίαν ἐπηράσατο αὐτῷ τε Ἀνιλαίῳ καὶ Ἀσιναίῳ καὶ πᾶσιν ἑταίροις ὁμοίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπαχθεῖσαν γενέσθαι τελευτήν, [347] τοῖς μὲν ὡς ἡγεμόσι παρανομιῶν γεγονόσι, τοῖς δέ, ὅτι μὴ βοηθοῖεν αὐτῷ τοιάδε πάσχοντι διὰ τὸ ἐκδικεῖν τοῖς νόμοις, οἱ δὲ ἐβαρύνοντο μέν, ἠνείχοντο δέ, μνημονεύοντες οὐκ ἐξ ἄλλης αἰτίας ἀλλ' ἰσχύι τῇ ἐκείνων τῇ εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνελθόντες. [348] ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν θεραπείαν ἀκροῶνται τῶν θεῶν τῶν Παρθυαίοις τιμωμένων, οὐκέτι ἀνεκτὸν ἡγούμενοι τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου τὸ ὑβρίζον εἰς τοὺς νόμους ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον ἐλθόντες καὶ πλέονες ἤδη κατεβόων τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου, [349] φάμενοι καλῶς ἔχειν, εἰ μὴ πρότερον κατ' αὐτὸν ἑώρα τὸ ὠφελοῦν ἀλλὰ νῦν γοῦν ἐπιστροφὴν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ γεγονότος πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἐκείνῳ τε καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις γενέσθαι εἰς ὄλεθρον ἀνακειμένην, τόν τε γάμον τῆς ἀνθρώπου λέγοντες οὐ μετ' αὐτῶν οὐδ' αὐτοῖς εἰωθότων τεθεῖσθαι νόμων καὶ τὴν θρησκείαν ἣν ἐπιτηδεύοι ἡ γυνὴ ἐπ' ἀτιμώσει θεοῦ τοῦ αὐτοῖς σεβασμίου πράσσεσθαι. [350] ὁ δὲ καὐτὸς ᾔδει μὲν τὴν ἁμαρτάδα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μεγάλων αἰτίαν οὖσαν κακῶν καὶ ἐσομένην, οὐ μὴν ἀπείχετό γε εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ συγγενοῦς νικώμενος καὶ συγγνώμην νέμων ὡς ὑπὸ κρείσσονος κακοῦ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας νικωμένου. [351] ἐπεὶ δὲ πλείους τε ὁσημέραι συνεστρέφοντο καὶ πλείους ἦσαν αἱ καταβοαί, τηνικαῦτα δή φησιν περὶ αὐτῶν πρὸς Ἀνιλαῖον τοῖς τε πρῶτον γεγονόσιν ἐπιτιμῶν καὶ παύσασθαι τὸ λοιπὸν κελεύων τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἀποπεμψάμενον εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς. [352] ἐπράσσετο δὲ οὐδὲν ἐκ τῶν λόγων: καὶ ἡ γυνὴ δὲ αἰσθανομένη μὲν τοῦ θροῦ τοῦ κατέχοντος τοὺς λαοὺς δι' αὐτήν, δεδοικυῖα δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου, μὴ καί τι πάθοι ἔρωτι τῷ πρὸς αὐτήν, φάρμακον τῷ Ἀσιναίῳ δοῦσα ἐν τοῖς σιτίοις μεθίστατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀδεής τε ἦν ἐπὶ κριτῇ τῶν περὶ αὐτὴν πραχθησομένων τῷ ἐραστῇ γενομένη.
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340 But as their affairs were flourishing, things began to go wrong for them, for some reason like this. Though their courage had raised them to great power, they turned aside to arrogance and transgressed their ancestral laws, to follow their lusts and pleasures, once a certain Parthian general arrived in those parts. 341 He had a wife of various fine qualities but who was particularly admired above all other women for her beauty. 342 Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself and so became both her lover and her enemy; because he could not hope to enjoy this woman except by taking her prisoner and because he felt he could not conquer his lust for her. 343 So as soon as her husband had been declared their enemy and had fallen in battle, he married his beloved, the widow of the deceased. But the woman did not come into their house without bringing great misfortunes, both on Anileus himself and on Asineus too, but the main evil she caused was as follows. 344 When she was taken prisoner at the death of her husband she concealed the images of the local gods, worshipped by her husband and to herself, for it was the custom of that country for all to keep in their houses the idols they worshipped and to take them with them when going into a foreign land, and following this custom, she brought her idols with her. At first she worshipped them in secret, but once she had become his wife, she worshipped them in the customary manner, with the same ceremonies as in her former husband's days. 345 His best friends blamed him at first, for not acting as a Hebrew should according to their laws. He had married a foreign wife who transgressed their strict ways about sacrifices and worship, so he should consider whether indulging in the pleasures of the body for the sake of his wife's beauty might lose him his office and the high authority he had reached by the blessing of God. 346 Not only did they fail to persuade him, but he killed one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, for taking such liberty with him. But fixing his gaze upon the laws, this man called a curse on his murderer Anileus and on Asineus too, that their enemies might bring all of their company to a similar end, 347 the first two as the principal agents of this crime and the rest for not helping him when he suffered in defense of their laws. The latter felt grief, but tolerated the situtation, recalling that their present happy state was due to nothing other than their fortitude. 348 But when they heard also about the worship of the gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the contempt Anileus had shown to their laws could be endured no longer, and a large number of them came to Asineus and loudly complained of Anileus. 349 They said it would be better if he himself had taken care of their good, but that now it was time to change things, before the crime proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added that he had married this woman without their consent and in disregard to their ancient laws, and that her religious practice was an insult to the God they worshipped. 350 He already knew that his brother's offense had caused great evils and would do so in the future, but tolerated it out of goodwill towards so close a relative and forgave it because his brother was quite mastered by his wicked inclinations. 351 But as every day more people lobbied him and complained ever more loudly, he finally spoke to Anileus about it, reproving him for his former actions and wanting him to give them up in future and send the woman back to her relatives. 352 But his words were of no avail, since when the woman saw what a fuss they were making on her account and feared that Anileus would suffer some harm because of his love for her, she got rid of Asineus by putting poison into his food, and was now sure of victory, with her lover to be the judge of what should be done about her.

6.

[353] Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ καταμόνας ἤδη τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβὼν ἐξάγει στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὰς Μιθριδάτου κώμας ἀνδρὸς πρώτου ἐν τῇ Παρθυηνῇ καὶ βασιλέως Ἀρταβάνου τὴν θυγατέρα γεγαμηκότος, διὰ λείας τε ἦγεν αὐτάς, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα καὶ ἀνδράποδα εὑρίσκεται, πολλὰ δὲ πρόβατα ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ὁπόσα ἐπὶ προσλήψει τοῦ εὐδαίμονος ὠφελεῖ τοῖς ἔχουσιν. [354] Μιθριδάτης δέ, ἐτύγχανε γὰρ τῇδε ὤν, ἐπειδὴ ἀκούει τῶν κωμῶν τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐν δεινῷ φέρων, ὁπότε μὴ προάρξαντος ἀδικεῖν Ἀνιλαῖος ἄρξαιτο καὶ παρόντος τοῦ ἀξιώματος ὑπεριδών, ἱππέας συναγαγὼν πλείστους ὅσους ἐδύνατο καὶ τῶν πλείστων τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ παρῆν ὡς προσμίξων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον καὶ ἔν τινι κώμῃ τῶν αὐτοῦ σχὼν ἡσύχαζεν, ὡς τῇ ἐπιούσῃ μαχησόμενος διὰ τὸ εἶναι σαββάτων ἡμέραν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἐν ἀργίᾳ διαγομένην. [355] Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ ταῦτα πυθόμενος παρὰ ἀνδρὸς Σύρου ἀλλοφύλου ἐξ ἑτέρας κώμης τέ τε ἄλλα φράζοντος ἀκριβῶς καὶ τὸ χωρίον, ἔνθα Μιθριδάτης ἤμελλεν δαίνυσθαι, δειπνοποιησάμενος καθ' ὥραν ἤλαυνε νυκτὸς ἀμαθέσι τῶν ποιουμένων χρῄζων τοῖς Παρθυαίοις ἐπιπεσεῖν. [356] καὶ περὶ τετάρτην φυλακὴν ἐπιπεσὼν τοὺς μὲν ἔτι κοιμωμένους ἀναιρεῖ τοὺς δὲ εἰς φυγὴν τρέπει, Μιθριδάτην δὲ ζωγρίᾳ λαβὼν ἦγεν ὡς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ὄνον γυμνὸν ἀναθέμενος, ἥπερ ἀτιμιῶν μεγίστη νομίζεται παρὰ Παρθυαίοις. [357] καταγαγὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν ὕλην μετὰ τοιοῦδε ὁρίσματος, [καὶ] κελευόντων τῶν φίλων ἀναιρεῖν τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἀνεδίδασκεν αὐτοὺς σπεύδων αὐτὸς ἐναντία: μὴ γὰρ καλῶς ἔχειν ἀναιρεῖν ἄνδρα γένους τε ὄντα τοῦ πρώτου παρὰ Παρθυαίοις καὶ ἐπιγαμίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μειζόνως τιμώμενον: [358] νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἀνεκτὰ εἶναι τὰ πεπραγμένα: καὶ γὰρ εἰ περιύβρισται Μιθριδάτης, ἀλλ' οὖν σωτηρίᾳ τῆς ψυχῆς εὐεργετούμενον χάριτος μνήσεσθαι τοῖς τὰ τοιάδε παρασχοῦσιν, [359] παθόντος δέ τι ἀνήκεστον οὐκ ἀτρεμήσειν βασιλέα μὴ οὐ μεγάλην σφαγὴν Ἰουδαίων τῶν ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ποιησάμενον, ὧν φείδεσθαι καλῶς ἔχειν διά τε τὴν συγγένειαν καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀναστροφὴν εἶναι ἂν αὐτοῖς πταίσματός τινος γενομένου τὸ κατ' ἐκείνους ἀκμῆς πληθύι χρώμενον. [360] καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς καὶ φράσας ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ πιθανὸς ἦν ἀφίεταί τε Μιθριδάτης, ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὠνείδιζεν ἡ γυνή, εἰ μὴ προμηθήσεται βασιλέως τε γαμβρὸς ὢν καὶ ταύτῃ τιμωρῶν τιμωρηθήσεσθαι τοὺς ὑβρίσαντας εἰς αὐτὸν περιορώμενος, [361] ἀγαπῶν δὲ τὴν σωτηρίαν μετὰ αἰχμαλωσίαν ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίων ἀνδρῶν γενομένην: καὶ νῦν ἐπανάδραμε τὴν ἀρετήν, ἢ θεοὺς ἐπόμνυμι τοὺς βασιλείους ἦ μὴν παραλυθήσεσθαι [362] τῆς πρὸς σὲ ἐπὶ γάμῳ κοινωνίας." ὁ δὲ αὖ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν ὀνειδῶν τὴν καθ' ἡμέραν ἀχθηδόνα μὴ φέρων, τοῦτο δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην δεδιώς, μὴ παραλύοιτο αὐτοῦ τῶν γάμων, ἄκων μὲν καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος συνάγει δ' οὖν στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ ἤλαυνεν οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν ὑπολαμβάνων ἔτι καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν σωτηρίαν, εἰ Παρθυαῖος ὢν ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίου περιωθοῖτο ἀντιπολεμοῦντος.
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353 So Anileus took over the sole command and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, the highest authority in Parthia, who had married king Artabanus's daughter. He plundered them and among the booty took a lot of money and many slaves and sheep and other things that bring prosperity to their owners. 354 Mithridates, who was there at the time, seeing his villages taken, was enraged that Anileus had take this initiative, which wronged and insulted him despite his high dignity though he had done him no harm; so he gathered as many cavalry as he could from those old enough for war and came to fight the forces of Anileus. Reaching one of his villages, he stayed there quietly, intending to fight him on the following day, as it was the sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest. 355 Anileus was told of this by a Syrian stranger from another village, who not only described the area to him an exactly, but told him where Mithridates would be feasting, for he dined at a regular hour and marched by night, intending to fall on the Parthians unawares. 356 So about the fourth watch of the night he attacked them, and some of them he killed in their sleep and others he put to flight and took Mithridates alive and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is regarded as the greatest possible insult. 357 When he had brought Mithridates into a wood in this ridiculous state, and his friends wanted him to kill him, he told them he was against it, for it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians and greatly honoured through his marriage into the royal family. 358 What they had done so far was tolerable, for although they had insulted Mithridates, if they now spared his life this good deed would be remembered by him to their advantage, 359 but if were put to death, the king would not rest until he had killed many of the Jews who lived in Babylon; "whose safety we must consider because of our relationship with them and if any misfortune happens to us, we have nowhere else to go, since he has the flower of their youth in his service." 360 By saying this to the group he persuaded them and Mithridates was released. When he got home his wife rebuked him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he failed to take revenge on those who had insulted him. 361 Was he contented to have been made a captive by the Jews and to have escaped them, and do nothing about it? She said he either should go back like a man of courage, or else she swore by the gods of their royal family that she would dissolve her marriage with him. 362 So, partly because he could not bear the daily annoyance of her taunts and partly because he was afraid that in her insolence she really would dissolve their marriage, unwillingly and against his own judgment he again gathered as large an army as he could and marched with them, thinking it dishonourable for him, a Parthian, to owe his safety to the Jews, when they had been victorious over him in the war.

7.

[363] Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ ὡς μανθάνει προσελαύνοντα δυνάμει πολλῇ τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἄδοξον ἡγησάμενος τὸ μένειν ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ φθάσας ὑπαντιάζειν τοὺς πολεμίους, εὐτυχίᾳ τε τῇ πρότερον ἐλπίζων ὅμοια πράξειν καὶ τήν τε ἀρετὴν τοῖς τολμῶσι καὶ εἰωθόσιν θαρρεῖν παρατυγχάνειν, ἐξῆγε τὴν δύναμιν. [364] πολλοί τε πρὸς τῷ οἰκείῳ στρατῷ προσεγεγόνεσαν αὐτῷ καθ' ἁρπαγὴν τῶν ἀλλοτρίων τραπησόμενοι καὶ ὄψει πᾶν προεκπλήξοντες τοὺς πολεμίους. [365] προιοῦσι δὲ αὐτοῖς εἰς σταδίους ἐνενήκοντα καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου τῆς πορείας γενομένης καὶ μεσημβρίας τά τε ἄλλα περιῆν τότε τὸ δίψος καὶ Μιθριδάτης ἐπιφανεὶς προσέβαλε τεταλαιπωρημένοις ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ πιεῖν καὶ δι' αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν ὥραν φέρειν τὰ ὅπλα μὴ δυναμένοις. [366] τροπή τε οὖν γίνεται τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον διὰ τὸ ἀπηγορευκότας ἀκραιφνέσι προσφέρεσθαι καὶ φόνος πολὺς πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἔπεσον ἀνδρῶν, Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ καὶ ὅσον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν συνεστηκὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ὕλης ἐπανεχώρουν φυγῇ μεγάλην νίκης τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς χαρὰν Μιθριδάτῃ παρεσχηκότες. [367] Ἀνιλαίῳ δὲ προσῄει πλῆθος ἄπορον ἀνδρῶν πονηρῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν σωτηρίαν ποιουμένων ῥᾳστώνης χάριτι τῆς εἰς τὸ παρόν, ὥστε ἀντανίσωμα τὴν τούτων πρόσοδον γενέσθαι πλῆθος τῶν ἀπολωλότων: οὐ μὴν ὅμοιοί γε ἦσαν τοῖς πεπτωκόσι διὰ τὸ ἀμελέτητον. [368] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύταις ἐπιφοιτᾷ ταῖς κώμαις τῶν Βαβυλωνίων ἀνάστατά τε ἦν πάντα ταῦτα ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀνιλαίου ὕβρεως. [369] καὶ οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι καὶ οἱ ὄντες ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ πέμπουσιν ἐς τὰ Νέερδα πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Ἰουδαίους Ἀνιλαῖον ἐξαιτούμενοι, καὶ μὴ δεξομένοις τὸν λόγον τοῦτον, οὐδὲ γὰρ βουλομένοις ἔκδοτον παρασχεῖν δυνηθῆναι, εἰρήνην προυκαλοῦντο: οἱ δὲ καὐτοὶ χρῄζειν ἔλεγον τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς εἰρήνης συμβάσεων καὶ πέμπουσι μετὰ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων ἄνδρας, οἳ διαλέξοιντο πρὸς τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον. [370] οἱ δὲ Βαβυλώνιοι κατοπτίας αὐτοῖς γενομένης μαθόντες τὸ χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ ἱδρυμένος ὁ Ἀνιλαῖος ἦν, ἐπιπεσόντες κρύφα νυκτὸς μεθύουσι καὶ καθ' ὕπνον τετραμμένοις κτείνουσιν ἀδεῶς πάντας ὅσους ἐγκατέλαβον καὶ Ἀνιλαῖον αὐτόν.
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363 When Anileus learned that Mithridates was coming up with a large army, he felt ashamed to stay in the marsh and not to take the first chance of meeting the enemy, hoping for success and victory just as they had before, so he boldly led out his force against them. 364 Many more joined themselves to his local force, hoping to plunder the people and terrify the enemy again by their numbers. 365 But after marching ninety furlongs, travelling through a waterless place in the heat of the day, they had become very thirsty, and Mithridates appeared and attacked them just when they were distressed for lack of water, and for this reason and due to the time of the day, were unable to bring their weapons to bear. 366 So Anileus' side was routed, as his exhausted forces had to attack others who were refreshed, so there was a great slaughter and many thousands fell. Now Anileus and those closest to him, ran away as fast as they could into a wood, giving Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them. 367 But once again Anileus was joined by a throng of bad men, who put little value on their own lives if only they could gain some momentary satisfaction, and their numbers made up for those who died in the fight. 368 Though these men were not like those who had fallen, for they were raw and unused to war, with them he attacked the villages of the Babylonians and the whole region was devastated by the savagery of Anileus. 369 So the Babylonians and those who had been in the war sent to the Jews in Neerda demanding the surrender of Anileus. But though they did not agree to their demands, and even if they had been willing to hand him over, they were unable to do so, they said they wished to make peace with them. So they sent men along with the Babylonians, to negotiate a peace with Anileus. 370 But the Babylonians, on getting sight of where Anileus and his men were camped, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and asleep and without any danger killed all of them they caught, including Anileus himself.

8.

[371] Βαβυλώνιοι δὲ ἀπαλλαγέντες τῆς Ἀνιλαίου βαρύτητος, ἐπιστόμισμα γὰρ ἦν αὐτῶν μίσει τῷ πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, ἀεὶ γὰρ ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ διάφοροι καθεστήκεσαν αἰτίᾳ τῆς ἐναντιώσεως τῶν νόμων καὶ ὁποτέροις παραγένοιτο θαρρεῖν πρότεροι ἀλλήλων ἥπτοντο εἰ μὴ καὶ τότε οὖν ἀπολωλότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον ἐπετίθεντο τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι. [372] οἱ δ' ἐν δεινῷ τιθέμενοι τὴν ὕβριν τὴν ἐκ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων καὶ μήτε ἀντιτάξασθαι μάχῃ δυνάμενοι μήτε ἀνεκτὸν ἡγούμενοι τὴν συνοικίαν ᾤχοντο εἰς Σελεύκειαν τῶν ἐκείνῃ πόλιν ἀξιολογωτάτην Σελεύκου κτίσαντος αὐτὴν τοῦ Νικάτορος. οἰκοῦσιν δ' αὐτὴν πολλοὶ μὲν Μακεδόνων, πλεῖστοι δὲ Ἕλληνες, ἔστιν δὲ καὶ Σύρων οὐκ ὀλίγον τὸ ἐμπολιτευόμενον. [373] εἰς μὲν δὴ ταύτην καταφεύγουσιν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν πέντε ἔτη ἀπαθεῖς κακῶν ἦσαν, τῷ δὲ ἕκτῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὸ πρῶτον φθορὰ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ἐγένετο αὐτῶν καὶ καιναὶ κτίσεις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ δι' αὐτὴν ἄφιξις εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν ἐκδέχεται μείζων αὐτοὺς συμφορὰ δι' αἰτίαν, ἣν ἀφηγήσομαι.
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371 The Babylonians were now freed from the burden of Anileus, who had greatly restrained their hatred for the Jews. They were almost always at odds with them, because of the strangeness of their laws, and whichever side felt more daring attacked the other. Now, after the ruin of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews. 372 These so resented what the Babylonians did to them, that being neither able to fight them, nor able to coexist with them, they went to the fine city of Seleucia, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. Many Macedonians lived there, and even more Greeks, along with quite a few Syrians. 373 There the Jews fled and lived peacefully for five years, but on the sixth year a plague came on the people in Babylon, which caused many to leave that city and go to Seleucia; as a result they [the Jews] met a further disaster, which I shall now recount.

9.

[374] Σελευκέων τοῖς Ἕλλησι πρὸς τοὺς Σύρους ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐν στάσει καὶ διχονοίᾳ ἐστὶν ὁ βίος καὶ κρατοῦσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες. τότε οὖν συνοικούντων αὐτοῖς Ἰουδαίων γενομένων ἐστασίαζον, καὶ οἱ Σύροι καθυπέρτεροι ἦσαν ὁμολογίᾳ τῇ Ἰουδαίων πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλοκινδύνων τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ πολεμεῖν προθύμως ἐντεταγμένων. [375] καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες περιωθούμενοι τῇ στάσει καὶ μίαν ὁρῶντες αὐτοῖς ἀφορμὴν τοῦ ἀνασώσασθαι τὸ πρότερον ἀξίωμα, εἰ δυνηθεῖεν παῦσαι ταὐτὸν λέγοντας Ἰουδαίους καὶ Σύρους, διελέγοντο ἕκαστοι πρὸς τῶν Σύρων τοὺς αὐτοῖς συνήθεις πρὸ τοῦ γεγονότας εἰρήνην τε καὶ φιλίαν ὑπισχνούμενοι. [376] οἱ δὲ ἐπείθοντο ἄσμενοι. ἐγίνοντο οὖν ἀφ' ἑκατέρων λόγοι καὶ τῶν πρώτων παρ' ἑκατέροις ἀνδρῶν προασσόντων ἐπιδιαλλαγὰς τάχιστα ἡ σύμβασις ἐγένετο, ὁμονοήσαντές τε μέγα τεκμήριον ἑκάτεροι εὐνοίας [παρ'] ἀλλήλοις ἠξίουν παρασχεῖν τὸ πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἔχθος, ἐπιπεσόντες τε αἰφνίδιον αὐτοῖς κτείνουσι μυριάδας ὑπὲρ πέντε ἀνδρῶν, ἀπώλοντό τε πάντες πλὴν εἴ τινες ἐλέῳ φίλων ἢ γειτόνων ἐπιχωρηθὲν αὐτοῖς ἔφυγον. [377] τούτοις δὲ ἦν εἰς Κτησιφῶντα ἀποχώρησις πόλιν Ἑλληνίδα καὶ τῆς Σελευκείας πλησίον κειμένην, ἔνθα χειμάζει τε ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος καὶ πλείστη τῆς ἀποσκευῆς αὐτοῦ τῇδε ἀποκειμένη τυγχάνει. ἀσύνετα δὲ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἵδρυσιν πεποιημένοις τιμῇ τῆς βασιλείας Σελευκέων πεφροντικότων. [378] ἐφοβήθη δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ τῇδε Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος τούς τε Βαβυλωνίους καὶ τοὺς Σελευκεῖς, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὁπόσον ἦν Σύρων ἐμπολιτεῦον τοῖς τόποις ταὐτὸν ἔλεγον τοῖς Σελευκεῦσιν ἐπὶ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους. [379] καὶ συνελέγησαν ὥστε πολὺ εἴς τε τὰ Νέερδα καὶ τὴν Νίσιβιν ὀχυρότητι τῶν πόλεων κτώμενοι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, καὶ ἄλλως πληθὺς ἅπασα μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν κατοικεῖται. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Ἰουδαίους τοὺς ἐν τῇ Βαβυλωνίᾳ κατῳκημένους τοιαῦτα ἦν.
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374 The life of the Seleucians is marked by strife and discord between the Greeks and Syrians, in which the Greeks have the upper hand. When the Jews arrived there and lived among them, a revolt arose and with the help of the Jews, who despise dangers and very ready to fight, the Syrians defeated the others. 375 When the Greeks had the worst in this rebellion and saw that their best way to recover their former authority was if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they each spoke with any Syrians they had known before, promising to be at peace and friendship with them. 376 They gladly agreed to this, and when the leaders of both nations had done so, they soon were reconciled, agreeing that the great sign of their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. So they attacked and killed about fifty thousand of them, and the Jews were destroyed, except for a few who were allowed to escape by the pity of their friends or neighbours. 377 These retreated to Ctesiphon, a Greek city and situated near to Seleucia, where the king lives in winter every year and where most of his riches are kept, but the Jews had here no firm settlement, since those in Seleucia had little concern for the king's honour. 378 The whole Jewish nation was in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians who lived there sided with the Seleucians in a war against the Jews. 379 So most of them gathered and went off to Neerda and Nisibis and felt secure there on account of the strength of those cities, whose numerous inhabitants were all warlike men. This was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.