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Ἡ Καινὴ Διαθήκη

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War, Volume 1
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War, Volume 5
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War, Volume 7

Ant. Jud., Bk 1
Ant. Jud., Bk 2
Ant. Jud., Bk 3
Ant. Jud., Bk 4
Ant. Jud., Bk 5
Ant. Jud., Bk 6
Ant. Jud., Bk 7
Ant. Jud., Bk 8
Ant. Jud., Bk 9
Ant. Jud., Bk 10
Ant. Jud., Bk 11
Ant. Jud., Bk 12
Ant. Jud., Bk 13
Ant. Jud., Bk 14
Ant. Jud., Bk 15
Ant. Jud., Bk 16
Ant. Jud., Bk 17
Ant. Jud., Bk 18
Ant. Jud., Bk 19
Ant. Jud., Bk 20

Apion, Bk 1
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Gospel of--
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Clementine Homilies
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Daily Word 2019


Sundays, 1-34, A
Sundays, 1-34, B
Sundays, 1-34, C

(Ordinary Time)
Weeks 1-11 (Year 1)
Weeks 1-11 (Year 2)

Wks 12-22 (Year 1)
Wks 12-22 (Year 2)

Wks 23-34 (Year 1)
Wks 23-34 (Year 2)

Saints Days


Clement of Rome

Ignatius of Antioch

Polycarp of Smyrna

Barnabas,(Epistle of)

Papias of Hierapolis

Justin, Martyr

The Didachë

Irenaeus of Lyons

Hermas (Pastor of)

Tatian of Syria

Theophilus of Antioch

Diognetus (letter)

Athenagoras of Alex.

Clement of Alexandria

Tertullian of Carthage

Origen of Alexandria

The War... Book 2

(Greek and English text)

From death of Herod to Vespasian's arrival

01. Archelaus succeeds Herod; promises reform; kills protesters

02. Archelaus is accused before Caesar; defended by Nicolaus

03.Sabinus calls on Varus for help; rebels besiege him in Jerusalem

04. Herod's veterans rebel. Simon and Athronoeus usurp the kingship

05. Varus crucifies about two thousand of the rebels in Judea.

06. Augustus lets Herod's inheritance be distributed to his sons

07. A pseudo- Alexander. Archelaus is banished and Glaphyra dies.

08. Judas and his Galilean Rebels. Lifestyle of the Essenes

09. Pilate causes Riots. Agrippa's fall and rise. Antipas is banished.

10. Gaius wants his statue in the Temple. Petronius protests and survives

11. The reigns of Claudius and of Agrippa. Descendants of the Herods.

12. Riots under Cumanus settled by Quadratus. Felix procurator of Judea.

13. The Sicarii flourish under Nero. Syrians persecute Jews in Caesarea

14. Procurators: Felix, Festus, Albinus. Florus. Jews driven to revolt

15. Berenice fails to get Florus to relent. He kindles the flames of war.

16. Cestius sends a report on Judea. Agrippa argues against revolt

17. Start of the war; Masada and Jerusalem. Eleazar's treachery

18. Slaughter of Jews in Caesarea. Pogrom against them in other cities

19. Cestius' siege of Jerusalem fails. He retreats with severe losses

20. Jews prepare their defence. Josephus commander in Galilee

21. Josephus recovers some cities that had rebelled from him.

22. Simon the brigand starts looting. High Priest Ananus seeks peace

Chapter 1. [vv. 001-013]
Archelaus succeeds Herod and promises reform. Then he kills many protesters in the Temple


[1] Ἀρχελάῳ δὲ νέων ἦρξε θορύβων ἡ τῆς ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἀποδημίας ἀνάγκη. Πενθήσας γὰρ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν ἐπιτάφιον ἑστίασιν πολυτελῆ τῷ πλήθει παρασχών: ἔθος δὲ τοῦτο παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις. Πολλοῖς πενίας αἴτιον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑστιᾶν οὐκ ἄνευ ἀνάγκης: εἰ γὰρ παραλείποι τις, οὐχ ὅσιος: μεταλαμβάνει μὲν ἐσθῆτα λευκήν, πρόεισι δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἔνθα ποικίλαις αὐτὸν εὐφημίαις ὁ λαὸς ἐκδέχεται.

1 Archelaus' having to go to Rome led to new disturbances, for when he had mourned the death of his father for seven days, and provided a very lavish funeral feast for the people - a custom which impoverishes many Jews, since they have to give a feast for the people and it is indecent to fail to do so - he put on a white garment and went up to the temple, where the people received him with acclamations.

[2] Κἀκεῖνος τὸ πλῆθος ἀφ' ὑψηλοῦ βήματος καὶ χρυσοῦ θρόνου δεξιωσάμενος τῆς τε σπουδῆς, ἣν ἐνεδείξαντο περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῦ πατρός, εὐχαριστεῖ καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν θεραπείας ὡς πρὸς βέβαιον ἤδη βασιλέα: φείδεσθαί γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἔφη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἕως ἂν αὐτῷ Καῖσαρ ἐπικυρώσῃ τὴν διαδοχήν, ὁ καὶ κατὰ τὰς διαθήκας τῶν ὅλων δεσπότης:

2 He addressed the people courteously from an elevated golden throne and thanked them for the concern they had shown at his father's funeral and for deferring to him, as if he were already settled in as king, but said that he could not hold authority or the titles going with it until Caesar, entrusted with it by [Herod's] testament, confirmed the succession.

[3] Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ διάδημα περιαπτούσης αὐτῷ δεδέχθαι: τοῦ μέντοι προθύμου καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ὥσπερ τοῖς στρατιώταις οὕτω καὶ τῷ δήμῳ πλήρεις ἀποδώσειν τὰς ἀμοιβάς, ὁπόταν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων βασιλεὺς ἀποδειχθῇ βέβαιος: σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανῆναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων.

3 Even when the soldiers wanted to crown him in Jericho, he would not accept it. But he said he would richly reward both the soldiers and the people for their commitment and goodwill towards him, once the overlords had confirmed his title to the kingdom, and that he would strive in all things to treat them better than his father.

[4] Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἡδόμενον τὸ πλῆθος εὐθέως ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῆς διανοίας αὐτοῦ μεγάλοις αἰτήμασιν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐβόων ἐπικουφίζειν τὰς εἰσφοράς, οἱ δὲ ἀναιρεῖν τὰ τέλη, τινὲς δὲ ἀπολύειν τοὺς δεσμώτας: Ἐπένευσε δ' ἑτοίμως ἅπασι θεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος.

04 The populace was pleased but soon tested his temper by making major demands. Some clamoured for him to lessen their taxes, some for the removal of purchase tax and others for the release of prisoners; and to gain the people's goodwill he said yes to all, and then offered sacrifice and went to a feast with his friends.

[5] Ἔπειτα θύσας ἐν εὐωχίᾳ μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἦν. Ἔνθα δὴ περὶ δείλην ἀθροισθέντες οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν νεωτερίζειν προῃρημένων ἤρξαντο ἰδίου πένθους, ὅτε τὸ κοινὸν ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ πέπαυτο, κατολοφυρόμενοι τοὺς κολασθέντας ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου διὰ τὸν ἐκκοπέντα χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν τῆς πύλης τοῦ ναοῦ.

5 Towards evening many who wanted change came and once the public mourning for the king was over, began to mourn for those executed by Herod for cutting down the golden eagle over the temple gate.

[6] ἠν δὲ τὸ πένθος οὐχ ὑπεσταλμένον, ἀλλ' οἰμωγαὶ διαπρύσιοι καὶ θρῆνος ἐγκέλευστος κοπετοί τε περιηχοῦντες ὅλην τὴν πόλιν ὡς ἂν ἐπ' ἀνδράσιν, οὓς ἔφασκον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ πυρὶ παραπολέσθαι.

06 Nor did they grieve in secret for their laments were loud, their mourning solemn and their weeping heard all over the city, on behalf of the men who had died for their ancestral laws and for the temple.

[7] Τιμωρεῖν δ' αὐτοῖς ἀνεβόων ἐκ τῶν ὑφ' Ἡρώδου τετιμημένων χρῆναι καὶ πρῶτον τὸν ὑπ' ἐκείνου κατασταθέντα παύειν ἀρχιερέα: προσήκειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς εὐσεβέστερον αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ καθαρώτερον.
07 People called out that any who had been honoured by Herod should be punished on account of these men, and first of all to depose the one he had made high priest and choose someone more devout and pure.


[8] Πρὸς ἃ παρωξύνετο μὲν Ἀρχέλαος, ἐπεῖχε δὲ τὴν ἄμυναν ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὴν ἔξοδον ἐπείξεως, δεδοικὼς μή ποτε τὸ πλῆθος ἐκπολεμώσας κατασχεθείη τῷ κινήματι. Διὸ πειθοῖ μᾶλλον ἢ βίᾳ καταστέλλειν ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ὑποπέμψας παύσασθαι παρεκάλει.

08 Archelaus was irked at this, but in his haste to go to Rome, postponed his vengeance on the doers, fearing to be detained at home if he went to war with the people. So he tried to calm the rebels by persuasion rather than force, and sent his general secretly to them urging them to be at peace.

[9] Τοῦτον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν παρελθόντα πρὶν φθέγξασθαί τι λίθοις ἀπήλαυνον οἱ στασιασταὶ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ σωφρονισμῷ προσιόντας, ἐνίει δὲ πολλοὺς ὁ Ἀρχέλαος, καὶ πάντα πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπεκρίναντο δῆλοί τε ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες εἰ πλήθους ἐπιλάβοιντο.

09 But when this man arrived in the temple the rebels threw stones at him and drove him away before he could speak, and treated in the same way many others sent to them by Archelaus to talk sense to them, always replying with anger, and it was clear they would not keep the peace, if only their numbers grew.

[10] Καὶ δὴ τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἐνστάσης ἑορτῆς, ἣ πάσχα παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις καλεῖται πολύ τι θυμάτων πλῆθος ἐκδεχομένη, κάτεισι μὲν ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς ἄπειρος ἐπὶ τὴν θρησκείαν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς σοφιστὰς πενθοῦντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνειστήκεσαν τροφὴν τῇ στάσει ποριζόμενοι.

010 Then at the feast of unleavened bread which was now near, and is called Passover by the Jews and used to be celebrated with many sacrifices, a huge crowd of people came up from the country to worship. Some of these remained in the temple mourning the deceased Rabbis and supporting themselves by imploring, in order to support their rebellion.

[11] Πρὸς ὃ δείσας Ἀρχέλαος πρὶν δι' ὅλου τοῦ πλήθους διαδραμεῖν τὴν νόσον ὑποπέμπει μετὰ σπείρας χιλίαρχον προστάξας βίᾳ τοὺς ἐξάρχοντας τῆς στάσεως κατασχεῖν. Πρὸς οὓς τὸ πλῆθος ἅπαν παροξύνεται καὶ τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς τῆς σπείρας βάλλοντες λίθοις διέφθειρον, ὁ δὲ χιλίαρχος ἐκφεύγει τραυματίας μόλις.

11 Archelaus took fright and secretly sent against them a tribune and a cohort of soldiers, before the disease spread to the whole people, with orders to arrest those who began the riot, and force them to keep the peace. The whole crowd were stirred up and threw stones and killed many of the soldiers, and the tribune was wounded and barely escaped alive.

[12] Ἔπειθ' οἱ μὲν ὡς μηδενὸς δεινοῦ γεγονότος ἐτρέποντο πρὸς θυσίαν: οὐ μὴν Ἀρχελάῳ δίχα φόνου καθεκτὸν ἔτι τὸ πλῆθος ἐφαίνετο, τὴν δὲ στρατιὰν ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς ὅλην, τοὺς μὲν πεζοὺς διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἀθρόους, τοὺς δὲ ἱππεῖς ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον:

12 Afterwards the people went about their sacrifices, as if they had done no harm. Archelaus thought that they could not be restrained without bloodshed, so he sent his whole army upon them, masses of infantry into the city and his cavalry out into the plain.


[13] οἳ θύουσιν ἑκάστοις ἐξαίφνης προσπεσόντες διαφθείρουσι μὲν περὶ τρισχιλίους, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς τὰ πλησίον ὄρη διεσκέδασαν. Εἵποντο δὲ Ἀρχελάου κήρυκες κελεύοντες ἕκαστον ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπ' οἴκου, καὶ πάντες ᾤχοντο τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀπολιπόντες.

13 Attacking them suddenly as they were offering their sacrifices, he killed about three thousand of them, while the rest of the crowd scattered to the adjoining mountains. These were followed by Archelaus's heralds, ordering them all back to their own homes, where they all went, abandoning the festival.

Chapter 2. [vv. 014-038]
Archelaus is accused before Caesar by Antipater, but is well defended by Nicolaus the lawyer.


[14] Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῶν φίλων Ποπλᾶ καὶ Πτολεμαίου καὶ Νικολάου κατῄει πρὸς θάλασσαν καταλιπὼν ἐπίτροπόν τε τῶν βασιλείων καὶ κηδεμόνα τῶν οἰκείων Φίλιππον.

14 He now went down to the sea-side, with his mother and his friends, Poplas and Ptolemy and Nicolaus, leaving his steward Philip in the palace, to take care of his household.

[15] Συνεξῄει δ' ἅμα τοῖς τέκνοις Σαλώμη καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῖ τε καὶ γαμβροί, τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν συναγωνιούμενοι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς Ἀρχελάῳ, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς κατηγορήσοντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν παρανομηθέντων.

15 Salome and her children accompanied him, as well as the king's brothers- and sons-in-law. Outwardly, they went to support Archelaus in securing the succession, but in fact to accuse him for his unlawful actions in the temple.

[16] Συναντᾷ δ' αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν Σαβῖνος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἐπίτροπος εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἀνιὼν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν Ἡρώδου χρημάτων. Τοῦτον ἐπέσχεν προσωτέρω χωρεῖν ἐπελθὼν Οὔαρος, ὃν διὰ Πτολεμαίου πολλὰ δεηθεὶς Ἀρχέλαος μετεπέμψατο.

16 Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them in Caesarea, as he was going up to Judea to guard Herod's effects, but Varus. whom Archelaus had sent for at Ptolemy's request, arrived and prevented him from going any farther.

[17] Τότε μὲν οὖν Σαβῖνος Οὐάρῳ χαριζόμενος οὔτ' ἐπὶ τὰς ἄκρας ἔσπευσεν οὔτε τὰ ταμιεῖα τῶν πατρῴων χρημάτων ἀπέκλεισεν Ἀρχελάῳ, μέχρι δὲ τῆς Καίσαρος διαγνώσεως ἠρεμήσειν ὑπέσχετο καὶ διέτριβεν ἐπὶ τῆς Καισαρείας.

17 So to gratify Varus, Sabinus neither went to the fortresses, nor sealed the treasuries where Herod's money was deposited, but promised to do nothing until Caesar ruled on the affair.

[18] Ὡς δὲ τῶν ἐμποδιζόντων ὁ μὲν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἀπῆρεν, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην ἀνήχθη, διὰ τάχους ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ὁρμήσας παραλαμβάνει τὰ βασίλεια καὶ μεταπεμπόμενος τούς τε φρουράρχους καὶ διοικητὰς ἐπειρᾶτο διερευνᾶν τοὺς τῶν χρημάτων ἀναλογισμοὺς τάς τε ἄκρας παραλαμβάνειν.

18 So he stayed in Caesarea, but as soon as those who were blocking him had gone, as Varus had left for Antioch and Archelaus had sailed to Rome, he immediately went to Jerusalem and seized the palace. When he had called for the officers of the fortresses and the treasurers, he tried to sift out the accounts of the money and to take over the fortresses.

[19] Οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες τῶν Ἀρχελάου κατημέλουν ἐντολῶν, ἔμενον δὲ φρουροῦντες ἕκαστα καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ἀνατιθέντες Καίσαρι μᾶλλον ἢ Ἀρχελάῳ.

19 But the officers of those fortresses did not forget the instructions of Archelaus and continued to guard them and said that for their custody they were answerable to Caesar rather than to Archelaus.


[20] Κἀν τούτῳ πάλιν Ἀντίπας ἀμφισβητῶν περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐπέξεισιν ἀξιῶν τῆς ἐπιδιαθήκης κυριωτέραν εἶναι τὴν διαθήκην, ἐν ᾗ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἐγέγραπτο. Συλλήψεσθαι δ' αὐτῷ προυπέσχετο Σαλώμη καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν σὺν Ἀρχελάῳ πλεόντων συγγενῶν.

20 Meanwhile Antipas also went to Rome to ask for the kingdom and to insist that the former testament, where he was named as king, was valid rather than the later one. Salome had promised to help him, as had many of of his relatives, who had sailed with Archelaus.

[21] Ἐπήγετο δὲ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Νικολάου Πτολεμαῖον ῥοπὴν εἶναι δοκοῦντα διὰ τὴν παρὰ Ἡρώδῃ πίστιν: γεγόνει γὰρ δὴ τῶν φίλων ἐκείνου τιμιώτατος: πλεῖστον μέντοι πεποίθει διὰ δεινότητα λόγων Εἰρηναίῳ τῷ ῥήτορι, διὸ καὶ τοὺς νουθετοῦντας εἴκειν Ἀρχελάῳ κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον καὶ τὰς ἐπιδιαθήκας διεκρούσατο.

21 He also brought with him his mother and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed very influential, due to Herod's great trust in him, as one of his most honoured friends. His rival depended mainly on the orator Irenaeus, who got him to ignore those wishing him to yield to Archelaus on account of his seniority and because the second will gave the kingdom to him.

[22] Μεθίστατο δὲ ἐν Ῥώμῃ πάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ σπουδὴ τῶν συγγενῶν, οἷς διὰ μίσους ἦν Ἀρχέλαος, καὶ προηγουμένως ἕκαστος αὐτονομίας ἐπεθύμει στρατηγῷ Ῥωμαίων διοικουμένης, εἰ δὲ τοῦτο διαμαρτάνοι, βασιλεύειν Ἀντίπαν ἤθελεν.

22 When they came to Rome, all Archelaus's relatives, who hated him, shifted their preference to Antipas, but the first preference of them all would be to live under their own laws and be under a Roman governor, but if this was not granted, they wanted Antipas as their king.


[23] Συνήργει δ' αὐτοῖς εἰς τοῦτο καὶ Σαβῖνος δι' ἐπιστολῶν κατηγορήσας μὲν Ἀρχελάου παρὰ Καίσαρι, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινέσας Ἀντίπαν.

23 Sabinus supported them in this by letters he sent, where he accusing Archelaus before Caesar and highly commending Antipas.

[24] Συντάξαντες δὲ τὰ ἐγκλήματα οἱ περὶ Σαλώμην ἐνεχείρισαν Καίσαρι, καὶ μετὰ τούτους Ἀρχέλαος τά τε κεφάλαια τῶν ἑαυτοῦ δικαίων γράψας καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λόγους εἰσπέμπει διὰ Πτολεμαίου.

24 Salome also and those with her, made a list of the crimes of which they accused Archelaus and put it in Caesar's hands, and then Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and through Ptolemy he sent in his father's ring and his accounts.

[25] Προσκεψάμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰ παρ' ἀμφοῖν κατ' ἰδίαν τό τε μέγεθος τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς προσόδου, πρὸς οἷς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῆς Ἡρώδου γενεᾶς, προαναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ παρὰ Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου περὶ τούτων ἐπεσταλμένα, συνέδριον μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἐν τέλει Ῥωμαίων, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸν ἐξ Ἀγρίππα καὶ Ἰουλίας τῆς θυγατρὸς θετὸν παῖδα Γάιον πρώτως ἐκάθισεν, ἀποδίδωσι δὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς.

25 When Caesar had pondered by himself what both had to say for themselves, and had considered of the great burden of the kingdom and size of the revenues and also the number of the children Herod had left behind him and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the leading Romans, where for the first time he gave seat to Gaius, son of Agrippa and his daughter Julias, whom he had adopted as his own son, and let the petitioners speak.


[26] Ἔνθα καταστὰς ὁ Σαλώμης υἱὸς Ἀντίπατρος, ἦν δὲ τῶν ἐναντιουμένων Ἀρχελάῳ δεινότατος εἰπεῖν, κατηγόρει φάσκων τοῖς μὲν λόγοις ἀμφισβητεῖν ἄρτι βασιλείας Ἀρχέλαον, τοῖς δ' ἔργοις πάλαι γεγονέναι βασιλέα, κατειρωνεύεσθαι δὲ νῦν τῶν Καίσαρος ἀκοῶν,

26 Then Salome's son, Antipater, who of all Archelaus's opponents was the best speaker, stood up to make the following accusation: That Archelaus not only claimed the kingdom with words, but had long been king in fact, and this hearing before Caesar was now just a mockery since he had not awaited his decision about the succession.

[27] ὃν δικαστὴν τῆς διαδοχῆς οὐ περιέμεινεν, εἴ γε μετὰ τὴν Ἡρώδου τελευτὴν ἐγκαθέτους μὲν ὑποπέμψας τοὺς περιθήσοντας αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα, προκαθίσας δ' ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καὶ χρηματίσας βασιλεὺς τάξεις τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀμείψας καὶ προκοπὰς χαρισάμενος,

27 After Herod's death, he had bribed people to demand he wear the crown and had set himself on the throne and acted as a king by making changes in the ranks of the army and granting promotions to some.

28 He had also acceded to all the requests the people had made to him as their king and released those whom his father had, for major reasons, put in chains. And now he asks for the shadow of that

[28] ἔτι δὲ τῷ δήμῳ πάντα κατανεύσας ὅσων ὡς παρὰ βασιλέως τυχεῖν ἠξίουν καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ μεγίσταις αἰτίαις παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς δεδεμένους λύσας, νῦν ἥκει παρὰ τοῦ δεσπότου σκιὰν αἰτησόμενος βασιλείας, ἧς ἥρπασεν ἑαυτῷ τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ποιῶν οὐ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλλὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων κύριον Καίσαρα.

authority, whose substance he had already seized, making Caesar lord, not of things, but of words.

[29] Προσωνείδιζεν δ' ὡς καὶ τὸ πένθος κατειρωνεύσατο τοῦ πατρός, μεθ' ἡμέραν μὲν ἐπισχηματίζων τὸ πρόσωπον εἰς λύπην, νύκτωρ δὲ μέχρις κώμων μεθυσκόμενος, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἐκ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀγανακτήσεως ἔλεγεν γεγονέναι.

29 He added the mockery that his mourning for his father was only a pretence, putting on a sad face in the daytime but drinking to excess at night. This behaviour, he said, had caused the recent disturbance among the people, who were very angry.

[30] Καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦ λόγου παντὸς ἐναπηρείσατο τῷ πλήθει τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν φονευθέντων, οὓς ἐληλυθέναι μὲν ἐφ' ἑορτήν, παρὰ δὲ ταῖς ἰδίαις θυσίαις ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάχθαι: καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ σεσωρεῦσθαι νεκρῶν πλῆθος, ὅσον οὐδ' ἂν ἀλλόφυλος ἐσώρευσεν πόλεμος ἐπελθὼν ἀκήρυκτος.

30 The aim of all this was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in killing so many in the temple area, when a crowd came to the festival but were cruelly killed amid their own sacrifices. He said that more corpses were heaped together in the temple than could be caused by a foreign war coming on them unannounced;

[31] Ταύτην μέντοι τὴν ὠμότητα προσκεψάμενον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν πατέρα μηδ' ἐλπίδος αὐτόν ποτε ἀξιῶσαι βασιλικῆς ἢ ὅτε χεῖρον τὴν ψυχὴν κάμνων τοῦ σώματος ἀκρατὴς ἦν ὑγιαίνοντος λογισμοῦ καὶ οὐδ' ὃν ἔγραφεν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδιαθήκαις ᾔδει διάδοχον, καὶ ταῦτα μηδὲν τὸν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις μέμψασθαι δυνάμενος, ἃς ἔγραψεν ὑγιαίνων μὲν τὸ σῶμα, καθαρὰν δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχων πάθους παντός.

31 and that it was this cruel streak which caused his father not to give him any hopes of the kingdom. But when his mind grew even weaker than his body and he was unable to think and did not know whose name he was writing as his successor in the addendum to his will, which he did at a time when he had no complaints against the one he had nominated earlier while in good health and with his mind clear of all passion.

[32] Εἰ μέντοι καὶ κυριωτέραν τὴν τοῦ κάμνοντος κρίσιν τιθείη τις, ἀποκεχειροτονῆσθαι βασιλείας Ἀρχέλαον ὑφ' ἑαυτοῦ τοῖς εἰς αὐτὴν παρανομηθεῖσιν: ποταπὸν γὰρ ἂν γενέσθαι λαβόντα τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ Καίσαρος τὸν πρὶν λαβεῖν τοσούτους ἀνῃρηκότα;

32 But even if one should place Herod's judgment in his sickness above that in an earlier time, Archelaus had still forfeited the kingship by his lawless behaviour. If he killed so many people before becoming ruler what would he be like if Caesar confirmed his position?


[33] Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα διεξελθὼν Ἀντίπατρος καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν συγγενῶν παραστησάμενος ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν κατηγορημένων μάρτυρας καταπαύει τὸν λόγον.

[34] Ἀνίσταται δὲ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ Ἀρχελάου, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ φόνον ἀναγκαῖον ἀπέφηνεν: πολεμίους γὰρ γεγονέναι τοὺς ἀνῃρημένους οὐ τῆς βασιλείας μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ δικάζοντος αὐτὴν Καίσαρος.

[35] Τῶν δ' ἄλλων ἐγκλημάτων συμβούλους ἀπεδείκνυεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς κατηγόρους γεγονέναι. Τήν γε μὴν ἐπιδιαθήκην ἠξίου διὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα εἶναι κυρίαν, ὅτι βεβαιωτὴν ἐν αὐτῇ Καίσαρα καθίστατο τοῦ διαδόχου:

[36] Ὁ γὰρ σωφρονῶν ὥστε τῷ δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων παραχωρεῖν τῆς ἐξουσίας οὐ δή που περὶ κληρονόμου κρίσιν ἐσφάλλετο, σωφρονῶν δ' ᾑρεῖτο καὶ τὸν καθιστάμενον ὁ γινώσκων τὸν καθιστάντα.


33 When Antipater had said much to this effect and had produced many of Archelaus's relatives as witnesses, to prove each part of the accusation, he ended his speech.

34 Then Nicolaus stood up on behalf of Archelaus, and said that the slaughter in the temple was avoidable; that those who were killed were opposed not just to the monarchy but to Caesar, who was to decide about it.

35 He proved that the accusers had urged him to do other things that would have been unlawful, and insisted that the later will was valid, especially since in it Herod named Caesar to validate the succession.

36 If he was wise enough to yield his authority to the master of the world, he would make no mistake in his choice of an heir, for his wisdom about the arbitrator meant that he knew whom he had chosen to be his successor.

[37] Διεξελθόντος δὲ πάντα καὶ Νικολάου παρελθὼν Ἀρχέλαος προπίπτει τῶν Καίσαρος γονάτων ἡσυχῆ. Κἀκεῖνος αὐτὸν μάλα φιλοφρόνως ἀναστήσας ἐνέφηνεν μὲν ὡς ἄξιος εἴη τῆς πατρῴας διαδοχῆς, οὐ μήν τι βέβαιον ἀπεφήνατο.

[38] Διαλύσας δὲ τοὺς συνέδρους ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας καθ' ἑαυτὸν περὶ ὧν διήκουσεν ἐσκέπτετο, εἴτε χρὴ τῶν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις καταστῆσαί τινα διάδοχον, εἴτε καὶ πάσῃ τῇ γενεᾷ διανεῖμαι τὴν ἀρχήν: ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐπικουρίας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προσώπων χρῄζειν.


37 When Nicolaus had fully stated his case, Archelaus came and fell down in silence at Caesar's knees, and he raised him up in a most friendly manner and declared him worthy to succeed his father, but did not finalise the matter.

38 After dismissing the assessors who had been with him that day, after all had been heard he pondered on whether to confirm as Herod's successor one of those named in the will, or to divide the power among his whole family, since so many of them seemed to need it for their support.

Chapter 3. [vv. 039-054]
Sabinus calls Varus to help him quell the rebellion. The rebels besiege him in Jerusalem

[39] Πρὶν δὲ ὁρίσαι τι περὶ τούτων Καίσαρα τελευτᾷ μὲν ἡ Ἀρχελάου μήτηρ Μαλθακὴ νοσήσασα, παρὰ Οὐάρου δ' ἐκομίσθησαν ἐκ Συρίας ἐπιστολαὶ περὶ τῆς Ἰουδαίων ἀποστάσεως,

[40] ἣν προιδόμενος ὁ Οὔαρος, ἀνέβη γὰρ μετὰ τὸν Ἀρχελάου πλοῦν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τοὺς παρακινοῦντας καθέξων, ἐπειδὴ πρόδηλον ἦν τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἠρεμῆσον, ἓν τῶν τριῶν ἀπὸ Συρίας ταγμάτων, ὅπερ ἄγων ἧκεν, ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλείπει.

[41] Καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν, ἐπελθὼν δὲ ὁ Σαβῖνος ἀφορμὴν αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν νεωτεροποιίας: τούς τε γὰρ φρουροὺς παραδιδόναι τὰς ἄκρας ἐβιάζετο καὶ πικρῶς τὰ βασιλικὰ χρήματα διηρεύνα, πεποιθὼς οὐ μόνον τοῖς ὑπὸ Οὐάρου καταλειφθεῖσι στρατιώταις, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθει δούλων ἰδίων, οὓς ἅπαντας ὁπλίσας ὑπηρέταις ἐχρῆτο τῆς πλεονεξίας.

[42] Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς, οὕτω καλοῦσίν τινα ἑορτὴν Ἰουδαῖοι παρ' ἑπτὰ γινομένην ἑβδομάδας καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν προσηγορίαν ἔχουσαν, οὐχ ἡ συνήθης θρησκεία συνήγαγεν τὸν δῆμον, ἀλλ' ἡ ἀγανάκτησις.

[43] Συνέδραμεν γοῦν πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἔκ τε τῆς Γαλιλαίας καὶ ἐκ τῆς Ἰδουμαίας Ἱεριχοῦντός τε καὶ τῆς ὑπὲρ Ἰορδάνην Περαίας, ὑπερεῖχεν δὲ πλήθει καὶ προθυμίαις ἀνδρῶν ὁ γνήσιος ἐξ αὐτῆς Ἰουδαίας λαός.

[44] Διανείμαντες δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τρία μέρη τριχῆ στρατοπεδεύονται, πρός τε τῷ βορείῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κλίματι καὶ πρὸς τῷ μεσημβρινῷ κατὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον, ἡ δὲ τρίτη μοῖρα πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις κατὰ δύσιν. Περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ πανταχόθεν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπολιόρκουν


39 Before Caesar had reached a decision about these matters, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought from Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews.

40 This was foreseen by Varus, who therefore, after Archelaus had sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the agitators, and since it was manifest that the nation would not stay peaceful he left in the city one of the three legions he had brought from Syria. 041 He himself went to Antioch. But Sabinus came after he was gone, and gave them an occasion for rebellion. For he forced the keepers of the fortresses to hand them over to him and made a thorough search for the king's money, helped not only by the soldiers left by Varus, but by his own servants, whom he armed and used as the instruments for his greed. 042 When Pentecost was near, for so the Jews called the festival which was observed seven weeks after Passover, and whose name derives from the number of the days (fifty,) what drew the people together was not so much their traditional divine worship but the anger they felt. 043 A huge crowd assembled, from Galilee and Idumaea and Jericho and Perea beyond the Jordan, but the people of Judea itself were the most prominent both in number and in zeal.

44 They divided into three parts and pitched their tents in three places, one to the north of the temple, another to the south of it, by the Hippodrome, and the third at the palace to the west. So they surrounded the Romans on all sides and kept them under siege.

[45] Ὁ δὲ Σαβῖνος πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν ὑποδείσας καὶ τὰ φρονήματα συνεχεῖς μὲν ἀγγέλους ἔπεμπεν πρὸς Οὔαρον ἐπαμύνειν ἐν τάχει δεόμενος ὡς εἰ βραδύνοι κατακοπησομένου τοῦ τάγματος:

[46] αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ὑψηλότατον τοῦ φρουρίου πύργον ἀναβάς, ὃς ἐκαλεῖτο Φασάηλος ἐπώνυμον ἔχων ἀδελφὸν Ἡρώδου διαφθαρέντα ὑπὸ Πάρθων, ἐντεῦθεν κατέσειεν τοῖς ἐν τῷ τάγματι στρατιώταις ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις: δι' ἔκπληξιν γὰρ οὐδ' εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους καταβαίνειν ἐθάρρει.

[47] Παραπεισθέντες δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται προπηδῶσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ μάχην καρτερὰν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις συνάπτουσιν, ἐν ᾗ μέχρι μὲν οὐδεὶς καθύπερθεν ἐπήμυνεν περιῆσαν ἐμπειρίᾳ πολέμου τῶν ἀπείρων:

[48] ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὶ Ἰουδαίων ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τὰς στοὰς κατὰ κεφαλῆς αὐτῶν ἠφίεσαν τὰ βέλη, συνετρίβοντο πολλοὶ καὶ οὔτε τοὺς ἄνωθεν βάλλοντας ἀμύνεσθαι ῥᾴδιον ἦν οὔτε τοὺς συστάδην μαχομένους ὑπομένειν.


45 Sabinus, afraid of their numbers and their mood, and sent a series of messengers to Varus, imploring him to come quickly to his help, for if he delayed his legion would be cut to pieces.

46 He himself went up the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasael, after Herod's brother who was killed by the Parthians, and from there signalled the legionaries to attack the enemy, for he was so afraid that he dared not go down to his own men. 047 The soldiers let themselves be persuaded and sprang into the temple and fought a hard battle with the Jews. During this, as long as there were none attacking them from above they had the upper hand by their warlike skill and the others' lack of it, 048 but when many of the Jews climbed up the porticoes and threw their spears downwards at the heads of the Romans, many were killed. It was not easy to get back at those who shot from above, or to hold back those who fought them hand to hand.

[49] Καταπονούμενοι μὲν πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων ὑποπιμπρᾶσιν τὰς στοάς, ἔργα θαυμάσια μεγέθους τε καὶ πολυτελείας ἕνεκεν: οἱ δ' ἐπ' αὐτῶν ἐξαίφνης ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς περισχεθέντες πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ διεφθάρησαν, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων πηδῶντες εἰς αὐτούς, τινὲς δ' εἰς τοὐπίσω κατὰ τοῦ τείχους ἐκρημνίζοντο, ἔνιοι δ' ὑπ' ἀμηχανίας τοῖς ἰδίοις ξίφεσιν τὸ πῦρ ἔφθανον:

[50] ὅσοι δὲ καθερπύσαντες ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ᾖξαν εἰς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εὐμεταχείριστοι διὰ τὴν ἔκπληξιν ἦσαν. Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀπολωλότων, τῶν δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους σκεδασθέντων ἐρήμῳ τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ θησαυρῷ προσπεσόντες οἱ στρατιῶται περὶ τετρακόσια τάλαντα διήρπασαν, ὧν ὅσα μὴ διεκλάπη Σαβῖνος ἤθροισεν.


49 Harassed by both these factors, they set fire to the porticoes, which were marvellous both in size and workmanship. Those on top of them were soon surrounded with the flame and many of them died in it, and many were also killed by the enemy, who attacked them suddenly. Some of them jumped down backward from the ramparts, and in desperation some anticipated the fire by killing themselves with their own swords, 050 and any of them who crept out from the ramparts and came at the Romans, were easily mastered due to their stunned condition. Finally when the Jews had either been killed or had scattered in fear, the soldiers attacked the treasury of God, now left unguarded, and looted about four hundred talents, of which Sabinus got all that was not stolen by them.

[51] Ἰουδαίους δὲ ἥ τε τῶν ἔργων καὶ ἀνδρῶν φθορὰ πολὺ πλείους καὶ μαχιμωτέρους ἐπισυνέστησεν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ περισχόντες τὰ βασίλεια πάντας ἠπείλουν διαφθείρειν, εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ἀπίοιεν: ὑπισχνοῦντο γὰρ ἄδειαν τῷ Σαβίνῳ βουλομένῳ μετὰ τοῦ τάγματος ἐξιέναι.

[52] Συνελάμβανον δ' αὐτοῖς οἱ πλείους τῶν βασιλικῶν αὐτομολήσαντες. Τὸ μέντοι πολεμικώτατον μέρος, Σεβαστηνοὶ τρισχίλιοι Ῥοῦφός τε καὶ Γρᾶτος ἐπὶ τούτοις, ὁ μὲν τοὺς πεζοὺς τῶν βασιλικῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἔχων, Ῥοῦφος δὲ τοὺς ἱππεῖς, ὢν ἑκάτερος καὶ χωρὶς ὑπηκόου δυνάμεως δι' ἀλκὴν καὶ σύνεσιν πολέμου ῥοπή, προσέθεντο Ῥωμαίοις.

[53] Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐνέκειντο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν τειχῶν ἅμα πειρώμενοι τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σαβῖνον ἐμβοῶντες ἀπιέναι μηδ' ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι διὰ χρόνου πολλοῦ κομιζομένοις τὴν πάτριον αὐτονομίαν.

[54] Σαβίνῳ δ' ἀγαπητὸν μὲν ἦν ὑπεξελθεῖν, ἠπίστει δὲ ταῖς ὑποσχέσεσιν καὶ τὸ πρᾷον αὐτῶν δέλεαρ εἰς ἐνέδραν ὑπώπτευεν: ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Οὐάρου βοήθειαν ἐλπίζων διέτριβεν τὴν πολιορκίαν.


51 This destruction of property and of lives caused many of the more aggressive Jews to band together against the Romans. They gathered around the palace and threatened all who were in it, unless they left instantly, promising Sabinus that he would come to no harm if he left along with his legion. 052 There were also many of the king's party who deserted the Romans and helped the Jews, but the most warlike of that group, three thousand of the men of Sebaste, went over to the Romans, along with their captains, Rufus and Gratus, the latter being captain of the infantry and Rufus of the cavalry. Even without the forces they commanded, each of them was an army in himself due to their strength and wisdom.

53 The Jews besieged and tried to break down walls of the fortress, shouting to Sabinus and his party to leave and not block their long-awaited hope of recovering their ancestral liberty. 054 Sabinus would gladly have escaped from danger, but he distrusted their assurances, suspecting that such a mild offer was just a bait to catch him. This thought, along with his hopes of help from Varus, prolonged the siege.

Chapter 4. [vv. 055-065]
Herod's veteran soldiers rebel. Simon and Athronoeus usurp the name of king

[55] Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πολλαχόθεν ἐταράσσετο, καὶ συχνοὺς βασιλειᾶν ὁ καιρὸς ἀνέπειθεν. Κατὰ μέν γε τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν δισχίλιοι τῶν ὑπὸ Ἡρώδῃ πάλαι στρατευσαμένων συστάντες ἔνοπλοι διεμάχοντο τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, οἷς Ἀχίαβος ἀνεψιὸς βασιλέως ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμνοτάτων χωρίων ἐπολέμει ὑποφεύγων τὴν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις συμπλοκήν:

[56] ἐν δὲ Σεπφώρει τῆς Γαλιλαίας Ἰούδας υἱὸς Ἐζεκία τοῦ κατατρέχοντός ποτε τὴν χώραν ἀρχιλῃστοῦ καὶ χειρωθέντος ὑφ' Ἡρώδου βασιλέως συστήσας πλῆθος οὐκ ὀλίγον ἀναρρήγνυσιν τὰς βασιλικὰς ὁπλοθήκας καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλίσας τοῖς τὴν δυναστείαν ζηλοῦσιν ἐπεχείρει.


55 Meanwhile many parts of the country were troubled and the times led many to seek the kingship. In Idumaea two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers gathered in arms to fight against the king's side. They were opposed by Achiabus, the king's cousin, and driven out of some fortified places, though he avoided a pitched battle in the plains.

56 In Sepphoris too, a city of Galilee, Judas, the son of that arch-brigand Hezekias, who formerly overran the country and had been subdued by king Herod, gathered a significant following and breaking into the royal armoury, armed his companions and attacked the men so eager to take power.

[57] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Σίμων τις τῶν βασιλικῶν δούλων εὐμορφίᾳ σώματος καὶ μεγέθει πεποιθὼς περιτίθησιν μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα, περιιὼν δὲ μεθ' ὧν συνήθροισεν λῃστῶν τά τε ἐν Ἱεριχοῖ βασίλεια καταπίμπρησιν καὶ πολλὰς ἑτέρας τῶν πολυτελῶν ἐπαύλεις, ἁρπαγὰς ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς αὑτῷ ποριζόμενος.

[58] Κἂν ἔφθη πᾶσαν οἴκησιν εὐπρεπῆ καταφλέξας, εἰ μὴ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμὼν τούς τε Τραχωνίτας τοξότας καὶ τὸ μαχιμώτατον τῶν Σεβαστηνῶν ἀναλαβὼν ὑπαντιάζει τὸν ἄνδρα.

[59] Τῶν μὲν οὖν Περαίων συχνοὶ διεφθάρησαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, τὸν Σίμωνα δ' αὐτὸν ἀναφεύγοντα δι' ὀρθίου φάραγγος ὁ Γρᾶτος ὑποτέμνεται καὶ φεύγοντος ἐκ πλαγίου τὸν αὐχένα πλήξας ἀπέρραξε. Κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ τὰ πλησίον Ἰορδάνου βασίλεια κατὰ βηθαραμινενθα συστάντων ἑτέρων τινῶν ἐκ τῆς Περαίας.


57 In Perea too, Simon, one of the royal servants, relying upon his handsome physique and his size, put a crown upon his head and went round with a gang of brigands he had assembled and burned down the royal palace in Jericho and many other fine buildings and easily piled up loot that he snatch from the fire.

58 He would soon have burned down all the fine buildings, if Gratus, the captain of the king's infantry, had not gone against him with the Trachonite archers and the best warriors from Sebaste.

59 Many of his infantry were killed in the battle and Gratus cut Simon himself to pieces, as he was fleeing through a narrow valley, striking him diagonally across the neck and severing it as he fled. The royal palaces near the Jordan at Betharamptha were also burned down by some other rebels that came from Perea.

[60] Τότε καὶ ποιμήν τις ἀντιποιηθῆναι βασιλείας ἐτόλμησεν: Ἀθρογγαῖος ἐκαλεῖτο, προυξένει δ' αὐτῷ τὴν ἐλπίδα σώματος ἰσχὺς καὶ ψυχὴ θανάτου καταφρονοῦσα, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες ὅμοιοι.

[61] Τούτων ἑκάστῳ λόχον ὑποζεύξας ἔνοπλον ὥσπερ στρατηγοῖς ἐχρῆτο καὶ σατράπαις ἐπὶ τὰς καταδρομάς, αὐτὸς δὲ καθάπερ βασιλεὺς τῶν σεμνοτέρων ἥπτετο πραγμάτων.

[62] Τότε μὲν οὖν ἑαυτῷ περιτίθησιν διάδημα, διέμεινεν δ' ὕστερον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον τὴν χώραν κατατρέχων σὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς: καὶ τὸ κτείνειν αὐτοῖς προηγούμενον ἦν Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ τοὺς βασιλικούς, διέφευγεν δὲ οὐδὲ Ἰουδαίων εἴ τις εἰς χεῖρας ἔλθοι φέρων κέρδος.

[63] Ἐτόλμησαν δέ ποτε Ῥωμαίων λόχον ἄθρουν περισχεῖν κατ' Ἀμμαοῦντα: σῖτα δ' οὗτοι καὶ ὅπλα διεκόμιζον τῷ τάγματι. Τὸν μὲν οὖν ἑκατοντάρχην αὐτῶν Ἄρειον καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τοὺς γενναιοτάτους κατηκόντισαν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ κινδυνεύοντες ταὐτὸ παθεῖν Γράτου σὺν τοῖς Σεβαστηνοῖς ἐπιβοηθήσαντος ἐξέφυγον.

[64] Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους καὶ τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους παρ' ὅλον τὸν πόλεμον ἐργασάμενοι μετὰ χρόνον οἱ μὲν τρεῖς ἐχειρώθησαν, ὑπ' Ἀρχελάου μὲν ὁ πρεσβύτατος, οἱ δ' ἑξῆς δύο Γράτῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ περιπεσόντες: ὁ δὲ τέταρτος Ἀρχελάῳ προσεχώρησεν κατὰ δεξιάν.

[65] Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τέλος ὕστερον αὐτοὺς ἐξεδέχετο, τότε δὲ λῃστρικοῦ πολέμου τὴν Ἰουδαίαν πᾶσαν ἐνεπίμπλασαν.


60 Meanwhile a shepherd called Athrongeus dared to usurp the kingship, impelled by his physical strength and a soul that despised death, and the support of four brothers like himself.

61 Under each of them he placed a troop of infantry and used them as his generals and satraps in his attacks, while he played the monarch and dealt with the more important matters. 062 Then he crowned himself and continued dominating the land with his brothers for quite a while, taking the lead in killing both Romans and those of the king's party, not sparing the Jews either, where loot was at stake. 063 He once dared to surround a troop of Romans at Emmaus, as they brought corn and weapons to their legion, and with arrows and spears his men killed the centurion Arius and forty of his bravest men, and the others escaped the same fate only because Gratus came to their rescue with troops from Sebaste. 064 After they had similarly treated their countrymen and foreigners throughout this war, three of them were captured, the eldest by Archelaus, another two falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus, and the fourth surrendering, by agreement, to Archelaus. 065 That is how their affair ended, but at the time they filled all of Judea with guerilla warfare.

Chapter 5. [vv. 066-079]
Varus crucifies about two thousand of the rebels in Judea.

[66] Οὐάρῳ δὲ δεξαμένῳ τὰ παρὰ Σαβίνου καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράμματα δεῖσαί τε περὶ τοῦ τάγματος ὅλου παρέστη καὶ σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν.

[67] Ἀναλαβὼν δὴ τὰ λοιπὰ δύο τάγματα καὶ τὰς σὺν αὐτοῖς τέσσαρας ἴλας ἱππέων ἐπὶ Πτολεμαίδος ᾔει, προστάξας ἐκεῖ καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν ἐπικούρους συνελθεῖν: προσέλαβεν δὲ καὶ παρὰ Βηρυτίων διερχόμενος τὴν πόλιν χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους ὁπλίτας.

[68] Ἐπεὶ δ' εἰς τὴν Πτολεμαίδα τό τε ἄλλο συμμαχικὸν πλῆθος αὐτῷ παρῆν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πρὸς Ἡρώδην ἔχθος Ἀρέτας ὁ Ἄραψ οὐκ ὀλίγην ἄγων δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν, μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς εὐθέως ἔπεμπεν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν γειτνιῶσαν τῇ Πτολεμαίδι καὶ Γάιον ἡγεμόνα τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων, ὃς τούς τε ὑπαντιάσαντας τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν πόλιν ἑλὼν αὐτὴν μὲν ἐμπίπρησι, τοὺς δ' ἐνοικοῦντας ἀνδραποδίζεται.

[69] Μετὰ δὲ τῆς ὅλης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς Οὔαρος εἰς Σαμάρειαν ἐλάσας τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο μηδὲν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων θορύβοις παρακεκινηκυῖαν εὑρών, αὐλίζεται δὲ περί τινα κώμην Ἀροῦν καλουμένην: κτῆμα δὲ ἦν Πτολεμαίου καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀράβων διηρπάσθη μηνιόντων καὶ τοῖς Ἡρώδου φίλοις.

[70] Ἔνθεν εἰς Σαπφὼ πρόεισιν κώμην ἑτέραν ἐρυμνήν, ἣν ὁμοίως διήρπασαν τάς τε προσόρους πάσας ὅσαις ἐπετύγχανον. Πυρὸς δὲ καὶ φόνου πεπλήρωτο πάντα καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγὰς τῶν Ἀράβων οὐδὲν ἀντεῖχεν.

[71] Κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ Ἀμμαοῦς φυγόντων τῶν οἰκητόρων, Οὐάρου δι' ὀργὴν τῶν περὶ Ἄρειον ἀποσφαγέντων κελεύσαντος.


66 When Varus received the despatches of Sabinus and the captains, he was alarmed for the whole legion, so he hurried to relieve them. 067 He took the other two legions with their four cavalry units and marched to Ptolemais, ordering the allies sent by the kings and the chieftains to meet him there. Moreover, as he passed through Berytus he received a thousand five hundred infantry from the people of that city. 068 When the other allied groups reached Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arab, who, out of hatred for Herod, brought a considerable force of cavalry and infantry, part of his army was soon sent to Galilee, which lay near Ptolemais under the command of Gaius, one of his friends. He put his opponents to flight and took the city of Sepphoris and burned it and enslaved its inhabitants. 069 Varus himself marched with his whole army to Samaria, where he refrained from the city itself, as he found that it had taken no part with others in the troubles, but camped near a village called Arous; this belonged to Ptolemy, and was therefore looted by the Arabs, who were very angry even at Herod's friends.

70 From there he marched to Sappho, another fortified village, which they likewise looted, like all the other places adjoining their route. Everywhere was now full of flames and slaughter, with nothing safe from the plundering of the Arabs. 071 After its inhabitants had fled, Emmaus was also burned by order of Varus, in his rage at the killing of Arias and his men.

[72] Ἐνθένδε εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα προελθὼν ὀφθείς τε μόνον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τὰ στρατόπεδα τῶν Ἰουδαίων διεσκέδασεν. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ᾤχοντο φυγόντες ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν:

[73] Δεξάμενοι δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀπεσκευάζοντο τὰς αἰτίας τῆς ἀποστάσεως, αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐδὲν παρακινῆσαι λέγοντες, διὰ δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναγκαίως δεξάμενοι τὸ πλῆθος συμπολιορκηθῆναι μᾶλλον Ῥωμαίοις ἢ συμπολεμῆσαι τοῖς ἀποστᾶσιν.

[74] Προυπηντήκεισαν δὲ αὐτῷ Ἰώσηπος ὁ ἀνεψιὸς Ἀρχελάου καὶ σὺν Γράτῳ Ῥοῦφος, ἄγοντες ἅμα τῷ βασιλικῷ στρατῷ καὶ τοὺς Σεβαστηνούς, οἵ τε ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥωμαικοῦ τάγματος τὸν συνήθη τρόπον κεκοσμημένοι: Σαβῖνος μὲν γὰρ οὐδ' εἰς ὄψιν ὑπομείνας ἐλθεῖν Οὐάρῳ προεξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θάλασσαν.

[75] Οὔαρος δὲ κατὰ μοῖραν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ κινήματος ἔπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν, καὶ πολλῶν ἀγομένων τοὺς μὲν ἧττον θορυβώδεις φανέντας ἐφρούρει, τοὺς δὲ αἰτιωτάτους ἀνεσταύρωσεν περὶ δισχιλίους.


72 From there he proceeded to Jerusalem and as soon as his force was seen by the Jews, they left their camps and fled to the country. 073 But the citizens welcomed him and claimed they had taken no part in this revolt and made no commotion, but that had been forced to admit the populace on account of the festival and that they had been besieged along with the Romans, rather than helping the rebels.

74 Already he had been met by Joseph, the cousin of Archelaus with Gratus and Rufus, the officers of the royal army and the men from Sebaste, as well as the Roman legionaries, armed as usual. But Sabinus did not dare to come into Varus's sight, so he had left the city and gone to the coast.

75 Varus sent part of his army into the country, against the instigators of this upheaval and capturing large numbers of them, he imprisoned those who seemed less turbulent and crucified about two thousand of the most culpable.


[76] Ἠγγέλθη δ' αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ἔτι συμμένειν μυρίους ὁπλίτας. Ὁ δὲ τοὺς μὲν Ἄραβας εὑρὼν οὐ συμμάχων ἦθος ἔχοντας, ἀλλ' ἰδίῳ πάθει στρατευομένους καὶ πέρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τὴν χώραν κακοῦντας ἔχθει τῷ πρὸς Ἡρώδην ἀποπέμπεται, μετὰ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων ταγμάτων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας ἠπείγετο.

76 He was told that in Idumaea ten thousand men were still in arms, but when he found the Arabs not acting like allies, but making war according to their own passions and doing more harm to the country than he intended in their hatred of Herod, he sent them away, and with his own legions marched quickly against the rebels.

[77] Κἀκεῖνοι πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν Ἀχιάβου συμβουλεύσαντος σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν, Οὔαρος δὲ τῷ πλήθει μὲν ἠφίει τὰς αἰτίας, τοὺς δὲ ἡγεμόνας ἐξετασθησομένους ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα.

77 On the advice of Achiabus, these surrendered to him before it came to battle, and Varus gave the people amnesty but sent their officers to Caesar for trial.

[78] Καῖσαρ δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις συνέγνω, τινὰς δὲ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενῶν, ἦσαν γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἔνιοι προσήκοντες Ἡρώδῃ κατὰ γένος, κολάσαι προσέταξεν, ὅτι κατ' οἰκείου βασιλέως ἐστρατεύσαντο.

78 Caesar pardoned the rest, but had some of the royal family put to death, among them some relatives of Herod, for going to war against a king of their own clan.

[79] Οὔαρος μὲν οὖν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον καταστησάμενος τὰ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ φρουρὰν καταλιπὼν τὸ καὶ πρότερον τάγμα εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπάνεισιν.

79 After settling matters in Jerusalem in this way and leaving the former legion there as a garrison, Varus returned to Antioch.

Chapter 6. [vv. 080-100]
Augustus rules against Jewish complaints, Herod's inheritance distributed to his sons


[80] Ἀρχελάῳ δ' ἐπὶ Ῥώμης πάλιν ἄλλη συνίσταται δίκη πρὸς Ἰουδαίους, οἳ πρὸ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐπιτρέψαντος Οὐάρου πρέσβεις ἐξεληλύθεσαν περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτονομίας: ἦσαν δὲ πεντήκοντα μὲν οἱ παρόντες, συμπαρίσταντο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης Ἰουδαίων ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχιλίους.

80 Back in Rome Archelaus had to answer another charge by the Jewish envoys who had come, with Varus's permission, before the revolt, to plead for the liberty of their country. There were fifty plaintiffs but they were supported by more than eight thousand of the Jews in Rome.

[81] Ἀθροίσαντος δὲ Καίσαρος συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸ Παλάτιον Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, κτίσμα δ' ἦν ἴδιον αὐτοῦ θαυμασίῳ πολυτελείᾳ κεκοσμημένον, μετὰ μὲν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν πλῆθος ἔστη,

81 Caesar assembled a council of eminent Romans in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, which he had himself had built and adorned at great expense, and the Jewish populace stood with the envoys across from Archelaus and his friends.

[82] Σὺν δὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἄντικρυς Ἀρχέλαος, τῶν δὲ τούτου συγγενῶν οἱ φίλοι παρ' οὐδετέροις, συμπαρίστασθαι μὲν Ἀρχελάῳ διὰ μῖσος καὶ φθόνον οὐχ ὑπομένοντες, ὀφθῆναι δὲ μετὰ τῶν κατηγόρων ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αἰδούμενοι.

82 The relatives of Archelaus stood to either side, unwilling to stand with him because they hated and envied him, yet afraid to be seen by Caesar as siding with his accusers.

[83] Τούτοις παρῆν καὶ Φίλιππος ἀδελφὸς Ἀρχελάου, προπεμφθεὶς κατ' εὔνοιαν ὑπὸ Οὐάρου δυοῖν ἕνεκα, Ἀρχελάῳ τε συναγωνίσασθαι, κἂν διανέμῃ τὸν Ἡρώδου Καῖσαρ οἶκον πᾶσι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις, κλήρου τινὸς ἀξιωθῆναι.

83 Also present was Archelaus's brother Philip, sent there by Varus as a favour for two reasons, to help Archelaus, and so that if Caesar divided Herod's estate among all his descendants, he might be assigned a share of it.


[84] Ἐπιτραπὲν δὲ λέγειν τοῖς κατηγόροις τὰς Ἡρώδου παρανομίας πρῶτον διεξῄεσαν, οὐ βασιλέα λέγοντες ἀλλὰ τῶν πώποτε τυραννησάντων ὠμότατον ἐνηνοχέναι τύραννον: πλείστων γοῦν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι τοὺς καταλειφθέντας, ὥστε μακαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀπολωλότας:

84 When the plaintiffs were allowed to speak, they first went over Herod's lawlessness and said that what they had endured was not a king, but the most cruel of all tyrants. Many had been killed by him, but the survivors had endured so much that they regarded the dead as luckier than they.

[85] βεβασανικέναι γὰρ οὐ μόνον τὰ σώματα τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πόλεις: τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἰδίας λελωβῆσθαι, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων κεκοσμηκέναι καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας αἷμα κεχαρίσθαι τοῖς ἔξωθεν δήμοις.

85 He had tortured not only individual subjects, but entire towns, and had done grievously harmed the home country, while adorning those of foreigners, giving the life-blood of Judea to gratify people outside their borders.

[86] Ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς παλαιᾶς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πενίας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ παρανομίας ἐσχάτης πεπληρωκέναι, καθόλου δὲ πλείους ὑπομεμενηκέναι τὰς ἐξ Ἡρώδου συμφορὰς ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσιν Ἰουδαίους ὧν ἐν παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀναχώρησιν ἔπαθον οἱ πρόγονοι Ξέρξου βασιλεύοντος ἀπαναστάντες.

86 In place of their ancient prosperity and laws, he had sunk the nation in poverty and filled it with outrages. In short, in a few years the Jews had suffered more from Herod than had their ancestors in all the time since they returned from Babylon, in the reign of Xerxes.

[87] Εἰς τοσοῦτον μέντοι μετριότητος καὶ τοῦ δυστυχεῖν ἔθους προελθεῖν, ὥστε ὑπομεῖναι τῆς πικρᾶς δουλείας καὶ διαδοχὴν αὐθαίρετον:

87 Having been so subjected and inured to woes they had submitted to bitter slavery and had even accepted his successor.

[88] Ἀρχέλαον γοῦν τὸν τηλικούτου τυράννου παῖδα μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν βασιλέα τε προσειπεῖν ἑτοίμως καὶ συμπενθῆσαι τὸν Ἡρώδου θάνατον αὐτῷ καὶ συνεύξασθαι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς.

88 After his father's death, they had agreed to call Archelaus "king," despite his being the son of such a tyrant, and mourned Herod's death with him and joined him him in praying for his happy succession.

[89] Τὸν δ' ὥσπερ ἀγωνιάσαντα, μὴ νόθος υἱὸς εἶναι δόξειεν Ἡρώδου, προοιμιάσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν τρισχιλίων πολιτῶν φόνῳ, καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν παρεστακέναι θύματα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ θεῷ, τοσούτοις δ' ἐμπεπληκέναι νεκροῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ.

89 But fearing the danger of not being thought Herod's genuine son, he began his reign by murdering three thousand citizens, as if wishing to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his rule and to fill the temple with so many corpses at the festival.

[90] Τοὺς μέντοι περιλειφθέντας ἐκ τοσούτων κακῶν εἰκότως ἐπεστράφθαι ποτὲ ἤδη πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς καὶ πολέμου νόμῳ τὰς πληγὰς ἐθέλειν κατὰ πρόσωπον δέχεσθαι, δεῖσθαι δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐλεῆσαι τά τε τῆς Ἰουδαίας λείψανα καὶ μὴ τὸ περισσὸν αὐτῆς ὑπορρῖψαι τοῖς ὠμῶς σπαράττουσιν,

90 Those who survived such woes now finally had just reason to reflect on the disasters they suffered and, like soldiers in war, to receive the blows upon their front, not upon their backs, as up to now. Now they begged the Romans to have mercy on the remnants of Judea and not hand over what remained of it to those who hacked it to bits.

[91] συνάψαντας δὲ τῇ Συρίᾳ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν διοικεῖν ἐπ' ἰδίοις ἡγεμόσιν: ἐπιδείξεσθαι γάρ, ὡς οἱ νῦν στασιώδεις διαβαλλόμενοι καὶ πολεμικοὶ φέρειν οἴδασιν μετρίους ἡγεμόνας.

91 They wanted their country joined to Syria instead, under their own officials, to show that those now accused of being rebels and lovers of war, really can accept rulers, if only they be fair.

[92] Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς κατηγορίας κατέληξαν εἰς τοιαύτην ἀξίωσιν, ἀναστὰς δὲ Νικόλαος ἀπελύσατο μὲν τὰς εἰς τοὺς βασιλεῖς αἰτίας, κατηγόρει δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους τό τε δύσαρκτον καὶ τὸ δυσπειθὲς φύσει πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς. Συνδιέβαλλε δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἀρχελάου συγγενεῖς, ὅσοι πρὸς τοὺς κατηγόρους ἀφεστήκεσαν.

92 With this request the Jews brought their claim to an end. Then Nicolaus rose up to refute what was said against the kings, accusing the Jewish nation as hard to govern and naturally averse to monarchs. He also attacked all the relatives of Archelaus who had left him and had gone over to his accusers.


[93] Τότε μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ἑκατέρων διέλυσε τὸ συνέδριον, μετὰ δ' ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τῆς βασιλείας Ἀρχελάῳ δίδωσιν ἐθνάρχην προσειπών, ὑποσχόμενος δὲ καὶ βασιλέα ποιήσειν,

93 After hearing both sides, Caesar adjourned the assembly, but a few days later he gave half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, under the title of Ethnarch, promising to make him king later, if he proved worthy.

[94] εἰ ἄξιον ἑαυτὸν παράσχοι, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἥμισυ διελὼν εἰς δύο τετραρχίας δυσὶν ἑτέροις παισὶν Ἡρώδου δίδωσιν, τὴν μὲν Φιλίππῳ, τὴν δὲ Ἀντίπᾳ τῷ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον ἀμφισβητοῦντι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας.

94 The other half he divided into two tetrarchies for two other sons of Herod, giving one to Philip and the other to the Antipas who had disputed the kingship with Archelaus.

[95] Ἐγένετο δὲ ὑπὸ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε Περαία καὶ Γαλιλαία, πρόσοδος διακόσια τάλαντα, Βατανέα δὲ καὶ Τράχων Αὐρανῖτίς τε καὶ μέρη τινὰ τοῦ Ζήνωνος οἴκου τὰ περὶ ἰννάνω, πρόσοδον ἔχοντα ταλάντων ἑκατόν, ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ τέτακτο.

95 Under this was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents, but Batanea and Trachonitis and Auranitis and some parts of Zeno's estate near Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were assigned to Philip.

[96] Τῆς Ἀρχελάου δ' ἐθναρχίας Ἰδουμαία τε καὶ Ἰουδαία πᾶσα καὶ Σαμαρεῖτις ἦν κεκουφισμένη τετάρτῳ μέρει τῶν φόρων εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ μὴ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποστῆναι.

96 Idumaea and all Judea and Samaria belonged to the ethnarchy of Archelaus, though Samaria was relieved of a quarter of its taxes, for not having rebelled with the rest of the nation.

[97] Πόλεις δ' ὑπηκόους παρέλαβεν Στράτωνος πύργον καὶ Σεβαστὴν καὶ Ἰόππην καὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα: τὰς γὰρ Ἑλληνίδας Γάζαν καὶ Γάδαρα καὶ Ἵππον ἀποτεμόμενος τῆς βασιλείας προσέθηκεν Συρίᾳ. Πρόσοδος ἦν τῆς Ἀρχελάῳ δοθείσης χώρας τετρακοσίων ταλάντων.

97 He subjected to him the cities of Strato's Tower and Sebaste and Joppa and Jerusalem, but annexed from the kingdom the Greek cities of Gaza and Gadara and Hippos, giving them to Syria. The land assigned to Archelaus produced a revenue of four hundred talents.

[98] Σαλώμη δὲ πρὸς οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις κατέλιπεν Ἰαμνείας τε καὶ Ἀζώτου καὶ Φασαηλίδος ἀποδείκνυται δεσπότις, χαρίζεται δ' αὐτῇ Καῖσαρ καὶ τὰ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι βασίλεια: συνήγετο δ' ἐκ πάντων ἑξήκοντα προσόδου τάλαντα: τὸν δὲ οἶκον αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τὴν Ἀρχελάου τοπαρχίαν ἔταξεν.

98 And besides what the king had left her in his will, Salome was now made mistress of Jamnia and Azotus and Phasaelis, and Caesar also gave her the royal palace of Ascalon as a gift. From all of this she had a total revenue of sixty talents, though he placed her estate under the rulership of Archelaus.

[99] Τῆς δ' ἄλλης Ἡρώδου γενεᾶς ἕκαστος τὸ καταλειφθὲν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἐκομίζετο. Δυσὶ δ' αὐτοῦ θυγατράσι παρθένοις Καῖσαρ ἔξωθεν χαρίζεται πεντήκοντα μυριάδας ἀργυρίου καὶ συνῴκισεν αὐτὰς τοῖς Φερώρα παισίν.

99 The rest of Herod's offspring received what was bequeathed to them in his will. Furthermore, Caesar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand silver pieces and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras.

[100] Μετὰ δὲ τὸν οἶκον ἐπιδιένειμεν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἑαυτῷ καταλειφθεῖσαν ὑφ' Ἡρώδου δωρεὰν οὖσαν χιλίων ταλάντων, εὐτελῆ τινα τῶν κειμηλίων εἰς τὴν τοῦ κατοιχομένου τιμὴν ἐξελόμενος.

100 After this family distribution, he shared between them what Herod had left to him, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some small gifts, in honour of the deceased.

Chapter 7. [vv. 101-116]
An imposter claims to be Alexander. Archelaus is banished and Glaphyra dies.


[101] Κἀν τούτῳ νεανίας τις Ἰουδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος, τραφεὶς δὲ ἐν Σιδῶνι παρά τῳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀπελευθέρῳ, δι' ὁμοιότητα μορφῆς ψευδόμενος ἑαυτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν ἀναιρεθέντα ὑφ' Ἡρώδου κατ' ἐλπίδα τοῦ λήσειν ἧκεν εἰς Ῥώμην.

101 Meanwhile a young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freedmen, on account of a facial resemblance falsely claimed to be the Alexander whom Herod had killed and came to Rome, in the hope of deceiving people.

[102] Συνεργὸς δ' ἦν τις ὁμόφυλος αὐτῷ πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπιστάμενος, ὑφ' οὗ διδαχθεὶς ἔλεγεν, ὡς οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτοῦ τε καὶ Ἀριστοβούλου δι' οἶκτον ἐκκλέψειαν αὐτοὺς ὁμοίων ὑποβολῇ σωμάτων.

102 He had an accomplice of his own nation, who knew all about the kingdom and taught him to say how the men sent to kill him and Aristobulus had taken pity on them and slipped them away, putting similar bodies in their place.

[103] Τούτοις γοῦν τοὺς ἐν Κρήτῃ Ἰουδαίους ἐξαπατήσας καὶ λαμπρῶς ἐφοδιασθεὶς διέπλευσεν εἰς Μῆλον: ἔνθα συναγείρας πολλῷ πλέον δι' ὑπερβολὴν ἀξιοπιστίας ἀνέπεισεν καὶ τοὺς ἰδιοξένους εἰς Ῥώμην αὐτῷ συνεκπλεῦσαι.

103 With this story he deceived the Jews in Crete and got a lot of money from them, allowing him to travel in splendor, and from there sailed to Melos, where he was so surely convincing that he got a lot more money and persuaded his fellow exiles to sail with him to Rome.

[104] Καταχθεὶς δὲ εἰς Δικαιάρχειαν δῶρά τε παμπληθῆ παρὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ Ἰουδαίων λαμβάνει καὶ καθάπερ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τῶν πατρῴων προεπέμφθη φίλων. Προεληλύθει δ' εἰς τοσοῦτον πίστεως τὸ τῆς μορφῆς ὅμοιον, ὥστε τοὺς ἑωρακότας Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ σαφῶς ἐπισταμένους διόμνυσθαι τοῦτον εἶναι.

104 So he landed at Dicearchia, and got large gifts from the Jews who lived there and was treated like a king by his father's friends, and the his resemblance was so believable that those who had seen Alexander and known him well, swore that it was he.

[105] Τό γε μὴν Ἰουδαικὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἅπαν ἐξεχύθη πρὸς τὴν θέαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἦν περὶ τοὺς στενωπούς, δι' ὧν ἐκομίζετο: καὶ γὰρ προῆλθον εἰς τοσοῦτον φρενοβλαβείας οἱ Μήλιοι, ὥστε φορείῳ τε αὐτὸν κομίζειν καὶ θεραπείαν βασιλικὴν ἰδίοις παρασχεῖν ἀναλώμασιν.

105 The whole Jewish population in Rome ran out in crowds to see him and thronged the narrow streets through which he was carried, for the foolish Meliots carried him in a sedan and gave him royal honours at their own expense.


[106] Καῖσαρ δὲ γινώσκων [ἀκριβῶς] τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου χαρακτῆρας, κατηγόρητο γὰρ ὑφ' Ἡρώδου παρ' αὐτῷ, συνεώρα μὲν καὶ πρὶν ἰδεῖν τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὴν τῆς ὁμοιότητος ἀπάτην, διδοὺς δέ τι καὶ πίστεως ταῖς ἱλαρωτέραις ἐλπίσιν Κέλαδόν τινα πέμπει τῶν σαφῶς ἐπισταμένων Ἀλέξανδρον, κελεύσας ἀγαγεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν νεανίσκον.

106 Caesar, however, knew well the appearance of Alexander, who had been accused before him by Herod, and even before seeing the man he realised that the thing was a fraud; but to give a chance to the claim being made about him, he sent Celadus, who knew Alexander well, to bring the young man to him.

[107] Ὁ δὲ ὡς εἶδεν, ἐτεκμήρατο μὲν τάχιστα καὶ τὰς διαφορὰς τοῦ προσώπου τό τε ὅλον σῶμα σκληρότερόν τε καὶ δουλοφανὲς καταμαθὼν ἐνόησεν πᾶν τὸ σύνταγμα,

107 This man, on seeing him, instantly noted a difference in his appearance, and noting how his physique was robust and like that of a slave, he understood the whole thing was a ruse.

[108] Πάνυ δὲ αὐτὸν παρώξυνεν ἡ τόλμα τῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ λεγομένων: τοῖς γὰρ πυνθανομένοις περὶ Ἀριστοβούλου σώζεσθαι μὲν κἀκεῖνον ἔλεγεν, ἀπολελεῖφθαι δὲ ἐπίτηδες ἐν Κύπρῳ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς φυλασσόμενον: ἧττον γὰρ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι διεζευγμένους.

108 But the impudence of what the imposter said greatly angered him, for when asked about Aristobulus, he said that he too was kept alive and was purposely left in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for conspirators to seize them both while they remained apart.

[109] Ἀπολαβόμενος οὖν αὐτὸν κατ' ἰδίαν "μισθόν, ἔφη, παρὰ Καίσαρος ἔχεις τὸ ζῆν τοῦ μηνῦσαι τὸν ἀναπείσαντά σε πλανᾶσθαι τηλικαῦτα." κἀκεῖνος αὐτῷ δηλώσειν εἰπὼν ἕπεται πρὸς Καίσαρα καὶ τὸν Ἰουδαῖον ἐνδείκνυται καταχρησάμενον αὐτοῦ τῇ ὁμοιότητι πρὸς ἐργασίαν: τοσαῦτα γὰρ εἰληφέναι δῶρα καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν ὅσα ζῶν Ἀλέξανδρος οὐκ ἔλαβεν.

109 Then he took him aside in private and said, "Caesar will spare your life, if you just reveal who persuaded you to invent such a tale." So he agreed to tell and went with him to Caesar and pointed out the Jew who had exploited his appearance for profit, for he had received more gifts in every city than ever Alexander did in his lifetime.

[110] γελάσας δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν μὲν ψευδαλέξανδρον δι' εὐεξίαν σώματος ἐγκατέταξεν τοῖς ἐρέταις, τὸν ἀναπείσαντα δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι: Μηλίοις δ' ἤρκεσεν ἐπιτίμιον τῆς ἀνοίας τὰ ἀναλώματα.

110 Caesar laughed at the plan and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers on account of his vigour, but put to death the one who persuaded him. The Meliots were sufficiently punished for their foolishness by the money they had spent on his account.


[111] Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν Ἀρχέλαος καὶ κατὰ μνήμην τῶν πάλαι διαφορῶν οὐ μόνον Ἰουδαίοις ἀλλὰ καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι χρησάμενος ὠμῶς, πρεσβευσαμένων ἑκατέρων κατ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς Καίσαρα ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνάτῳ φυγαδεύεται μὲν αὐτὸς εἰς Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας, ἡ οὐσία δ' αὐτοῦ τοῖς Καίσαρος θησαυροῖς ἐγκατατάσσεται.

111 Archelaus took over his ethnarchy and cruelly treated not only the Jews but also the Samaritans, because of their quarrels with him in the past; so both groups sent envoys against him to Caesar, and in the ninth year of his rule he was banished to Vienne, a city of Gaul, and his property went into Caesar's treasury.

[112] Πρὶν κληθῆναι δ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὄναρ ἰδεῖν φασιν τοιόνδε: ἔδοξεν ὁρᾶν στάχυς ἐννέα πλήρεις καὶ μεγάλους ὑπὸ βοῶν καταβιβρωσκομένους. Μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς μάντεις καὶ τῶν Χαλδαίων τινὰς ἐπυνθάνετο, τί σημαίνειν δοκοῖεν.

112 They say that before he was sent for by Caesar, he had a dream where he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, devoured by oxen; so he sent for his diviners and some Chaldeans to ask what they thought it portended.

[113] ἄλλων δ' ἄλλως ἐξηγουμένων Σίμων τις Ἐσσαῖος τὸ γένος ἔφη τοὺς μὲν στάχυς ἐνιαυτοὺς νομίζειν, βόας δὲ μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν χώραν ἀροτριῶντας ἀλλάσσειν: ὥστε βασιλεύσειν μὲν αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν ἀσταχύων ἀριθμόν, ἐν ποικίλαις δὲ πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς γενόμενον τελευτήσειν. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας Ἀρχέλαος μετὰ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην ἐκλήθη.

113 As they offered various interpretations, an Essene named Simon explained the ears of corn as years and the oxen as a change of affairs, since by their ploughing they changed the land. So he would reign as many years as there were ears of corn, and would die after going through various alterations of fortune; and five days after Archelaus heard this he was called to trial.


[114] Ἄξιον δὲ μνήμης ἡγησάμην καὶ τὸ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Γλαφύρας ὄναρ, ἥπερ ἦν θυγάτηρ μὲν Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Καππαδόκων βασιλέως, γυνὴ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου γεγονυῖα τὸ πρῶτον, ὃς ἦν ἀδελφὸς Ἀρχελάου περὶ οὗ διέξιμεν, υἱὸς δὲ Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑφ' οὗ καὶ ἀνῃρέθη, καθάπερ δεδηλώκαμεν.

114 I think worthy of note the dream of his wife Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and former wife of Alexander, a brother of the aforementioned Archelaus and son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have said.

[115] Μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἐκείνου θάνατον συνῴκησεν Ἰόβᾳ τῷ βασιλεύοντι Λιβύης, οὗ τελευτήσαντος ἐπανελθοῦσαν αὐτὴν καὶ χηρεύουσαν παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ θεασάμενος ὁ ἐθνάρχης Ἀρχέλαος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἔρωτος ἦλθεν, ὥστε παραχρῆμα τὴν συνοικοῦσαν αὐτῷ Μαριάμμην ἀποπεμψάμενος ἐκείνην ἀγαγέσθαι.

115 After his death she married Juba, king of Libya, and, when he died, returned home and lived as a widow with her father. At that time the ethnarch Archelaus saw her and was so enamoured that he divorced his wife Mariamne to marry her.

[116] Παραγενομένη τοίνυν εἰς Ἰουδαίαν μετ' ὀλίγον τῆς ἀφίξεως χρόνον ἔδοξεν ἐπιστάντα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτῇ λέγειν "ἀπέχρη μὲν ὁ κατὰ Λιβύην σοι γάμος, σὺ δὲ οὐκ ἀρκεσθεῖσα τούτῳ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνακάμπτεις ἑστίαν, τρίτον ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα τὸν ἀδελφόν, ὦ τολμηρά, τὸν ἐμὸν ᾑρημένη. Πλὴν οὐ περιόψομαι τὴν ὕβριν, ἀπολήψομαι δέ σε καὶ μὴ θέλουσαν." Tοῦτο διηγησαμένη τὸ ὄναρ μόλις δύο ἡμέρας ἐβίω.

116 After coming to Judea and living there a little while, she thought she saw Alexander standing beside her and saying to her; "Your marriage with the king of Libya should have satisfied you, but not content with him you have come back to my family, to a third husband, and brashly chosen my own brother. I shall not overlook your insult to me, but shall have you again, with or without your consent!" After explaining this dream, she lived for only two more days.

Chapter 8.
Judas and his Galilean Rebels. Lifestyle of the Essenes [vv 117-166]


[117] Τῆς δὲ Ἀρχελάου χώρας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν περιγραφείσης ἐπίτροπος τῆς ἱππικῆς παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τάξεως Κωπώνιος πέμπεται μέχρι τοῦ κτείνειν λαβὼν παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίαν.

117 Archelaus's territory was reduced to an eparchy and Coponius, a Roman knight, was quickly sent as procurator, entrusted by Caesar with the power of life and death.

[118] Ἐπὶ τούτου τις ἀνὴρ Γαλιλαῖος Ἰούδας ὄνομα εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγε τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους κακίζων, εἰ φόρον τε Ῥωμαίοις τελεῖν ὑπομενοῦσιν καὶ μετὰ τὸν θεὸν οἴσουσι θνητοὺς δεσπότας. ἠν δ' οὗτος σοφιστὴς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις προσεοικώς.

118 Under him a Galilean named Judas incited his people to rebel, calling them cowards if they paid tax to the Romans and let themselves be ruled by mortal men, having formerly served God alone. This deceiver had his own sect, quite different from the others.


[119] Τρία γὰρ παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι, τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι, τρίτον δέ, ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν, Ἐσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται, Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες, φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον.

119 Among the Jews there are three kinds of philosophical trend. Members of the first group are called Pharisees, the second are Sadducees, and the third are Essenes, Jews who live a more communitarian life than others.

[120] Οὗτοι τὰς μὲν ἡδονὰς ὡς κακίαν ἀποστρέφονται, τὴν δὲ ἐγκράτειαν καὶ τὸ μὴ τοῖς πάθεσιν ὑποπίπτειν ἀρετὴν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν. Καὶ γάμου μὲν παρ' αὐτοῖς ὑπεροψία, τοὺς δ' ἀλλοτρίους παῖδας ἐκλαμβάνοντες ἁπαλοὺς ἔτι πρὸς τὰ μαθήματα συγγενεῖς ἡγοῦνται καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν αὐτῶν ἐντυποῦσι,

120 These reject pleasures as an evil, but find virtue in continence and the control of the passions. They scorn marriage but adopt other people's children, while they are simple and teachable, treating them as relatives and educating them in their own customs.

[121] τὸν μὲν γάμον καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ διαδοχὴν οὐκ ἀναιροῦντες, τὰς δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀσελγείας φυλαττόμενοι καὶ μηδεμίαν τηρεῖν πεπεισμένοι τὴν πρὸς ἕνα πίστιν.

121 They do not condemn marriage and its continuation of the human race but they guard against the caprices of women, convinced that none of them keeps faithful to one man.


[122] Καταφρονηταὶ δὲ πλούτου, καὶ θαυμάσιον αὐτοῖς τὸ κοινωνικόν, οὐδὲ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν κτήσει τινὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὑπερέχοντα: νόμος γὰρ τοὺς εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν εἰσιόντας δημεύειν τῷ τάγματι τὴν οὐσίαν, ὥστε ἐν ἅπασιν μήτε πενίας ταπεινότητα φαίνεσθαι μήθ' ὑπεροχὴν πλούτου, τῶν δ' ἑκάστου κτημάτων ἀναμεμιγμένων μίαν ὥσπερ ἀδελφοῖς ἅπασιν οὐσίαν εἶναι.

122 They despise riches and admirably share their goods, so that none of them owns more than any other. Their law requires anyone joining them to hand over his property to the order, so that among them there is no abject poverty or excess riches, but each one's possessions are mixed in with the others, like a shared patrimony among brothers.

[123] Κηλῖδα δ' ὑπολαμβάνουσι τὸ ἔλαιον, κἂν ἀλειφθῇ τις ἄκων, σμήχεται τὸ σῶμα: τὸ γὰρ αὐχμεῖν ἐν καλῷ τίθενται λευχειμονεῖν τε διαπαντός. Χειροτονητοὶ δ' οἱ τῶν κοινῶν ἐπιμεληταὶ καὶ ἀδιαίρετοι πρὸς ἁπάντων εἰς τὰς χρείας ἕκαστοι.

123 They regard oil as a defilement, and that even an accidental rub of must be wiped from the body, for they think dry skin is preferable, and always wear white clothing. Stewards are appointed to take care of their common affairs, the task of each being assigned by them all.


[124] Μία δ' οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτῶν πόλις ἀλλ' ἐν ἑκάστῃ μετοικοῦσιν πολλοί. Καὶ τοῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἥκουσιν αἱρετισταῖς πάντ' ἀναπέπταται τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὁμοίως ὥσπερ ἴδια, καὶ πρὸς οὓς οὐ πρότερον εἶδον εἰσίασιν ὡς συνηθεστάτους:

124 They are not just in one town only, but in every town several of them form a colony. They welcome members from out of town as equal brothers, and greet total strangers as though they were old acquaintances. 125 Thus they carry nothing with them when they travel, though they are armed against brigands. In every city where they live, one is appointed especially to take care of strangers and provide them with clothes and other essentials. [125] Διὸ καὶ ποιοῦνται τὰς ἀποδημίας οὐδὲν μὲν ὅλως ἐπικομιζόμενοι, διὰ δὲ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔνοπλοι. Κηδεμὼν δ' ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει τοῦ τάγματος ἐξαιρέτως τῶν ξένων ἀποδείκνυται ταμιεύων ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια.

[126] Καταστολὴ δὲ καὶ σχῆμα σώματος ὅμοιον τοῖς μετὰ φόβου παιδαγωγουμένοις παισίν. Οὔτε δὲ ἐσθῆτας οὔτε ὑποδήματα ἀμείβουσι πρὶν διαρραγῆναι τὸ πρότερον παντάπασιν ἢ δαπανηθῆναι τῷ χρόνῳ.

126 The clothing and management of their bodies is like that of children under strict discipline. They do not change their clothing or shoes until they have completely worn out with use.

[127] Οὐδὲν δ' ἐν ἀλλήλοις οὔτ' ἀγοράζουσιν οὔτε πωλοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ τῷ χρῄζοντι διδοὺς ἕκαστος τὰ παρ' αὐτῷ τὸ παρ' ἐκείνου χρήσιμον ἀντικομίζεται: καὶ χωρὶς δὲ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως ἀκώλυτος ἡ μετάληψις αὐτοῖς παρ' ὧν ἂν θέλωσιν.

127 They neither buy nor sell anything among themselves. They give to each other freely and feel no need to repay anything in exchange. They are fully allowed to take what they need, from whoever they please.


[128] Πρός γε μὴν τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖς ἰδίως: πρὶν γὰρ ἀνασχεῖν τὸν ἥλιον οὐδὲν φθέγγονται τῶν βεβήλων, πατρίους δέ τινας εἰς αὐτὸν εὐχὰς ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντες ἀνατεῖλαι.

128 Their piety towards the Deity is extraordinary. Before sunrise they say not a word about mundane matters, but offer traditional prayers as if praying for its rising.

[129] Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἃς ἕκαστοι τέχνας ἴσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν διαφίενται, καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ὥρας ἐργασάμενοι συντόνως πάλιν εἰς ἓν συναθροίζονται χωρίον, ζωσάμενοί τε σκεπάσμασιν λινοῖς οὕτως ἀπολούονται τὸ σῶμα ψυχροῖς ὕδασιν, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἁγνείαν εἰς ἴδιον οἴκημα συνίασιν, ἔνθα μηδενὶ τῶν ἑτεροδόξων ἐπιτέτραπται παρελθεῖν: αὐτοί τε καθαροὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἅγιόν τι τέμενος παραγίνονται τὸ δειπνητήριον.

129 Then each is sent off by their directors, to work at the their various crafts, and they work hard until the fifth hour. Then they assemble again into one place, and when they have clothed themselves in white robes, they bathe their bodies in cold water. After this purification they all meet together in a special apartment where non-members may not enter. Then, purified, they go into the dining-room, as into a holy temple.

[130] Καὶ καθισάντων μεθ' ἡσυχίας ὁ μὲν σιτοποιὸς ἐν τάξει παρατίθησι τοὺς ἄρτους, ὁ δὲ μάγειρος ἓν ἀγγεῖον ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐδέσματος ἑκάστῳ παρατίθησιν.

130 When they have sat down quietly, the baker sets out the loaves in order and the cook sets a single plate of one sort of food before each of them.

[131] Προκατεύχεται δ' ὁ ἱερεὺς τῆς τροφῆς, καὶ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὶν τῆς εὐχῆς ἀθέμιτον: ἀριστοποιησάμενος δ' ἐπεύχεται πάλιν: ἀρχόμενοί τε καὶ παυόμενοι γεραίρουσι θεὸν ὡς χορηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς. Ἔπειθ' ὡς ἱερὰς καταθέμενοι τὰς ἐσθῆτας πάλιν ἐπ' ἔργα μέχρι δείλης τρέπονται.

131 First a priest says grace before the meal, and none may taste the food before grace is said. He also says grace after the meal, so that before and after they praise God, as the source of life. Afterwards they lay aside their holy vesture and return to work again until the evening.

[132] Δειπνοῦσι δ' ὁμοίως ὑποστρέψαντες συγκαθεζομένων τῶν ξένων, εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοῖς παρόντες. Οὔτε δὲ κραυγή ποτε τὸν οἶκον οὔτε θόρυβος μιαίνει, τὰς δὲ λαλιὰς ἐν τάξει παραχωροῦσιν ἀλλήλοις.

132 They return home to take supper in the same way, and if any guests are there, they sit down with them. There is never any shouting or disturbance to pollute their house, but they allow each one to speak in due turn.

[133] Καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν ὡς μυστήριόν τι φρικτὸν ἡ τῶν ἔνδον σιωπὴ καταφαίνεται, τούτου δ' αἴτιον ἡ διηνεκὴς νῆψις καὶ τὸ μετρεῖσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν μέχρι κόρου.

133 This silence observed in their house seems a tremendous mystery to outsiders but its source is their perpetual sobriety and limiting their measure of food and drink to what is really needed.


[134] Τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι μὴ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν προσταξάντων ἐνεργοῦσι, δύο δὲ ταῦτα παρ' αὐτοῖς αὐτεξούσια, ἐπικουρία καὶ ἔλεος: βοηθεῖν τε γὰρ τοῖς ἀξίοις, ὁπόταν δέωνται, καὶ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς ἐφίεται καὶ τροφὰς ἀπορουμένοις ὀρέγειν. Τὰς δὲ εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς μεταδόσεις οὐκ ἔξεστι ποιεῖσθαι δίχα τῶν ἐπιτρόπων.

134 In all other things, they do nothing but by direction of their superiors, with just two things left to each one's discretion: assistance and mercy. They may of their own accord help the deserving as need dictates and give food to people in distress, but they cannot give gifts to their relatives without leave from those in charge.

[135] Ὀργῆς ταμίαι δίκαιοι, θυμοῦ καθεκτικοί, πίστεως προστάται, εἰρήνης ὑπουργοί. Καὶ πᾶν μὲν τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἰσχυρότερον ὅρκου, τὸ δὲ ὀμνύειν αὐτοῖς περιίσταται χεῖρον τῆς ἐπιορκίας ὑπολαμβάνοντες: ἤδη γὰρ κατεγνῶσθαί φασιν τὸν ἀπιστούμενον δίχα θεοῦ.

135 Fully in control of their anger and mastering their temper, they are outstanding for fidelity and are ministers of peace. Their word is more reliable than any oath, since they avoid swearing, considering it worse than perjury. For them, whoever cannot be believed without appealing to God is already condemned.

[136] Σπουδάζουσι δ' ἐκτόπως περὶ τὰ τῶν παλαιῶν συντάγματα μάλιστα τὰ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἐκλέγοντες: ἔνθεν αὐτοῖς πρὸς θεραπείαν παθῶν ῥίζαι τε ἀλεξητήριον καὶ λίθων ἰδιότητες ἀνερευνῶνται.

136 They are devoted to the study of ancient lore and focus in particular on what promotes health of soul and body, and the medicinal properties of roots and stones for curing ailments are a special study of theirs.


[137] Τοῖς δὲ ζηλοῦσιν τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἡ πάροδος, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔξω μένοντι τὴν αὐτὴν ὑποτίθενται δίαιταν ἀξινάριόν τε καὶ τὸ προειρημένον περίζωμα καὶ λευκὴν ἐσθῆτα δόντες.

137 Whoever wants to join their sect is not admitted immediately, but for a year must follow their lifestyle as an outsider; while they give him a small hatchet and the loincloth and the white garment mentioned above.

[138] Ἐπειδὰν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ πεῖραν ἐγκρατείας δῷ, πρόσεισιν μὲν ἔγγιον τῇ διαίτῃ καὶ καθαρωτέρων τῶν πρὸς ἁγνείαν ὑδάτων μεταλαμβάνει, παραλαμβάνεται δὲ εἰς τὰς συμβιώσεις οὐδέπω. Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τῆς καρτερίας ἐπίδειξιν δυσὶν ἄλλοις ἔτεσιν τὸ ἦθος δοκιμάζεται καὶ φανεὶς ἄξιος οὕτως εἰς τὸν ὅμιλον ἐγκρίνεται.

138 When over that time he has proven his continence, they draw him closer to their rule and he may share the purity of their sanctified waters. However he is still not admitted to their common life, for after this test of fortitude, his mettle is tried for two years more and if found worthy, he is then admitted into their society.

[139] Πρὶν δὲ τῆς κοινῆς ἅψασθαι τροφῆς ὅρκους αὐτοῖς ὄμνυσι φρικώδεις, πρῶτον μὲν εὐσεβήσειν τὸ θεῖον, ἔπειτα τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κατὰ γνώμην βλάψειν τινὰ μήτε ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος, μισήσειν δ' ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀδίκους καὶ συναγωνιεῖσθαι τοῖς δικαίοις:

139 Before being allowed to join their shared meals, he must to take great vows: to be devout towards the Deity and to observe justice towards human beings, and to harm nobody, either of his own accord or at the command of others, and always to hate the wicked and help the righteous.

[140] τὸ πιστὸν ἀεὶ πᾶσιν παρέξειν, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς κρατοῦσιν: οὐ γὰρ δίχα θεοῦ περιγενέσθαι τινὶ τὸ ἄρχειν: κἂν αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ, μηδέποτε ἐξυβρίσειν εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν μηδ' ἐσθῆτί τινι ἢ πλείονι κόσμῳ τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους ὑπερλαμπρύνεσθαι.

140 He must always keep faith with all, especially those in authority, since no one comes to authority without God's help, and if he comes to be leader, never to abuse his authority or surpass his subjects either in dress or any other adornment.

[141] Τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους προβάλλεσθαι: χεῖρας κλοπῆς καὶ ψυχὴν ἀνοσίου κέρδους καθαρὰν φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κρύψειν τι τοὺς αἱρετιστὰς μήθ' ἑτέροις αὐτῶν τι μηνύσειν, κἂν μέχρι θανάτου τις βιάζηται.

141 He must always love truth and attempt to reproach those who tell lies, keep his hands from theft and his soul from unlawful profit, and neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor reveal any of their doctrines to others, even if tortured to death.

[142] Πρὸς τούτοις ὄμνυσιν μηδενὶ μὲν μεταδοῦναι τῶν δογμάτων ἑτέρως ἢ ὡς αὐτὸς μετέλαβεν, ἀφέξεσθαι δὲ λῃστείας καὶ συντηρήσειν ὁμοίως τά τε τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν βιβλία καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων ὀνόματα. Τοιούτοις μὲν ὅρκοις τοὺς προσιόντας ἐξασφαλίζονται.

142 He must further swear to pass on their doctrines exactly as he received them himself, to abstain from robbery, and to safeguard the books of their sect and the names of the messengers. These are the vows by which they bind their candidates.


[143] Τοὺς δ' ἐπ' ἀξιοχρέοις ἁμαρτήμασιν ἁλόντας ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ τάγματος. Ὁ δ' ἐκκριθεὶς οἰκτίστῳ πολλάκις μόρῳ διαφθείρεται: τοῖς γὰρ ὅρκοις καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐνδεδεμένος οὐδὲ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις τροφῆς δύναται μεταλαμβάνειν, ποηφαγῶν δὲ καὶ λιμῷ τὸ σῶμα τηκόμενος διαφθείρεται.

143 Anyone found guilty of sin are expelled from their society, and if so expelled one often dies in misery, for bound by the vows and customs he has practiced, he is not free to share the food he meets with elsewhere, but must eat herbs and may starve to death of hunger.

[144] Διὸ δὴ πολλοὺς ἐλεήσαντες ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἀναπνοαῖς ἀνέλαβον, ἱκανὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν τὴν μέχρι θανάτου βάσανον ἡγούμενοι.

144 Therefore out of mercy they receive back many at their last gasp, reckoning what they have endured up to the very brink of death as a sufficient atonement for their sins.


[145] Περὶ δὲ τὰς κρίσεις ἀκριβέστατοι καὶ δίκαιοι, καὶ δικάζουσι μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν ἑκατὸν συνελθόντες, τὸ δ' ὁρισθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀκίνητον. Σέβας δὲ μέγα παρ' αὐτοῖς μετὰ τὸν θεὸν τοὔνομα τοῦ νομοθέτου, κἂν βλασφημήσῃ τις εἰς τοῦτον κολάζεται θανάτῳ.

145 In trying cases they are precise and fair, and do not pass sentence with less than a hundred votes, but if a thing is once decided it is unalterable. The name they honour most, under God, is that of their Legislator, and anyone blaspheming him would lose his life.

[146] Τοῖς δὲ πρεσβυτέροις ὑπακούουσιν καὶ τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐν καλῷ: δέκα γοῦν συγκαθεζομένων οὐκ ἂν λαλήσειέν τις ἀκόντων τῶν ἐννέα.

146 They also think it virtuous to obey their elders and the majority, so if ten of them confer together, one will not speak if the other nine are against it.

[147] Καὶ τὸ πτύσαι δὲ εἰς μέσους ἢ τὸ δεξιὸν μέρος φυλάσσονται καὶ ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἔργων ἐφάπτεσθαι διαφορώτατα Ἰουδαίων ἁπάντων: οὐ μόνον γὰρ τροφὰς ἑαυτοῖς πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας παρασκευάζουσιν, ὡς μὴ πῦρ ἐναύοιεν ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ σκεῦός τι μετακινῆσαι θαρροῦσιν οὐδὲ ἀποπατεῖν.

147 They also avoid spitting in company, or to one's right side. They are stricter than any other Jews in resting from their labours on the sabbath. Not only do they get their food ready the day before, so as not to have to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not move any vessel from its place, nor defecate in it.

[148] Ταῖς δ' ἄλλαις ἡμέραις βόθρον ὀρύσσοντες βάθος ποδιαῖον τῇ σκαλίδι, τοιοῦτον γάρ ἐστιν τὸ διδόμενον ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀξινίδιον τοῖς νεοσυστάτοις, καὶ περικαλύψαντες θοιμάτιον, ὡς μὴ τὰς αὐγὰς ὑβρίζοιεν τοῦ θεοῦ, θακεύουσιν εἰς αὐτόν.

148 On other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a kind of hatchet given to them when they are first admitted, and covering themselves with their garment, so as not to insult the divine sunlight, they defecate into the pit.

[149] Ἔπειτα τὴν ἀνορυχθεῖσαν γῆν ἐφέλκουσιν εἰς τὸν βόθρον: καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦσι τοὺς ἐρημοτέρους τόπους ἐκλεγόμενοι. Καίπερ δὴ φυσικῆς οὔσης τῆς τῶν λυμάτων ἐκκρίσεως ἀπολούεσθαι μετ' αὐτὴν καθάπερ μεμιασμένοις ἔθιμον.

149 Then they put back into the pit the earth they dug out; and even this they do only in places set apart for this purpose; and although this relief of the body is natural, it is their rule to wash themselves after it, as though defiled by it.


[150] Διῄρηνται δὲ κατὰ χρόνον τῆς ἀσκήσεως εἰς μοίρας τέσσαρας, καὶ τοσοῦτον οἱ μεταγενέστεροι τῶν προγενεστέρων ἐλαττοῦνται, ὥστ' εἰ ψαύσειαν αὐτῶν, ἐκείνους ἀπολούεσθαι καθάπερ ἀλλοφύλῳ συμφυρέντας.

150 In this time of training they are divided into four classes, and the juniors are so far inferior to the seniors that if a senior were touched by a junior, he must wash himself as if he had mixed in company with a foreigner.

[151] Καὶ μακρόβιοι μέν, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπὲρ ἑκατὸν παρατείνειν ἔτη, διὰ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς διαίτης ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν, καταφρονηταὶ δὲ τῶν δεινῶν, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἀλγηδόνας νικῶντες τοῖς φρονήμασιν, τὸν δὲ θάνατον, εἰ μετ' εὐκλείας πρόσεισι, νομίζοντες ἀθανασίας ἀμείνονα.

151 They are long-lived too, many living to more than a hundred years, because of the simplicity of their diet, and also, I think, because of their orderly life. They scorn life's hardships and are above pain by their generosity of spirit, seeing death as bringing them glory, and thinking eternity best of all.

[152] Διήλεγξεν δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν ἅπασιν τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμος, ἐν ᾧ στρεβλούμενοί τε καὶ λυγιζόμενοι καιόμενοί τε καὶ κλώμενοι καὶ διὰ πάντων ὁδεύοντες τῶν βασανιστηρίων ὀργάνων, ἵν' ἢ βλασφημήσωσιν τὸν νομοθέτην ἢ φάγωσίν τι τῶν ἀσυνήθων, οὐδέτερον ὑπέμειναν παθεῖν, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ κολακεῦσαί ποτε τοὺς αἰκιζομένους ἢ δακρῦσαι.

152 Our war with the Romans provided abundant evidence of their magnanimity in their trials, when, though tortured and mangled, burnt and torn to pieces with every instrument of torment, to force them either to blaspheme their Legislator, or to eat what was forbidden to them, they could not be made to do either, or flatter their tormentors, or shed a tear.

[153] Μειδιῶντες δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἀλγηδόσιν καὶ κατειρωνευόμενοι τῶν τὰς βασάνους προσφερόντων εὔθυμοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἠφίεσαν ὡς πάλιν κομιούμενοι.

153 They smiled through their pains and scorned those who inflicted the torments upon them and cheerfully handed over their souls, expecting to receive them back again.


[154] Καὶ γὰρ ἔρρωται παρ' αὐτοῖς ἥδε ἡ δόξα, φθαρτὰ μὲν εἶναι τὰ σώματα καὶ τὴν ὕλην οὐ μόνιμον αὐτῶν, τὰς δὲ ψυχὰς ἀθανάτους ἀεὶ διαμένειν, καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ λεπτοτάτου φοιτώσας αἰθέρος ὥσπερ εἱρκταῖς τοῖς σώμασιν ἴυγγί τινι φυσικῇ κατασπωμένας, 154 For they cherish the view that while bodies are corruptible and made of impermanent matter, souls are immortal and continue for ever, having come from above and being chained in their bodies as in prisons, into which they are drawn by a natural affinity.

[155] Ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀνεθῶσι τῶν κατὰ σάρκα δεσμῶν, οἷα δὴ μακρᾶς δουλείας ἀπηλλαγμένας τότε χαίρειν καὶ μετεώρους φέρεσθαι. Καὶ ταῖς μὲν ἀγαθαῖς ὁμοδοξοῦντες παισὶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποφαίνονται τὴν ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν δίαιταν ἀποκεῖσθαι καὶ χῶρον οὔτε ὄμβροις οὔτε νιφετοῖς οὔτε καύμασι βαρυνόμενον, ἀλλ' ὃν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ πραὺς ἀεὶ ζέφυρος ἐπιπνέων ἀναψύχει: ταῖς δὲ φαύλαις ζοφώδη καὶ χειμέριον ἀφορίζονται μυχὸν γέμοντα τιμωριῶν ἀδιαλείπτων.

155 Once they are set free from the chains of the flesh, then as if released from long slavery they joyfully mount upward. In this they share the view of the Greeks that good souls will dwell beyond the ocean, in a region not oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, in a place refreshed by the gentle west wind, always blowing from the ocean, while wicked souls are relegated to a dark and stormy den, full of never-ceasing punishments.

[156] Δοκοῦσι δέ μοι κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔννοιαν Ἕλληνες τοῖς τε ἀνδρείοις αὐτῶν, οὓς ἥρωας καὶ ἡμιθέους καλοῦσιν, τὰς μακάρων νήσους ἀνατεθεικέναι, ταῖς δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ψυχαῖς καθ' ᾅδου τὸν ἀσεβῶν χῶρον, ἔνθα καὶ κολαζομένους τινὰς μυθολογοῦσιν, Σισύφους καὶ Ταντάλους Ἰξίονάς τε καὶ Τιτυούς, πρῶτον μὲν ἀιδίους ὑφιστάμενοι τὰς ψυχάς, ἔπειτα εἰς προτροπὴν ἀρετῆς καὶ κακίας ἀποτροπήν.

156 It seems to me that the Greeks hold the same view, allotting the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods, and the region of the ungodly, Hades, to the souls of the wicked, where they hold that some are punished, like Sisyphus and Tantalus and Ixion and Tityus, on the principle that souls are immortal, for this promotes virtue and warns against vice.

[157] Τούς τε γὰρ ἀγαθοὺς γίνεσθαι κατὰ τὸν βίον ἀμείνους ἐλπίδι τιμῆς καὶ μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν, τῶν τε κακῶν ἐμποδίζεσθαι τὰς ὁρμὰς δέει προσδοκώντων, εἰ καὶ λάθοιεν ἐν τῷ ζῆν, μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν ἀθάνατον τιμωρίαν ὑφέξειν.

157 By this the good are moved to a better life by the hope of reward after death, and the passions of the wicked are restrained by the fear that, although they escaped detection in this life, they would be punished eternally after their death.

[158] Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ἐσσηνοὶ περὶ ψυχῆς θεολογοῦσιν ἄφυκτον δέλεαρ τοῖς ἅπαξ γευσαμένοις τῆς σοφίας αὐτῶν καθιέντες.

158 This is the Essene theology about the soul, strongly attractive to those who have once had a taste of their philosophy.


[159] Εἰσὶν δ' ἐν αὐτοῖς οἳ καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προγινώσκειν ὑπισχνοῦνται, βίβλοις ἱεραῖς καὶ διαφόροις ἁγνείαις καὶ προφητῶν ἀποφθέγμασιν ἐμπαιδοτριβούμενοι: σπάνιον δ' εἴ ποτε ἐν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσιν ἀστοχοῦσιν.

159 There are among them some who dare to foretell the future, by reading the holy books and using various sorts of purifications and always poring over the words of the prophets, and they seldom or never are wrong in their predictions.


[160] Ἔστιν δὲ καὶ ἕτερον Ἐσσηνῶν τάγμα, δίαιταν μὲν καὶ ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοφρονοῦν, διεστὼς δὲ τῇ κατὰ γάμον δόξῃ: μέγιστον γὰρ ἀποκόπτειν οἴονται τοῦ βίου μέρος, τὴν διαδοχήν, τοὺς μὴ γαμοῦντας, μᾶλλον δέ, εἰ πάντες τὸ αὐτὸ φρονήσειαν, ἐκλιπεῖν ἂν τὸ γένος τάχιστα.

160 There is another group of Essenes who agree with the rest about diet, customs and laws, but hold a different view on marriage, thinking that celibacy excludes the major dimension of human life regarding heredity and that if all followed it the human race would become extinct.

[161] Δοκιμάζοντες μέντοι τριετίᾳ τὰς γαμετάς, ἐπειδὰν τρὶς καθαρθῶσιν εἰς πεῖραν τοῦ δύνασθαι τίκτειν, οὕτως ἄγονται. Ταῖς δ' ἐγκύμοσιν οὐχ ὁμιλοῦσιν, ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὸ μὴ δι' ἡδονὴν ἀλλὰ τέκνων χρείαν γαμεῖν. Λουτρὰ δὲ ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀμπεχομέναις ἐνδύματα, καθάπερ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐν περιζώματι. Τοιαῦτα μὲν ἔθη τοῦδε τοῦ τάγματος.

161 These test their spouses for three years, and marry them only if they have periods three times, to show that they can bear children. They have no intercourse during pregnancy, to show that marriage is not for pleasure, but for child-bearing. Their women use the baths half clothed, as the men do, wearing loin-cloths. These are the customs of this group.


[162] Δύο δὲ τῶν προτέρων Φαρισαῖοι μὲν οἱ μετὰ ἀκριβείας δοκοῦντες ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πρώτην ἀπάγοντες αἵρεσιν εἱμαρμένῃ τε καὶ θεῷ προσάπτουσι πάντα,

162 Of the other two groups mentioned, the Pharisees are deemed most skilled in expounding their laws and form the primary sect, who attribute all things to destiny and to God.

[163] Καὶ τὸ μὲν πράττειν τὰ δίκαια καὶ μὴ κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις κεῖσθαι, βοηθεῖν δὲ εἰς ἕκαστον καὶ τὴν εἱμαρμένην: ψυχήν τε πᾶσαν μὲν ἄφθαρτον, μεταβαίνειν δὲ εἰς ἕτερον σῶμα τὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν μόνην, τὰς δὲ τῶν φαύλων ἀιδίῳ τιμωρίᾳ κολάζεσθαι.

163 They grant that it is within one's power to do what is right, and yet destiny has a hand in every action. For them all souls are imperishible, but only the soul of a good person passes into another body, while those of the wicked are eternally punished.

[164] Σαδδουκαῖοι δέ, τὸ δεύτερον τάγμα, τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην παντάπασιν ἀναιροῦσιν καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἔξω τοῦ δρᾶν τι κακὸν ἢ ἐφορᾶν τίθενται:

164 The second group, the Sadducees, entirely do away with fate and think that whether we do good or evil God is not involved.

[165] φασὶν δ' ἐπ' ἀνθρώπων ἐκλογῇ τό τε καλὸν καὶ τὸ κακὸν προκεῖσθαι καὶ κατὰ γνώμην ἑκάστου τούτων ἑκατέρῳ προσιέναι. Ψυχῆς τε τὴν διαμονὴν καὶ τὰς καθ' ᾅδου τιμωρίας καὶ τιμὰς ἀναιροῦσιν.

165 They say it is man's own choice to do what is good or what is evil, so that all may act as they please, and they reject the immortality of the soul and in in Hades and future punishments and rewards.

[166] Καὶ Φαρισαῖοι μὲν φιλάλληλοί τε καὶ τὴν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ὁμόνοιαν ἀσκοῦντες, Σαδδουκαίων δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὸ ἦθος ἀγριώτερον αἵ τε ἐπιμιξίαι πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους ἀπηνεῖς ὡς πρὸς ἀλλοτρίους. Τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἰουδαίοις φιλοσοφούντων εἶχον εἰπεῖν.

166 The Pharisees are friendly towards each other and strive for harmony and the common good, while the Sadducees are somewhat ruder to each other and they treat those of their own party as harshly as they do strangers. This is all I need say about the Jewish philosophies.

Chapter 9. [vv. 167-183]
Pilate the procurator causes Riots. Tiberius imprisons Agrippa but Gaius frees him. Herod Antipas is banished.


[167] Τῆς Ἀρχελάου δ' ἐθναρχίας μεταπεσούσης εἰς ἐπαρχίαν οἱ λοιποί, Φίλιππος καὶ Ἡρώδης ὁ κληθεὶς Ἀντίπας, διῴκουν τὰς ἑαυτῶν τετραρχίας: Σαλώμη γὰρ τελευτῶσα Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ γυναικὶ τήν τε αὐτῆς τοπαρχίαν καὶ Ἰάμνειαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν Φασαηλίδι φοινικῶνας κατέλιπεν.

167 As the ethnarchy of Archelaus was downgraded to a protectorate, the other sons of Herod, Philip and Herod called Antipas, continued with their own tetrarchies. Then Salome at her death bequeathed her district to Julia, the wife of Augustus, along with Jamnia and the palm-groves in Phasaelis.

[168] Μεταβάσης δὲ εἰς Τιβέριον τὸν Ἰουλίας υἱὸν τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας μετὰ τὴν Αὐγούστου τελευτήν, ἀφηγησαμένου τῶν πραγμάτων ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ καὶ πεντήκοντα πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ἓξ καὶ ἡμέραις δύο, διαμείναντες ἐν ταῖς τετραρχίαις ὅ τε Ἡρώδης καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος, ὁ μὲν πρὸς ταῖς τοῦ Ἰορδάνου πηγαῖς ἐν Πανεάδι πόλιν κτίζει Καισάρειαν κἀν τῇ κάτω Γαυλανιτικῇ Ἰουλιάδα, Ἡρώδης δ' ἐν μὲν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Τιβεριάδα, ἐν δὲ τῇ Περαίᾳ φερώνυμον Ἰουλίας.

168 When Augustus died, after reigning for fifty-seven years, six months and two days, the empire of the Romans passed to Tiberius, son of Julia, and both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies. The latter built the city of Caesarea, at the springs of the Jordan near Paneas, and Julias in lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city of Tiberius in Galilee and another city called Julias in Perea.


[169] Πεμφθεὶς δὲ εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἐπίτροπος ὑπὸ Τιβερίου Πιλᾶτος νύκτωρ κεκαλυμμένας εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα εἰσκομίζει τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας, αἳ σημαῖαι καλοῦνται.

169 Pilate, who was sent by Tiberius as procurator to Judea, brought into Jerusalem by night the images of Caesar that are called ensigns.

[170] Τοῦτο μεθ' ἡμέραν μεγίστην ταραχὴν ἤγειρεν Ἰουδαίοις: οἵ τε γὰρ ἐγγὺς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐξεπλάγησαν ὡς πεπατημένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐν τῇ πόλει δείκηλον τίθεσθαι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀγανάκτησιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἄθρους ὁ ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς συνέρρευσεν.

170 After daybreak this roused a great riot among the Jews, for those nearby them were amazed, seeing them as the trampling under foot of their laws, which forbid any sort of image to being set up in the city. Besides the fury of the citizens caused large numbers to stream in from the countryside.

[171] Ὁρμήσαντες δὲ πρὸς Πιλᾶτον εἰς Καισάρειαν ἱκέτευον ἐξενεγκεῖν ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων τὰς σημαίας καὶ τηρεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰ πάτρια. Πιλάτου δὲ ἀρνουμένου περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν πρηνεῖς καταπεσόντες ἐπὶ πέντε ἡμέρας καὶ νύκτας ἴσας ἀκίνητοι διεκαρτέρουν.

171 These came to Pilate to Caesarea and imploring him to remove those ensigns from Jerusalem and protect their ancient laws. When Pilate denied their request, they fell prostrate upon the ground and continued motionless for five days and nights.


[172] Τῇ δ' ἑξῆς ὁ Πιλᾶτος καθίσας ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ σταδίῳ καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ἀποκρίνασθαι δῆθεν αὐτοῖς θέλων, δίδωσιν τοῖς στρατιώταις σημεῖον ἐκ συντάγματος κυκλώσασθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις.

172 The following day, Pilate sat upon his tribunal in the large stadium and called the people, apparently to answer them, then signalled to his armed soldiers, who quickly surrounded the Jews.

[173] Περιστάσης δὲ τριστιχεὶ τῆς φάλαγγος Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν ἀχανεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὸ ἀδόκητον τῆς ὄψεως, Πιλᾶτος δὲ κατακόψειν εἰπὼν αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ προσδέξαιντο τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας, γυμνοῦν τὰ ξίφη τοῖς στρατιώταις ἔνευσεν.

173 With three ranks of soldiers around them the Jews were struck dumb by that sight, and Pilate told them they would be cut in pieces unless they admitted Caesar's images and signalled to the soldiers to draw their swords.

[174] Οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι καθάπερ ἐκ συνθήματος ἀθρόοι καταπεσόντες καὶ τοὺς αὐχένας παρακλίναντες ἑτοίμους ἀναιρεῖν σφᾶς ἐβόων μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν νόμον παραβῆναι. Ὑπερθαυμάσας δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος τὸ τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἄκρατον ἐκκομίσαι μὲν αὐτίκα τὰς σημαίας Ἱεροσολύμων κελεύει.

174 As though at a single signal the Jews fell to the ground, baring their necks and shouting that they would rather die than that have law flouted. Pilate was amazed at their religious fervour and ordered that the ensigns be removed from Jerusalem.


[175] Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ταραχὴν ἑτέραν ἐκίνει τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρόν, καλεῖται δὲ κορβωνᾶς, εἰς καταγωγὴν ὑδάτων ἐξαναλίσκων: κατῆγεν δὲ ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων σταδίων. Πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦ πλήθους ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, καὶ τοῦ Πιλάτου παρόντος εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα περιστάντες τὸ βῆμα κατεβόων.

175 Later he provoked another disturbance, by spending the sacred treasury, called Corban, on aqueducts to bring in water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. The crowd was angry at this, and when Pilate came to Jerusalem, they surrounded his tribunal and complained about it.

[176] Ὁ δέ, προῄδει γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν ταραχήν, τῷ πλήθει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐνόπλους ἐσθῆσιν ἰδιωτικαῖς κεκαλυμμένους ἐγκαταμίξας καὶ ξίφει μὲν χρήσασθαι κωλύσας, ξύλοις δὲ παίειν τοὺς κεκραγότας ἐγκελευσάμενος σύνθημα δίδωσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος.

176 Expecting a disturbance he put armed soldiers among the people telling them to dress as private citizens and not to use their swords, but the rioters with sticks, at his signal from the tribunal.

[177] Τυπτόμενοι δὲ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ καταπατηθέντες ἀπώλοντο. Πρὸς δὲ τὴν συμφορὰν τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἐσιώπησεν.

177 The Jews were so badly beaten that many died from the blows and many others by being trodden while trying to flee, and the people were so shocked by these deaths that they were put to silence.


[178] Κἀν τούτῳ κατήγορος Ἡρώδου τοῦ τετραρχοῦντος Ἀγρίππας υἱὸς Ἀριστοβούλου, ὃν ὁ πατὴρ Ἡρώδης ἀπέκτεινεν, παραγίνεται πρὸς Τιβέριον. Τοῦ δὲ μὴ προσδεξαμένου τὴν κατηγορίαν μένων ἐπὶ Ῥώμης τούς τε ἄλλους τῶν γνωρίμων ἐθεράπευεν καὶ μάλιστα τὸν Γερμανικοῦ παῖδα Γάιον ἰδιώτην ἔτι ὄντα.

178 Meanwhile Agrippa, the son of the Aristobulus who had been killed by his father Herod, came to Tiberius, to bring a charge against Herod the tetrarch. When the emperor rejected this accusation, he stayed in Rome and became friends with other men of note, but mainly with Gaius the son of Germanicus, who was still a private citizen.

[179] Καὶ δή ποτε ἑστιῶν αὐτὸν τά τε ἄλλα ποικίλως ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο καὶ τελευταῖον τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας φανερῶς ηὔξατο θᾶττον αὐτὸν θεάσασθαι τῶν ὅλων δεσπότην ἀποθανόντος Τιβερίου.

179 One day he gave a feast for Gaius, and after paying him lavish compliments finally stretched out his hands and publicly prayed that he would soon see him emperor of the world after Tiberius died.

[180] Τοῦτό τις τῶν οἰκετῶν αὐτοῦ διαγγέλλει τῷ Τιβερίῳ, καὶ ὃς ἀγανακτήσας εἵργνυσιν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν καὶ μετ' αἰκίας εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ, μέχρις αὐτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν ἡγεμονεύσας ἔτη δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μησὶν ἕξ.

180 One of Agrippa's servants told this to Tiberius, who was very angry and had Agrippa chained up and in hard imprisonment for six months. Then Tiberius died, after reigning for twenty-two years, six months and three days.


[181] Ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἀνίησίν τε τῶν δεσμῶν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν καὶ τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας, θνήσκει γὰρ οὗτος, καθίστησι βασιλέα. Παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν Ἀγρίππας φθόνῳ τὰς Ἡρώδου τοῦ τετράρχου διήγειρεν ἐπιθυμίας.

181 When Gaius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his chains and gave him the tetrarchy of Philip who had died, making him king. But Agrippa's royal status inflamed the envy and ambition of Herod the tetrarch.

[182] Ἐνῆγε δὲ μάλιστα τοῦτον εἰς ἐλπίδα βασιλείας Ἡρωδιὰς ἡ γυνὴ κατονειδίζουσα τὴν ἀργίαν καὶ φαμένη παρὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι πλεῖν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα στερίσκεσθαι μείζονος ἀρχῆς: ὅπου μὲν γὰρ Ἀγρίππαν ἐξ ἰδιώτου βασιλέα πεποίηκεν, ἦπου γ' ἂν ἐκεῖνον διστάσειεν ἐκ τετράρχου; τούτοις ἀναπεισθεὶς Ἡρώδης ἧκεν πρὸς Γάιον,

182 He was mainly urged by his wife Herodias to seek the crown, for she reproached him for his sloth and said it was only because he would not sail to pay court to Caesar that he had lost out, for if Caesar had raised Agrippa from private citizen to king, how much more would he confer that title on a tetrarch.

[183] ὑφ' οὗ τῆς πλεονεξίας ἐπιτιμᾶται φυγῇ εἰς Γαλλίαν: ἠκολούθησεν γὰρ αὐτῷ κατήγορος Ἀγρίππας, ᾧ καὶ τὴν τετραρχίαν τὴν ἐκείνου προσέθηκεν Γάιος. Καὶ Ἡρώδης μὲν ἐν Γαλλίᾳ συμφυγούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τελευτᾷ.

183 Persuaded by this, Herod went to Gaius, by whom he was punished for his ambition by being banished to Spain. For Agrippa followed to accuse him and to him Gaius gave the other's tetrarchy, by way of a bonus. So Herod died in Spain, where his wife had fled along with him.

Chapter 10. [vv. 184-203]
Gaius wants his statue set up in the Temple. Petronius dares to protest, and survives


[184] Γάιος δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην, ὥστε θεὸν ἑαυτὸν καὶ δοκεῖν βούλεσθαι καὶ καλεῖσθαι τῶν τε εὐγενεστάτων ἀνδρῶν ἀκροτομῆσαι τὴν πατρίδα, ἐκτεῖναι δὲ τὴν ἀσέβειαν καὶ ἐπὶ Ἰουδαίαν.

184 Gaius Caesar pushed his good luck so far as to want to appear as, and be called, a god. Not only did he cut down the noblest people in his own country, but he extended his impiety as far as the Jews.

[185] Πετρώνιον μὲν οὖν μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ἔπεμψεν ἐγκαθιδρύσοντα τῷ ναῷ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας αὐτοῦ, προστάξας, εἰ μὴ δέχοιντο Ἰουδαῖοι, τούς τε κωλύοντας ἀνελεῖν καὶ πᾶν τὸ λοιπὸν ἔθνος ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι.

185 He sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, with orders to place statues of him in the temple, and if the Jews would not accept it to kill whoever tried to prevent it and enslave the rest of the nation.

[186] Θεῷ δ' ἄρα τῶν προσταγμάτων ἔμελεν. Καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν σὺν τρισὶ τάγμασι καὶ πολλοῖς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχοις εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἤλαυνεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας,

186 God, however, was watching these commands. Petronius marched from Antioch into Judea, with three legions and many Syrian allies.

[187] Ἰουδαίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ἠπίστουν ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου φήμαις, οἱ δὲ πιστεύοντες ἦσαν ἐν ἀμηχάνῳ πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν: ταχὺ δ' ἐχώρει διὰ πάντων τὸ δέος ἤδη παρούσης εἰς Πτολεμαίδα τῆς στρατιᾶς.

187 Some of the Jews could not believe the rumours of a war, but those who believed them were at a loss how to defend themselves and terror soon affected them all, for the army had already reached Ptolemais.


[188] Πόλις δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς Γαλιλαίας παράλιος κατὰ τὸ μέγα πεδίον ἐκτισμένη, περιέχεται δὲ ὄρεσιν ἐκ μὲν τοῦ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν κλίματος ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα τῷ τῆς Γαλιλαίας, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ μεσημβρινοῦ τῷ Καρμήλῳ διέχοντι σταδίους ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, τῷ δ' ὑψηλοτάτῳ κατ' ἄρκτον, ὃ καλοῦσιν κλίμακα Τυρίων οἱ ἐπιχώριοι:

188 This coastal city in Galilee is built on the edge of the great plain and is surrounded by mountains. To the east, sixty furlongs off, are the Galilean mountains , to the south is Carmel, a hundred and twenty furlongs away, and the highest range of them all, called by the local people The Ladder of the Tyre, is a hundred furlongs to the north.

[189] Καὶ τοῦτο δὲ σταδίους ἀφέστηκεν ἑκατόν. Τοῦ δ' ἄστεος ὅσον ἀπὸ δύο σταδίων ὁ καλούμενος Βήλεος ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ παντάπασιν ὀλίγος, παρ' ᾧ τὸ Μέμνονος μνημεῖόν ἐστιν ἔχον ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ τόπον ἑκατονταπήχη θαύματος ἄξιον:

189 The little river Beleus runs past it, just two furlongs away, on the banks of which is Memnon's tomb, and nearby is a remarkable natural spot, no more than a hundred feet in diameter.

[190] Κυκλοτερὴς μὲν γάρ ἐστιν καὶ κοῖλος, ἀναδίδωσιν δὲ τὴν ὑελίνην ψάμμον, ἣν ὅταν ἐκκενώσῃ πολλὰ πλοῖα προσσχόντα, πάλιν ἀντιπληροῦται τὸ χωρίον, κατασυρόντων μὲν ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες τότε τῶν ἀνέμων εἰς αὐτὸ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀργὴν ψάμμον, τοῦ δὲ μετάλλου πᾶσαν εὐθέως μεταβάλλοντος εἰς ὕελον.

190 It is a circular hollow which produces sand that can be made into glass. When it is emptied - for many ships stop there to take it on board - the hollow is filled again by the winds, which as though on purpose, blow into it ordinary sand from elsewhere, which this mine turns it into raw glass.

[191] Θαυμασιώτερον δὲ τούτου μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τὴν ὑπερχυθεῖσαν ὕελον ἐκ τοῦ τόπου πάλιν ψάμμον γίνεσθαι εἰκαίαν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν χωρίον τοῦτο τοιαύτην εἴληχεν φύσιν.

191 What seems even stranger to me is that any excess amount of the glassy stuff which overflows from the place again reverts to common sand. Such is the peculiar nature of this spot.


[192] Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἀθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ πρὸς Πτολεμαίδι καθικέτευον τὸν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν. Ὁ δὲ πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰς δεήσεις ἐνδοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς στρατιὰς ἐν Πτολεμαίδι λείπει,

192 The Jews with their wives and children crowded into the plain near Ptolemais and petitioned Petronius, first regarding their laws, and then regarding themselves. Persuaded by the crowd and their prayers, he left his army and the statues at Ptolemais.

[193] Προελθὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ συγκαλέσας τό τε πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους πάντας εἰς Τιβεριάδα τήν τε Ῥωμαίων διεξῄει δύναμιν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἀπειλάς, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἀπέφαινεν ἀγνώμονα:

193 Proceeding into Galilee, he summoned the people and all the notables to Tiberias and emphasised to them the power of the Romans and Caesar's threats , and showed that their petition was a reckless one.

[194] πάντων γὰρ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἐθνῶν κατὰ πόλιν συγκαθιδρυκότων τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας τὸ μόνους ἐκείνους ἀντιτάσσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦτο σχεδὸν ἀφισταμένων εἶναι καὶ μεθ' ὕβρεως.

194 If all other subject nations had placed the images of Caesar among the rest of their gods in their various cities, for them alone to oppose it would practically amount to an insolent rebellion.


[195] Τῶν δὲ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος προτεινομένων καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ θεοῦ τι δείκηλον, οὐχ ὅπως ἀνδρός, οὐ κατὰ τὸν ναὸν μόνον ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἐν εἰκαίῳ τινὶ τόπῳ τῆς χώρας θέσθαι θεμιτὸν εἴη, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Πετρώνιος "ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐμοὶ φυλακτέος ὁ τοὐμοῦ δεσπότου νόμος", ἔφη: "παραβὰς γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ φεισάμενος ὑμῶν ἀπολοῦμαι δικαίως. Πολεμήσει δ' ὑμᾶς ὁ πέμψας με καὶ οὐκ ἐγώ:

195 When they insisted on their law and ancestral custom and how they were not allowed to place in the temple, or anywhere in their country, an image of God or even of a man, Petronius rejoined, "Am I not also bound to keep the law of my own master? If I transgress it and spare you, justice will demand my death, and the one who will declare war on you will not be myself but the one who sent me.

[196] Καὶ γὰρ αὐτός, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς, ἐπιτάσσομαι." ππρὸς ταῦτα τὸ πλῆθος πάντ' ἐβόα πρὸ τοῦ νόμου πάσχειν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν. Καταστείλας δ' αὐτῶν ὁ Πετρώνιος τὴν βοήν, "πολεμήσετε, εἶπεν, ἄρα

196 For like you, I too am under command." To this the whole crowd shouted that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius silenced the shouting and asked, "Would you make war on Caesar?"

[197] Καίσαρι;" καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι περὶ μὲν Καίσαρος καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ῥωμαίων δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας θύειν ἔφασαν, εἰ δὲ βούλεται τὰς εἰκόνας ἐγκαθιδρύειν, πρότερον αὐτὸν δεῖν ἅπαν τὸ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος προθύσασθαι: παρέχειν δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑτοίμους εἰς τὴν σφαγὴν ἅμα τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξίν.

[198] Ἐπὶ τούτοις θαῦμα καὶ οἶκτος εἰσῄει τὸν Πετρώνιον τῆς τε ἀνυπερβλήτου θρησκείας τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς θάνατον ἑτοίμου παραστήματος. Καὶ τότε μὲν ἄπρακτοι διελύθησαν.

197 The Jews said that they offered sacrifices twice a day for Caesar and for the Roman people, but that if he wanted to place the statues among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation, for they were ready for death, along with their children and wives. 198 At this Petronius felt awe and pity for their incomparable religious devotion and the courage that made them ready to die for it. So they were dismissed without a decision.


[199] Ταῖς δ' ἑξῆς ἀθρόους τε τοὺς δυνατοὺς κατ' ἰδίαν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐν κοινῷ συλλέγων ποτὲ μὲν παρεκάλει, ποτὲ δὲ συνεβούλευεν, τὸ πλέον μέντοι διηπείλει τήν τε Ῥωμαίων ἐπανατεινόμενος ἰσχὺν καὶ τοὺς Γαίου θυμοὺς τήν τε ἰδίαν πρὸς τούτοις ἀνάγκην.

199 Subsequently he met privately with leading figures and publicly with the crowd, now persuading and now advising, but mainly stressing the power of the Romans and the anger of Gaius, and the fact that he had no choice.

[200] Πρὸς δὲ μηδεμίαν πεῖραν ἐνδιδόντων ὡς ἑώρα καὶ τὴν χώραν κινδυνεύουσαν ἄσπορον μεῖναι, κατὰ γὰρ ὥραν σπόρου πεντήκοντα ἡμέρας ἀργὰ προσδιέτριβεν αὐτῷ τὰ πλήθη, τελευταῖον ἀθροίσας αὐτοὺς καὶ "παρακινδυνευτέον ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον,

200 When they could not be persuaded and he saw that the country was in danger of lying untilled, for it was the time for sowing, for the people had not worked for fifty days in succession, he finally got them together and said,

[201] εἰπών, ἢ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ συνεργοῦντος πείσας Καίσαρα σωθήσομαι μεθ' ὑμῶν ἡδέως ἢ παροξυνθέντος ὑπὲρ τοσούτων ἑτοίμως ἐπιδώσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχήν", διαφῆκεν τὸ πλῆθος πολλὰ κατευχομένων αὐτῷ, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς Πτολεμαίδος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν.

201 "It is better for me to take the risk first. Either, with God's help, I shall persuade Caesar and will be spared along with you, which will please us both, or if Caesar goes on raging, I am putting my life on the line for so many of you." He dismissed the people, who prayed greatly for his prosperity, and taking the army from Ptolemais he returned to Antioch.

[202] Ἔνθεν εὐθέως ἐπέστελλεν Καίσαρι τήν τε ἐμβολὴν τὴν εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἱκεσίας τοῦ ἔθνους, ὅτι τε, εἰ μὴ βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπολέσαι, δέοι φυλάττειν τε αὐτοὺς τὸν νόμον καὶ παριέναι τὸ πρόσταγμα.

202 From there he immediately wrote to Caesar to report his campaign in Judea and the petitions of the nation, saying that unless he wished to lose both the men and the country he must let them keep their law and countermand his previous orders.

[203] Ταύταις ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐ σφόδρα μετρίως ἀντέγραψεν ὁ Γάιος, ἀπειλῶν Πετρωνίῳ θάνατον, ὅτι τῶν προσταγμάτων αὐτοῦ βραδὺς ὑπηρέτης ἐγίνετο. Ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν τούτων γραμματοφόρους συνέβη χειμασθῆναι τρεῖς μῆνας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸν δὲ Γαίου θάνατον ἄλλοι καταγγέλλοντες εὐπλόουν. Ἔφθη γοῦν τὰς περὶ τούτων Πετρώνιος λαβὼν ἐπιστολὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις ἢ τὰς καθ' ἑαυτοῦ.

203 Gaius answered that letter in a rage, threatening to have Petronius put to death for being so slow in carrying out his orders. But those who brought Gaius's letter were caught in a storm and were delayed at sea for three months, while others who brought the news of Gaius's death had a successful voyage, so that Petronius had received the letter about Gaius twenty seven days before he received the one against himself.

Chapter 11. [vv. 204-222]
The reign of Claudius and the reign of Agrippa. Descendants of the Herods.


[204] Γαίου δὲ ἡγεμονεύσαντος ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ καὶ δολοφονηθέντος ἁρπάζεται μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ στρατευμάτων [εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν] Κλαύδιος,

204 When Gaius was murdered after reigning for three years and eight months, the military in Rome pressed Claudius to take over the government;

[205] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἐξηγουμένων τῶν ὑπάτων Σεντίου Σατορνίνου καὶ Πομπωνίου Σεκούνδου τρισὶν ταῖς συμμενούσαις σπείραις ἐπιτρέψασα φυλάττειν τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἠθροίσθη καὶ διὰ τὴν ὠμότητα τὴν Γαίου Κλαυδίῳ πολεμεῖν ἐψηφίζετο: καταστήσεσθαι γὰρ δι' ἀριστοκρατίας, ὥσπερ οὖν πάλαι διῳκεῖτο, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἢ κρινεῖν ψήφῳ τὸν ἄξιον τῆς ἡγεμονίας.

205 so the senate, on the advice of the consuls Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, commanded their remaining three regiments of soldiers to protect the city and assembled in the Capitol, where they opted to oppose Claudius by force. After the savagery of Gaius, they decided to either put the nation under its former system of government, aristocracy, or vote for someone worthy to become emperor.


[206] Συνέβη τηνικαῦτα πρὸς ἐπιδημοῦντα τὸν Ἀγρίππαν τήν τε σύγκλητον καλοῦσαν εἰς συμβουλίαν πέμψαι καὶ Κλαύδιον ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς, ὅπως πρὸς ἃ δέοι χρήσιμος αὐτοῖς γένοιτο. Κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν τὸν ἤδη τῇ δυνάμει Καίσαρα πρὸς Κλαύδιον ἄπεισιν.

206 As Agrippa was in Rome at this time, the senate called on him for his advice, and Claudius also sent to him from the camp, saying that he needed his help. Knowing that in effect Claudius had already become Caesar, he went to him.

[207] Ὁ δ' αὐτὸν πρεσβευτὴν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀναπέμπει δηλοῦντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προαίρεσιν, ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἄκων ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἁρπαγείη, καὶ οὔτε τὴν ἐκείνων σπουδὴν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν δίκαιον οὔτε ἀσφαλὲς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τύχην κρίνοι: καὶ γὰρ τὸ τυχεῖν τῆς ἡγεμονικῆς κλήσεως ἐπικίνδυνον εἶναι:

207 He in turn sent him as his envoy to the senate to tell them how he had been hurried away by the soldiers against his will and still thought he would be unsafe and in the wrong if he rejected their devotion to him and the good fortune that had come to him, since to have been called to rule was itself a dangerous thing.

[208] ἔπειθ' ὅτι διοικήσει τὴν ἀρχὴν ὥσπερ ἀγαθὸς προστάτης, οὐχ ὡς τύραννος: ἀρκεῖσθαι γὰρ τῇ τιμῇ τῆς προσηγορίας, τὴν δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν πραγμάτων βουλὴν πᾶσιν ἀποδώσειν. Καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ φύσει μέτριος ἦν, ἱκανὸν ὑπόδειγμα σωφροσύνης αὐτῷ προκεῖσθαι τὸν Γαίου θάνατον.

208 He would, however, administer it as a good prince and not a tyrant, and would limit himself to using the imperial title, while being willing to let each of them advise him on public matters. He added that even if he were not temperate by nature, the death of Gaius would be a sufficient warning to him, to act with sobriety.


[209] Ταῦτ' ἀπήγγειλεν Ἀγρίππας. Ἡ δὲ βουλὴ ἀπεκρίνατο καὶ στρατῷ καὶ γνώμαις ἀγαθαῖς πεποιθυῖα δουλείαν ἑκούσιον οὐχ ὑπομενεῖν. Καὶ Κλαύδιος ὡς ἤκουσεν τὰ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς, πάλιν ἔπεμψεν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἀπαγγελοῦντα αὐτοῖς ὅτι προδοῦναι μὲν τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸν ὁμονοήσαντας οὐχ ὑπομένοι, πολεμήσειν δ' ἄκων πρὸς οὓς ἥκιστα βούλοιτο.

209 When Agrippa reported this, the senate replied that supported by an army and their own wisdom they would not submit to slavery. When Claudius heard the senate's answer, he sent Agrippa to them again to say that he would not think betraying those who had pledged fidelity to him and so, however unwillingly, he must fight those whom never wished to fight.

[210] Δεῖν μέντοι προαποδειχθῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ χωρίον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως: οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον διὰ τὴν αὐτῶν κακοβουλίαν ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ μιαίνεσθαι τὰ τεμένη τῆς πατρίδος. Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀκούσας ταῦτα τοῖς βουλευταῖς ἀπήγγειλεν.

210 For this battle they should choose a place outside the city, as it would be wrong to pollute their national shrines with the blood of their own countrymen on account of their imprudence; this message he passed on to the senators.


[211] Μεταξὺ δὲ τῶν μετὰ τῆς συγκλήτου στρατιωτῶν τις σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος "ἄνδρες, ἐβόησεν, συστρατιῶται, τί παθόντες ἀδελφοκτονεῖν βουλόμεθα καὶ κατὰ τῶν μετὰ Κλαυδίου συγγενῶν ὁρμᾶν, ἔχοντες μὲν αὐτοκράτορα μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι δυνάμενον, τοσαῦτα δὲ

211 Then a soldier of the senate drew his sword and shouted, "Men, what has gotten into us if we plan to kill our brothers and attack our colleagues who support Claudius? We may have as emperor a blameless man who has such a just claim to it! Is it against such people we should be fighting?"

[212] τὰ δίκαια πρὸς οὓς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων χωρεῖν μέλλομεν;" ταῦτα εἰπὼν διὰ μέσης ὥρμησεν τῆς βουλῆς πάντας τοὺς συστρατιώτας ἐφελκόμενος. Οἱ δ' εὐπατρίδαι παραχρῆμα μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἀπόλειψιν περιδεῶς ἔσχον, αὖθις δ' ὡς ἀποστροφὴ σωτήριος οὐ κατεφαίνετο, τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁδὸν ἠπείγοντο πρὸς Κλαύδιον.

212 Saying this, he marched right through the senate and brought all the soldiers with him. The patricians were in a sudden panic at being so deserted, and as there seemed no safe alternative, they hurried after the soldiers to go to Claudius.

[213] Ὑπήντων δ' αὐτοῖς πρὸ τοῦ τείχους γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν οἱ σφοδρότερον κολακεύοντες τὴν τύχην: κἂν συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι τοὺς προάγοντας πρὶν γνῶναι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν Κλαύδιον, εἰ μὴ προσδραμὼν Ἀγρίππας αὐτῷ τὸ κινδύνευμα τῆς πράξεως ἐδήλωσεν, ὅτι τε εἰ μὴ κατάσχοι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐπατρίδας λελυσσηκότων, ἀπολέσας δι' οὓς τὸ κρατεῖν ἐστι περίοπτον ἐρημίας ἔσοιτο βασιλεύς.

213 Those who had more quickly seized the tide of fortune met them outside the ramparts with swords drawn. Indeed there was reason to fear that those in front might be in danger before Claudius even knew of the soldiers's anger, if Agrippa had not gone ahead and told him the dangerous situation, and that unless he restrained them in their fury at the patricians, he would lose those whose help he would need in order to rule, and would be left to govern a desert.


[214] Ταῦτ' ἀκούσας Κλαύδιος κατέσχεν τὰς ὁρμὰς τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ προσδέχεταί τε τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενος ἐξῄει σὺν αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα θύσων τῷ θεῷ τὰ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας χαριστήρια.

214 When Claudius heard it he restrained the soldiers' violence, and after welcoming the senate into the camp and treating them cordially, he soon went out with them to sacrifice to God on his accession to the imperial power.

[215] Καὶ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν εὐθέως ἐδωρεῖτο τῇ πατρῴᾳ βασιλείᾳ πάσῃ προστιθεὶς ἔξωθεν καὶ τὰς ὑπ' Αὐγούστου δοθείσας Ἡρώδῃ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέραν βασιλείαν τὴν Λυσανίου καλουμένην.

215 To Agrippa he immediately granted all of his grandfather's kingdom, adding to it the countries that were given to Herod by Augustus, Trachonitis and Auranitis and what was known as the kingdom of Lysanias.

[216] Καὶ τῷ μὲν δήμῳ διατάγματι τὴν δωρεὰν ἐδήλου, τοῖς ἄρχουσιν δὲ προσέταξεν ἐγχαράξαντας δέλτοις χαλκαῖς τὴν δόσιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀναθεῖναι:

216 This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass and set up in the capitol.

[217] Δωρεῖται δ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἡρώδην, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς καὶ γαμβρὸς ἦν Βερνίκῃ συνοικῶν, βασιλείᾳ τῇ Χαλκίδι.

217 He gave to Agrippa's brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law through his marriage to Berenice, the kingdom of Chalcis.


[218] Ταχέως δ' ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοσαύτης ἀρχῆς πλοῦτος Ἀγρίππᾳ προσέρρει, καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν κατεχρήσατο: τηλικοῦτον γὰρ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις περιβαλεῖν ἤρξατο τεῖχος, ἡλίκον ἂν τελεσθὲν ἀνήνυτον Ῥωμαίοις ἐποίησεν τὴν πολιορκίαν.

218 From such extensive realm money flowed in to Agrippa and he soon set about spending it. He began to surround Jerusalem with a wall so large that, if completed, it would have made it impossible for the Romans to take it by siege.

[219] Ἀλλ' ἔφθη πρὶν ὑψῶσαι τὸ ἔργον τελευτήσας ἐν Καισαρείᾳ, βεβασιλευκὼς μὲν ἔτη τρία, πρότερον δὲ τῶν τετραρχιῶν τρισὶν ἑτέροις ἔτεσιν ἀφηγησάμενος.

219 However, before he had raised the ramparts to their full height he died in Caesarea, after being three years king and having ruled his tetrarchies an additional three years.

[220] Καταλείπει δὲ τρεῖς μὲν θυγατέρας ἐκ Κύπρου γεγενημένας, Βερνίκην καὶ Μαριάμμην καὶ Δρουσίλλαν, υἱὸν δὲ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς Ἀγρίππαν. Οὗ παντάπασιν ὄντος νηπίου πάλιν τὰς βασιλείας Κλαύδιος ἐπαρχίαν ποιήσας ἐπίτροπον πέμπει Κούσπιον Φᾶδον, ἔπειτα Τιβέριον Ἀλέξανδρον, οἳ μηδὲν παρακινοῦντες τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐθῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξαν.

220 He left behind him three daughters, Berenice, Mariamne and Drusilla, born to him by Cypros, and a son named Agrippa. Since this boy was very young child, Claudius made the country a Roman province and sent Cuspius Fadus as its procurator and after him Tiberius Alexander, who did not interfere with the ancient laws, and kept the nation in peace.

[221] Μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ ὁ βασιλεύων τῆς Χαλκίδος Ἡρώδης τελευτᾷ, καταλιπὼν ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἀδελφιδῆς Βερνίκης δύο παῖδας Βερνικιανόν τε καὶ Ὑρκανόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς προτέρας Μαριάμμης Ἀριστόβουλον. Τεθνήκει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ ἕτερος ἀδελφὸς Ἀριστόβουλος ἰδιώτης καταλιπὼν Ἰωτάπην θυγατέρα.

221 Then Herod the king of Chalcis died, leaving behind two sons, Bernicianus and Hyrcanus, born to him of his brother's daughter Berenice, and Aristobulus, a son by his previous wife Mariamne. There was another brother, also called Aristobulus, who died a private citizen, who left a daughter named Jotape.

[222] Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἦσαν, ὡς προεῖπον, Ἀριστοβούλου τοῦ Ἡρώδου παῖδες, Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκ Μαριάμμης Ἡρώδῃ γεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς, οὓς ὁ πατὴρ ἀνεῖλεν: ἡ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου γενεὰ τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρμενίας ἐβασίλευσεν.

222 All these, as I have said, were descended from Herod's son Aristobulus; that Aristobulus and Alexander were Herod's sons by Mariamne and were killed by him. Alexander's descendants ruled greater Armenia.

Chapter 12. [vv. 223-249]
Riots under Cumanus, settled by Quadratus. Felix is procurator of Judea.


[223] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἡρώδου τελευτήν, ὃς ἦρχε τῆς Χαλκίδος, καθίστησιν Κλαύδιος εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θείου τὸν Ἀγρίππαν υἱὸν Ἀγρίππα: τῆς δ' ἄλλης ἐπαρχίας διαδέχεται τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἀπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου Κουμανός, ἐφ' οὗ θόρυβοί τε ἤρξαντο καὶ φθορὰ πάλιν Ἰουδαίων ἐγένετο.

223 After the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius put Agrippa's son Agrippa in charge of his uncle's kingdom, while in succession to Alexander, Cumanus took over as procurator of the rest of the province, and under him began the troubles that led to the destruction of the Jews.

[224] Συνεληλυθότος γὰρ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν ἀζύμων εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τῆς Ῥωμαικῆς σπείρας ὑπὲρ τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοὰν ἐφεστώσης, ἔνοπλοι δ' ἀεὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς παραφυλάττουσιν, ὡς μή τι νεωτερίζοι τὸ πλῆθος ἠθροισμένον, εἷς τις τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνασυράμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ κατακύψας ἀσχημόνως προσαπέστρεψεν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τὴν ἕδραν καὶ τῷ σχήματι φωνὴν ὁμοίαν ἐπεφθέγξατο.

224 For when the crowd had gathered in Jerusalem for the feast of unleavened bread and a Roman cohort was stationed on the porticoes of the temple, for they always kept an armed guard at the festivals, to prevent any revolt among such crowded gatherings, one of the soldiers pulled back his robe, squatted down, turned his backside indecently to the Jews and made the appropriate sound for such a posture.

[225] Πρὸς τοῦτο ἅπαν μὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἠγανάκτησεν, καὶ κατεβόων τοῦ Κουμανοῦ κολάζειν τὸν στρατιώτην, οἱ δὲ ἧττον νήφοντες τῶν νέων καὶ τὸ φύσει στασιῶδες ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ μάχην λίθους τε ἁρπάσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἔβαλλον.

225 This enraged the whole crowd who called out for Cumanus to punish the soldier; while the more hot-headed youths and the more rebellious of the crowd wanted a fight and took up stones to throw the soldiers.

[226] Καὶ Κουμανὸς δείσας μὴ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὁρμὴ γένοιτο, πλείους ὁπλίτας μεταπέμπεται. Τῶν δὲ ταῖς στοαῖς ἐπιχεομένων φόβος ἐμπίπτει τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἀκατάσχετος, καὶ τραπέντες ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διέφευγον εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

226 Cumanus was afraid the whole people would attack him and sent for more infantry, who came in great numbers into the porticoes and put the Jews in a panic and drove them running from the temple into the city.

[227] Τοσαύτη δὲ περὶ τὰς ἐξόδους βία συνωθουμένων ἐγένετο, ὥστε πατηθέντας ὑπ' ἀλλήλων καὶ συντριβέντας ὑπὲρ τρισμυρίους ἀποθανεῖν, γενέσθαι δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν πένθος μὲν ὅλῳ τῷ ἔθνει θρῆνον δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην οἰκίαν.

227 Such was the violence with which they crowded to escape that they trampled and crushed each other, until thirty thousand of them were killed, so that this feast was turned to mourning for the whole nation and every family lamented.


[228] Μετελάμβανεν δὲ ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν ἄλλος λῃστρικὸς θόρυβος. Κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Βαιθωρὼ δημοσίαν ὁδὸν Στεφάνου τινὸς δούλου Καίσαρος ἀποσκευὴν κομιζομένην διήρπασαν λῃσταὶ προσπεσόντες.

228 Soon after came another disaster arising from a riot caused by brigands. On the public road at Beth-horon, a slave of Caesar named Stephen was bringing some equipment, which the brigands attacked and seized.

[229] Κουμανὸς δὲ περιπέμψας τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πλησίον κωμῶν δεσμώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνάγεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπικαλῶν ὅτι μὴ διώξαντες τοὺς λῃστὰς συλλάβοιεν. Ἔνθα τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις εὑρὼν ἔν τινι κώμῃ τὸν ἱερὸν νόμον διέρρηξέν τε τὸ βιβλίον καὶ εἰς πῦρ κατέβαλεν.

229 Cumanus sent men around to the neighbouring villages to bring their inhabitants to him as prisoners, in penalty for not following and catching the thieves. In the process, one of the soldiers found our sacred law and tore the book to pieces and threw it into the fire.

[230] Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ ὡς ὅλης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας καταφλεγείσης συνεχύθησαν, καὶ καθάπερ ὀργάνῳ τινὶ τῇ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ συνελκόμενοι πρὸς ἓν κήρυγμα πάντες εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐπὶ Κουμανὸν συνέδραμον ἱκετεύοντες τὸν οὕτως εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν νόμον αὐτῶν ἐξυβρίσαντα μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀτιμώρητον.

230 This so angered the Jews that it seemed to set the whole country ablaze, and their religious zeal like some instrument drew many of them to rush to Caesarea, to complain with one voice to Cumanus and beg him not to let this man, who had offered such an insult to God and to his law, go unpunished.

[231] Ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἠρέμει τὸ πλῆθος, εἰ μὴ τύχοι παραμυθίας, ἠξίου τε προάγειν τὸν στρατιώτην καὶ διὰ μέσων τῶν αἰτιωμένων ἀπαχθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ κελεύει. Καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν ἀνεχώρουν.

231 Seeing that the people would not rest unless they got a satisfactory answer from him, he had the soldier dragged through his critics to be executed, and then the Jews went away.


[232] Αὖθις δὲ Γαλιλαίων καὶ Σαμαρέων γίνεται συμβολή. Κατὰ γὰρ Γήμαν καλουμένην κώμην, ἥτις ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ κεῖται τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, πολλῶν ἀναβαινόντων Ἰουδαίων ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναιρεῖταί τις Γαλιλαῖος.

232 Then there was a battle between the Galileans and the Samaritans, at a village called Geman, in the great plain of Samaria, where a Galilean was killed at a time when many Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast. 4.

[233] Πρὸς τοῦτο πλεῖστοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας συνέδραμον ὡς πολεμήσοντες τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν, οἱ γνώριμοι δ' αὐτῶν ἐλθόντες πρὸς Κουμανὸν ἠντιβόλουν πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν διαβάντα τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ φόνου: μόνως γὰρ ἂν οὕτως διαλυθῆναι πρὸ πολέμου τὸ πλῆθος. Κουμανὸς μὲν οὖν ἐν δευτέρῳ τὰς ἐκείνων ἱκεσίας τῶν ἐν χειρὶ πραγμάτων θέμενος ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψεν τοὺς ἱκέτας.

233 Many people hurried there from Galilee to fight the Samaritans, but their leaders came to Cumanus and asked him, before the damage became irreversible, to come to Galilee and punish the murderers, for there was no other way to separate the people, short of war. But Cumanus had other things in hand, so he postponed hearing them and sent the petitioners away unsatisfied.

[234] Ἀγγελθὲν δὲ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τὸ πάθος τοῦ πεφονευμένου τὰ πλήθη συνετάραξεν καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀφέμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαμάρειαν ἐξώρμων ἀστρατήγητοι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατέχοντι πειθόμενοι.

234 But when word of this murder was spread in Jerusalem, it horrified the people and they left the feast, and dashed off leaderless against Samaria, unwilling to listen to any of their magistrates.

[235] Τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ στασιώδους Δειναίου τις υἱὸς Ἐλεάζαρος καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξῆρχον, οἳ τοῖς ὁμόροις τῆς Ἀκραβατηνῆς τοπαρχίας προσπεσόντες αὐτούς τε ἀνῄρουν μηδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας φειδὼ ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν.

235 The thieves and rebels went out under Eleazar, son of Dineus, and Alexander and murderously attacked the region of Acrabatene, without distinction of age, setting the villages on fire.


[236] Κουμανὸς δὲ ἀναλαβὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Καισαρείας μίαν ἴλην ἱππέων καλουμένην Σεβαστηνῶν ἐξεβοήθει τοῖς πορθουμένοις καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον πολλοὺς μὲν συνέλαβεν, πλείστους δ' ἀπέκτεινεν.

236 Cumanus went to the help of those who were being ravaged, with a troop of cavalry, called the Sebastians, from Caesarea and seized many of the followers of Eleazar and killed most of them.

[237] Πρὸς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν πολεμεῖν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὡρμημένων οἱ ἄρχοντες τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐκδραμόντες σάκκους ἀμπεχόμενοι καὶ τέφραν τῶν κεφαλῶν καταχέοντες ἱκέτευον ἀναχωρεῖν καὶ μὴ διὰ τὴν εἰς Σαμαρεῖς ἄμυναν ἐπὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα Ῥωμαίους παροξύνειν, ἐλεῆσαί τε τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ναὸν τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἰδίας, ἃ πάντα κινδυνεύειν δι' ἑνὸς ἐκδικίαν Γαλιλαίου παραπολέσθαι.

237 As regards the rest of the men so eager to fight with the Samaritans, the leaders of Jerusalem ran out dressed in sackcloth and with ashes on their head, to beg them to leave before their reprisals against the Samaritans provoked the Romans to attack Jerusalem. They should pity their country, the temple, their children and their wives, and not put them in danger of destruction, to take revenge for a single Galilean.

[238] Τούτοις πεισθέντες Ἰουδαῖοι διελύθησαν: Ἐτράποντο δὲ πολλοὶ πρὸς λῃστείαν διὰ τὴν ἄδειαν, καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν ἁρπαγαί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῶν θρασυτέρων ἐπαναστάσεις.

238 The Jews acceded and dispersed, but still there were many who went into banditry unpunished, and looting and disorder of the worst kind took place all over the country.

[239] Καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων οἱ δυνατοὶ πρὸς Οὐμμίδιον Κουαδρᾶτον, ὃς ἦν ἡγεμὼν τῆς Συρίας, εἰς Τύρον παραγενόμενοι δίκην τινὰ παρὰ τῶν πορθησάντων τὴν χώραν ἠξίουν λαβεῖν.

239 The Samaritan notables came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the ruler of Syria to ask him to punish those who had ravaged their country.

[240] Παρόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ γνώριμοι τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰωνάθης υἱὸς Ἀνάνου κατάρξαι μὲν ἔλεγον τῆς ταραχῆς Σαμαρέας διὰ τὸν φόνον, αἴτιον δὲ τῶν ἀποβεβηκότων Κουμανὸν γεγονέναι μὴ θελήσαντα τοὺς αὐθέντας τοῦ σφαγέντος ἐπεξελθεῖν.

240 The best known of the Jews and Jonathan the son of Ananus the high priest, also came and said that by murdering people the Samaritans had begun the trouble, and that Cumanus was also responsible by being unwilling to punish the murderers.


[241] Κουαδρᾶτος δὲ τότε μὲν ἑκατέρους ὑπερτίθεται φήσας, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραγένηται, διερευνήσειν ἕκαστα, αὖθις δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Καισάρειαν τοὺς ὑπὸ Κουμανοῦ ζωγρηθέντας ἀνεσταύρωσεν πάντας.

241 Quadratus fobbed off both parties at the time, saying he would come to those places and enquire into all the details; then he went to Caesarea and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive.

[242] Ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Λύδδα παραγενόμενος πάλιν διήκουσεν τῶν Σαμαρέων, καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος ὀκτωκαίδεκα τῶν Ἰουδαίων, οὓς ἐπέπυστο μετεσχηκέναι τῆς μάχης, πελέκει διεχειρίσατο:

242 From there he went to Lydda, where he heard about the Samaritans and sent for eighteen of the Jews that he heard had been involved in the fight and beheaded them.

[243] Δύο δ' ἑτέρους τῶν δυνατωτάτων καὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς Ἰωνάθην καὶ Ἀνανίαν τόν τε τούτου παῖδα Ἄνανον καί τινας ἄλλους Ἰουδαίων γνωρίμους ἀνέπεμψεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Σαμαρέων τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους.

243 Two others of the most prominent of them he sent to Caesar, along with the high priests Jonathan and Ananias, and Ananus his son and some other Jewish notables, and did similarly with the most prominent of the Samaritans.

[244] Παρήγγειλεν δὲ καὶ Κουμανῷ καὶ Κέλερι τῷ χιλιάρχῳ πλεῖν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης δώσοντας Κλαυδίῳ λόγον ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγενημένων. Ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπὸ Λύδδων ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ καταλαβὼν τὸ πλῆθος ἄγον τὴν τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτὴν ἀθορύβως εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπανῄει.

244 He also commanded Cumanus and Celer the tribune to sail to Rome, to report to Caesar on what had been done. When he had settled these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem and finding the people celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any rioting, returned to Antioch.


[245] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας Κουμανοῦ καὶ Σαμαρέων, παρῆν δὲ καὶ Ἀγρίππας ἐκθύμως ὑπεραγωνιζόμενος Ἰουδαίων ἐπειδὴ καὶ Κουμανῷ πολλοὶ τῶν δυνατῶν παρίσταντο, Σαμαρέων μὲν καταγνοὺς τρεῖς ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους, Κουμανὸν δὲ ἐφυγάδευσεν.

[246] Κέλερα δὲ δεσμώτην ἀναπέμψας εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα παραδοθῆναι Ἰουδαίοις πρὸς αἰκίαν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ περισυρέντα τὴν πόλιν οὕτω τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποκοπῆναι.

245 When Caesar in Rome had heard Cumanus and the Samaritans, in the hearing of Agrippa who championed the cause of the Jews, while many people of influence supported Cumanus, he condemned the Samaritans and ordered the execution of three of the most powerful among them, and banished Cumanus. 246 He sent Celer as a prisoner to Jerusalem, to be handed over to the Jews and be abused, then dragged around the city and beheaded.


[247] Μετὰ ταῦτα Ἰουδαίας μὲν ἐπίτροπον Φήλικα τὸν Πάλλαντος ἀδελφὸν ἐκπέμπει τῆς τε Σαμαρείας καὶ Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος Ἀγρίππαν εἰς μείζονα βασιλείαν μετατίθησιν, δοὺς αὐτῷ τήν τε Φιλίππου γενομένην ἐπαρχίαν, αὕτη δ' ἦν Τραχωνῖτις καὶ Βατανέα καὶ Γαυλανῖτις, προσέθηκεν δὲ τήν τε Λυσανίου βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν Οὐάρου γενομένην τετραρχίαν.

247 After this he sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, as procurator to Galilee and Samaria and Perea and moved Agrippa from Chalcis to a greater kingdom, for he gave him the tetrarchy that had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis and Gaulonitis, adding on the kingdom of Lysanias and the tetrarchy which Varus had ruled.

[248] Αὐτὸς δὲ διοικήσας τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔτεσι τρισκαίδεκα, πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν Νέρωνα τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον,

248 Then, after ruling for thirteen years, eight months and twenty days, he died, leaving Nero as his successor in the empire.

[249] ὃν ταῖς Ἀγριππίνης τῆς γυναικὸς ἀπάταις ἐπὶ κληρονομίᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰσεποιήσατο καίπερ υἱὸν ἔχων γνήσιον Βρεττανικὸν ἐκ Μεσσαλίνης τῆς προτέρας γυναικὸς καὶ Ὀκταουίαν θυγατέρα τὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ζευχθεῖσαν Νέρωνι: γεγόνει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκ Παιτίνης Ἀντωνία.

249 Led astray by his wife Agrippina, he had adopted him as his successor, though he had a son of his own named Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife and a daughter named Octavia, whom he had given in marriage to Nero. He had also another daughter by Paetina, named Antonia.

Chapter 13. [vv. 250-270]
The Sicarii flourish in Nero's time. Syrians persecute the Jews in Caesarea


[250] Ὅσα μὲν οὖν Νέρων δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐδαιμονίας τε καὶ πλούτου παραφρονήσας ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην, ἢ τίνα τρόπον τόν τε ἀδελφὸν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν μητέρα διεξῆλθεν, ἀφ' ὧν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐγενεστάτους μετήνεγκεν τὴν ὠμότητα,

250 I will pass over the many mad antics of Nero, his huge prosperity and riches and how he misused his good fortune, killing his own brother and wife and mother, and how his savagery later reached out to others of the aristocracy;

[251] Καὶ ὡς τελευταῖον ὑπὸ φρενοβλαβείας ἐξώκειλεν εἰς σκηνὴν καὶ θέατρον, ἐπειδὴ δι' ὄχλου πᾶσίν ἐστιν, παραλείψω, τρέψομαι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ Ἰουδαίοις κατ' αὐτὸν γενόμενα.

251 and finally, about his foolish performances on the stage and the theatre, since lots of people have written of them. I shall limit myself to the events of his time in which the Jews were concerned.


[252] Τὴν μὲν οὖν μικρὰν Ἀρμενίαν δίδωσιν βασιλεύειν Ἀριστοβούλῳ τῷ Ἡρώδου, τῇ δ' Ἀγρίππα βασιλείᾳ τέσσαρας πόλεις προστίθησιν σὺν ταῖς τοπαρχίαις, Ἄβελα μὲν καὶ Ἰουλιάδα κατὰ τὴν Περαίαν, Ταριχέας δὲ καὶ Τιβεριάδα τῆς Γαλιλαίας, εἰς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν Ἰουδαίαν Φήλικα κατέστησεν ἐπίτροπον.

252 He gave the throne of Lesser Armenia to Herod's son, Aristobulus, and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four cities, with their districts: Abila and Julias in Perea, and Tarichea and Tiberias of Galilee. Over the rest of Judea he appointed Felix as procurator.

[253] Οὗτος τόν τε ἀρχιλῃστὴν Ἐλεάζαρον ἔτεσιν εἴκοσι τὴν χώραν λῃσάμενον καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ζωγρήσας ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς Ῥώμην: τῶν δ' ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λῃστῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ φωραθέντων δημοτῶν οὓς ἐκόλασεν, ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος ἦν.

253 This Felix captured alive the arch-brigand Eleazar and many of his group, who had ravaged the country for twenty years and sent them to Rome. He also had many brigands crucified, and took prisoner and punished an untold number of ordinary people who were involved with them.


[254] Καθαρθείσης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἕτερον εἶδος λῃστῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐπεφύετο, οἱ καλούμενοι σικάριοι, μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει φονεύοντες ἀνθρώπους,

254 With the country purged of these, another sort of brigands called Sicarii grew up in Jerusalem, who killed people in broad daylight even in the city itself.

[255] Μάλιστα [δὲ] ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς μισγόμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ὑποκρύπτοντες μικρὰ ξιφίδια, τούτοις ἔνυττον τοὺς διαφόρους, ἔπειτα πεσόντων μέρος ἐγίνοντο τῶν ἐπαγανακτούντων οἱ πεφονευκότες, διὸ καὶ παντάπασιν ὑπὸ ἀξιοπιστίας ἦσαν ἀνεύρετοι.

255 This was mainly during the festivals, when they mingled among the people with daggers concealed under their clothing to stab their enemies, and when the victim fell, joined in the protest against it, to make them seem trustworthy, so they could not be found out.

[256] Πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν Ἰωνάθης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποσφάττεται, μετὰ δ' αὐτὸν καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο πολλοί: καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν ὁ φόβος ἦν χαλεπώτερος, ἑκάστου καθάπερ ἐν πολέμῳ καθ' ὥραν τὸν θάνατον προσδεχομένου.

256 The first to be killed by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whom many were killed daily, resulting in a terror that was worse than the event itself, and as everyone faced the prospect of death at any moment, the same as in wartime.

[257] Προεσκοποῦντο δὲ πόρρωθεν τοὺς διαφόρους, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις προσιοῦσιν πίστις ἦν, ἐν μέσαις δὲ ταῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἀνῃροῦντο: τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὸ τάχος ἦν καὶ τοῦ λαθεῖν ἡ τέχνη.

257 People had to be on guard and keep their distance, no longer daring to trust even friends who were approaching them, but despite all precautions and security, they were still killed, so quickly and cunningly did the conspirators come at them.


[258] Συνέστη δὲ πρὸς τούτοις στῖφος ἕτερον πονηρῶν χειρὶ μὲν καθαρώτερον, ταῖς γνώμαις δὲ ἀσεβέστερον, ὅπερ οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν σφαγέων τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῆς πόλεως ἐλυμήνατο.

258 Another band of the wicked gathered, purer in their actions, but even worse in their intentions, which ruined the prosperity of the city no less than did these murderers.

[259] Πλάνοι γὰρ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἀπατεῶνες προσχήματι θειασμοῦ νεωτερισμοὺς καὶ μεταβολὰς πραγματευόμενοι δαιμονᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἔπειθον καὶ προῆγον εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ὡς ἐκεῖ τοῦ θεοῦ δείξοντος αὐτοῖς σημεῖα ἐλευθερίας.

259 These were the sort who deceived the people under pretext of divine inspiration, but were in favour of revolt and upheaval and drove the people mad and led them into the wilderness, claiming that God would there show them signs of liberation.

[260] Ἐπὶ τούτοις Φῆλιξ, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀποστάσεως εἶναι καταβολή, πέμψας ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ὁπλίτας πολὺ πλῆθος διέφθειρεν.

260 Felix saw this as the start of a revolt, so he sent some cavalry and armed infantry, who killed many of them.


[261] Μείζονι δὲ τούτου πληγῇ Ἰουδαίους ἐκάκωσεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ψευδοπροφήτης: παραγενόμενος γὰρ εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄνθρωπος γόης καὶ προφήτου πίστιν ἐπιθεὶς ἑαυτῷ περὶ τρισμυρίους μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἠπατημένων,

261 Even more harm was done to the Jews by an Egyptian charlatan claiming to be a prophet who led astray a throng of thirty thousand who put their trust in him.

[262] περιαγαγὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἐρημίας εἰς τὸ ἐλαιῶν καλούμενον ὄρος ἐκεῖθεν οἷός τε ἦν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα παρελθεῖν βιάζεσθαι καὶ κρατήσας τῆς τε Ῥωμαικῆς φρουρᾶς καὶ τοῦ δήμου τυραννεῖν χρώμενος τοῖς συνεισπεσοῦσιν δορυφόροις.

262 These he led round from the wilderness to what is called the Mount of Olives intending to force his way into Jerusalem, and if he defeated the Roman garrison he would tyrannise the people, with his fellow invaders as his bodyguard.

[263] Φθάνει δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν Φῆλιξ ὑπαντήσας μετὰ τῶν Ῥωμαικῶν ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνεφήψατο τῆς ἀμύνης, ὥστε συμβολῆς γενομένης τὸν μὲν Αἰγύπτιον φυγεῖν μετ' ὀλίγων, διαφθαρῆναι δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθῆναι πλείστους τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος σκεδασθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστον διαλαθεῖν.

263 Felix thwarted his attempt and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people joined in his attack. But in the battle, the Egyptian fled with a few others, while most of his supporters were either killed or taken alive, and the rest of the people scattered to their homes and hid themselves.


[264] Κατεσταλμένων δὲ καὶ τούτων ὥσπερ ἐν νοσοῦντι σώματι πάλιν ἕτερον μέρος ἐφλέγμαινεν. Οἱ γὰρ γόητες καὶ λῃστρικοὶ συναχθέντες πολλοὺς εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγον καὶ πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρεκρότουν θάνατον ἐπιτιμῶντες τοῖς πειθαρχοῦσιν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ πρὸς βίαν ἀφαιρήσεσθαι λέγοντες τοὺς ἑκουσίως δουλεύειν προαιρουμένους.

264 After this had calmed down, the sickness broke out in another place, as in a diseased body. A company of deceivers and brigands got together and persuaded the Jews to revolt and urged them to assert their liberty, punishing with death any who stayed submissive to Roman rule and saying that those who chose slavery should be forestalled.

[265] Μεριζόμενοι δὲ εἰς τὴν χώραν κατὰ λόχους διήρπαζόν τε τὰς τῶν δυνατῶν οἰκίας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀνῄρουν καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὥστε τῆς ἀπονοίας αὐτῶν πᾶσαν τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἀναπίμπλασθαι. Καὶ οὗτος μὲν ὁ πόλεμος καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνερριπίζετο.

265 These divided up into groups and prowled up and down the country, looting the houses of the great and killing their owners and setting villages on fire, until all Judea was full of their madness. So the flame of war was daily fanned more and more.


[266] Ἑτέρα δὲ ταραχὴ συνίσταται περὶ Καισάρειαν τῶν ἀναμεμιγμένων Ἰουδαίων πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Σύρους στασιασάντων. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν σφετέραν εἶναι τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖον γεγονέναι τὸν κτίστην αὐτῆς λέγοντες: ἦν δὲ Ἡρώδης ὁ βασιλεύς: οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι τὸν οἰκιστὴν μὲν προσωμολόγουν Ἰουδαῖον, αὐτὴν μέντοι γε τὴν πόλιν Ἑλλήνων ἔφασαν: οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνδριάντας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγκαθιδρῦσαι Ἰουδαίοις αὐτὴν ἀνατιθέντα.

266 There was another disturbance in Caesarea when the Jews who were there mixed in with the Syrians rioted against them. The Jews claimed the city as theirs since it had been built by a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians admitted that its builder was a Jew, but said that it was a Greek city, since whoever set up statues and temples in it could not have intended it for Jews.

[267] Διὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἠμφισβήτουν ἑκάτεροι: προῄει δ' αὐτοῖς τὸ φιλόνεικον εἰς ὅπλα καὶ καθ' ἡμέραν οἱ θρασύτεροι παρ' ἀμφοῖν προεπήδων ἐπὶ μάχην: οὔτε γὰρ Ἰουδαίων οἱ γεραιοὶ τοὺς ἰδίους στασιαστὰς κατέχειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν αἶσχος ἐδόκει Ἰουδαίων ἐλαττοῦσθαι.

267 So both parties went on until it finally came to open conflict and the braver souls marched out to battle. For the elders of the Jews were unable to curb their own people who were disposed to rebellion and the Greeks thought it would be shameful to be overcome by the Jews.

[268] Προεῖχον δ' οἱ μὲν πλούτῳ καὶ σωμάτων ἀλκῇ, τὸ δὲ Ἑλληνικὸν τῇ παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμύνῃ: τὸ γὰρ πλέον Ῥωμαίοις τῆς ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἐκ Συρίας ἦν κατειλεγμένον καὶ καθάπερ συγγενεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὰς βοηθείας ἕτοιμοι.

268 The former exceeded the others in riches and physical strength, but the Greeks had the advantage of support from the soldiers, for most of the Roman garrison came from Syria, and being so related to the Syrian side, were ready to help them.

[269] Τοῖς γε μὴν ἐπάρχοις φροντὶς ἦν ἀναστέλλειν τὴν ταραχὴν καὶ τοὺς μαχιμωτέρους ἀεὶ συλλαμβάνοντες ἐκόλαζον μάστιξι καὶ δεσμοῖς. Οὐ μὴν τὰ πάθη τῶν συλλαμβανομένων ἐνεποίει τοῖς καταλειπομένοις ἀνακοπὴν ἢ δέος, ἀλλ' ἔτι μᾶλλον παρωξύνοντο πρὸς τὴν στάσιν.

269 The city rulers wanted to quell the trouble and whenever they caught those who were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with beating and chains. Yet the sufferings of those who were caught did not scare the rest, or make them stop, but spurred them still more to revolt.

[270] Νικῶντας δέ ποτε τοὺς Ἰουδαίους προελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ὁ Φῆλιξ μετ' ἀπειλῆς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν. Τῶν δὲ μὴ πειθομένων ἐπιπέμψας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναιρεῖ συχνούς, ὧν διαρπαγῆναι συνέβη καὶ τὰς οὐσίας. Μενούσης δὲ τῆς στάσεως ἐπιλέξας ἑκατέρωθεν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἔπεμψεν πρέσβεις ἐπὶ Νέρωνα διαλεξομένους περὶ τῶν δικαίων.

270 Once when the Jews had defeated the Syrians, Felix came into the agora and ordered them with threats to go away. When they would not obey he set his soldiers on them, who killed many of them and looted whatever they had. When the rebellion still continued, he sent the influential people on both sides as envoys to Nero, to argue about their rights.

Chapter 14. [vv. 271-308]
Succession of Procurators: Felix, Festus, Albinus. Florus whose savagery drives the Jews to revolt


[271] Διαδεξάμενος δὲ παρὰ τούτου τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ὁ Φῆστος τὸ μάλιστα λυμαινόμενον τὴν χώραν ἐπεξῄει: τῶν γοῦν λῃστῶν συνέλαβέν τε πλείστους καὶ διέφθειρεν οὐκ ὀλίγους.

271 When Festus succeeded Felix as procurator he made it his business to check the people who were troubling the country the most, so he caught and killed many of the brigands.

[272] Ἀλλ' οὐχ ὁ μετὰ Φῆστον Ἀλβῖνος τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐξηγήσατο τῶν πραγμάτων, οὐκ ἔστιν δὲ ἥντινα κακουργίας ἰδέαν παρέλειπεν.

272 But Albinus, who came after Festus, did not handle affairs in the same way, and there was no sort of imaginable evil that he left untried.

[273] Οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς πράγμασιν ἔκλεπτεν καὶ διήρπαζεν τὰς ἑκάστων οὐσίας, οὐδὲ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐβάρει ταῖς εἰσφοραῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ λῃστείᾳ δεδεμένους ὑπὸ τῆς παρ' ἑκάστοις βουλῆς ἢ τῶν προτέρων ἐπιτρόπων ἀπελύτρου τοῖς συγγενέσιν, καὶ μόνος ὁ μὴ δοὺς τοῖς δεσμωτηρίοις ὡς πονηρὸς ἐγκατελείπετο.

273 Not only did he , in his political capacity, steal and loot every one's property and burden the whole nation with taxes, but he allowed people who had been imprisoned for robbery by the city council or by earlier procurators, to be ransomed for money by their relatives, so that the only ones remaining in prison for their crimes were those who did not pay up.

[274] Τηνικαῦτα καὶ τῶν νεωτερίζειν βουλομένων ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐθάρσησαν αἱ τόλμαι, καὶ χρήμασιν μὲν οἱ δυνατοὶ τὸν Ἀλβῖνον προσελάμβανον ὥστε τοῦ στασιάζειν αὐτοῖς παρέχειν ἄδειαν, τοῦ δημοτικοῦ δὲ τὸ μὴ χαῖρον ἡσυχίᾳ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀλβίνου κοινωνοὺς ἀπέκλινεν.

274 At the same time those who planned rebellion in Jerusalem became more daring, and their leaders bought permission from Albinus to go on with their plotting, while those of the people who cared nothing for peace joined forces with the Albinus party.

[275] Ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ἴδιον στῖφος ὑπεζωσμένος αὐτὸς μὲν ὥσπερ ἀρχιλῃστὴς ἢ τύραννος προανεῖχεν ἐκ τοῦ λόχου, τοῖς δορυφοροῦσι δὲ πρὸς ἁρπαγὰς τῶν μετρίων κατεχρῆτο.

275 Each of these ruffians had his own gang over which he lorded, like a pirate chief or tyrant, using his bodyguards to loot the peaceful citizens.

[276] Συνέβαινεν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀφῃρημένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγανακτεῖν ἐχρῆν σιωπᾶν, τοὺς ἄπληγας δὲ δέει τοῦ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ παθεῖν καὶ κολακεύειν τὸν ἄξιον κολάσεως. Καθόλου δὲ ἡ μὲν παρρησία πάντων περικέκοπτο, τυραννὶς δ' ἦν διὰ πλειόνων, καὶ τὰ σπέρματα τῆς μελλούσης ἁλώσεως ἔκτοτε τῇ πόλει κατεβάλλετο.

276 In practice, those who lost their property were forced to stay silent, though they had cause for wrath at what they suffered, while the people who were unharmed were forced to flatter the gangsters, for fear of suffering the same. All told, nobody dared speak out, for tyranny was everywhere, and this was when the seeds were sown that brought the city to destruction.


[277] Τοιοῦτον δ' ὄντα τὸν Ἀλβῖνον ἀπέδειξεν ὁ μετ' αὐτὸν ἐλθὼν Γέσσιος Φλῶρος ἀγαθώτατον κατὰ σύγκρισιν. Ὁ μέν γε λάθρα τὰ πολλὰ καὶ μεθ' ὑποστολῆς ἐκακούργησεν, Γέσσιος δὲ τὰς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος παρανομίας ἐπόμπευσεν καὶ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ κατακρίτων πεμφθεὶς δήμιος οὔτε ἁρπαγῆς τινα τρόπον οὔτε αἰκίας παρέλιπεν.

277 Such was the character of Albinus, but his successor Gessius Florus made him look a paragon by comparison. For while the former did his crimes secretly and with some discretion, Gessius flaunted his outrages against the nation, and as though sent as executioner to punish condemned criminals, he stopped short at no sort of plunder or wrongdoing.

[278] ἠν δὲ ἐν μὲν τοῖς ἐλεεινοῖς ὠμότατος, ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰσχροῖς ἀναιδέστατος. Οὔτε δὲ πλείω τις ἀπιστίαν τῆς ἀληθείας κατέχεεν οὔτε ἐν τῷ πανουργεῖν δολιωτέρας ὁδοὺς ἐπενόησεν. ᾯ τὸ μὲν κατ' ἄνδρα κερδαίνειν μικρὸν ἐδόκει, πόλεις δ' ὅλας ἐξεδίδυσκε καὶ δήμους ἀθρόους ἐλυμαίνετο καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐκήρυξεν ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν πᾶσιν ἐξεῖναι λῃστεύειν ἐφ' ᾧ μέρος αὐτὸς λήψεται τῶν λαφύρων.

278 Where situations were most pitiful he was most cruel, and was quite shameless regarding any vice. Nobody could outdo him in concealing the truth, or plan more subtle ways of deceit. He thought it too petty to take money from private individuals, so he stripped whole cities and ruined entire groups and as good as proclaimed to the entire country that all could turn to robbing, so long as he got a share in the spoils.

[279] Διὰ γοῦν τὴν ἐκείνου πλεονεξίαν πάσας ἐρημωθῆναι συνέβη τὰς πόλεις καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν πατρίων ἠθῶν ἐξαναστάντας φυγεῖν εἰς τὰς ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαρχίας.

279 His greed for gain brought ruin to whole cities and many left behind their paternal inheritance, to flee to foreign provinces.


[280] Μέχρι μὲν οὖν ἐν Συρίᾳ Κέστιος Γάλλος ἦν διέπων τὴν ἐπαρχίαν, οὐδὲ πρεσβεύσασθαί τις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐτόλμησεν κατὰ τοῦ Φλώρου: παραγενόμενον δὲ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς ἐνεστώσης περιστὰς ὁ δῆμος οὐκ ἐλάττους τριακοσίων μυριάδων ἱκέτευον ἐλεῆσαι τὰς τοῦ ἔθνους συμφορὰς καὶ τὸν λυμεῶνα τῆς χώρας Φλῶρον ἐκεκράγεσαν:

280 While Cestius Gallus was inspecting the province of Syria, nobody dared to send a delegation to him against Florus, but when he came to Jerusalem for the feast of unleavened bread, no fewer than three million people came round him, imploring him to pity the plight of their nation and denouncing Florus as the bane of the country.

[281] Ὁ δὲ παρὼν καὶ τῷ Κεστίῳ παρεστὼς διεχλεύαζεν τὰς φωνάς. Ὅ γε μὴν Κέστιος τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους καταστείλας καὶ δοὺς ἔμφασιν ὡς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον αὐτοῖς τὸν Φλῶρον κατασκευάσειεν μετριώτερον, ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν.

281 But he, standing alongside Cestius, just laughed at their words. Cestius, however, after calming the people and telling them he would ensure that Florus treated them more moderately in future, returned to Antioch.

[282] Προέπεμπε δὲ αὐτὸν μέχρι Καισαρείας Φλῶρος ἐξαπατῶν καὶ πόλεμον ἤδη τῷ ἔθνει σκοπούμενος, ᾧ μόνῳ συγκρύψειν τὰς ἑαυτοῦ παρανομίας ὑπελάμβανεν:

282 Florus conducted him as far as Caesarea, duping him, for already he intended to make war on the nation as the only way of concealing his crimes.

[283] εἰρήνης μὲν γὰρ οὔσης κατηγόρους ἕξειν ἐπὶ Καίσαρος Ἰουδαίους προσεδόκα, πραγματευσάμενος δὲ ἀπόστασιν αὐτῶν τῷ μείζονι κακῷ περισπάσειν τὸν ἔλεγχον ἀπὸ τῶν μετριωτέρων. Ὁ μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἂν ἀπορραγείη τὸ ἔθνος, καθ' ἡμέραν ἐπέτεινεν αὐτοῖς τὰς συμφοράς.

283 He guessed that if the peace continued, the Jews would accuse him before Caesar, but that if he could get them to revolt, this larger crime would divert attention from lesser charges. So to induce them to a rebellion he daily increased their woes.


[284] Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Καισαρέων Ἕλληνες νικήσαντες παρὰ Νέρωνι τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν τὰ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκόμισαν γράμματα, καὶ προσελάμβανεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ πόλεμος δωδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας, ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς Ἀγρίππα βασιλείας, Ἀρτεμισίου μηνός.

284 Meanwhile the Greeks from Caesarea had been granted by Nero control of the city and brought his legal judgment back with them. It was now that the war began, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius.

[285] Πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ συμφορῶν οὐκ ἀξίαν ἔσχεν πρόφασιν: οἱ γὰρ ἐν Καισαρείᾳ Ἰουδαῖοι, συναγωγὴν ἔχοντες παρὰ χωρίον, οὗ δεσπότης ἦν τις Ἕλλην Καισαρεύς, πολλάκις μὲν κτήσασθαι τὸν τόπον ἐσπούδασαν τιμὴν πολλαπλασίονα τῆς ἀξίας διδόντες:

285 The cause of this war was by no means proportionate to the awful effects it brought upon us. The Jews in Caesarea had a synagogue near a site owned by a Caesarean Greek. and had often tried to purchase the site, even offering to pay many times its value.

[286] ὡς δ' ὑπερορῶν τὰς δεήσεις πρὸς ἐπήρειαν ἔτι καὶ παρῳκοδόμει τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνος ἐργαστήρια κατασκευαζόμενος στενήν τε καὶ παντάπασιν βιαίαν πάροδον ἀπέλειπεν αὐτοῖς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ θερμότεροι τῶν νέων προπηδῶντες οἰκοδομεῖν ἐκώλυον.

286 The owner not only refused their offers, but continued building on the site, and as an insult arranged them as workshops, leaving only a narrow and difficult passage through them. Then some hot-blooded Jewish youth prevented them from going on with the building.

[287] Ὡς δὲ τούτους εἶργεν τῆς βίας Φλῶρος, ἀμηχανοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, σὺν οἷς Ἰωάννης ὁ τελώνης. Πείθουσι τὸν Φλῶρον ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις ὀκτὼ διακωλῦσαι τὸ ἔργον.

287 When Florus stopped them from using force, the Jewish leaders, along with John the tax-collector, unsure what to do, persuaded Florus with a bribe of eight talents to put a stop to the work.

[288] Ὁ δὲ πρὸς μόνον τὸ λαβεῖν ὑποσχόμενος πάντα συμπράξειν, λαβὼν ἔξεισιν τῆς Καισαρείας εἰς Σεβαστὴν καὶ καταλείπει τὴν στάσιν αὐτεξούσιον, ὥσπερ ἄδειαν πεπρακὼς Ἰουδαίοις τοῦ μάχεσθαι.

288 Interested only in money, he promised to do as they asked and left Caesarea to go to Sebaste, leaving the riot to take its course, as if he had sold the Jews a license to fight it out.


[289] Τῆς δ' ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας ἑβδομάδος οὔσης τῶν Ἰουδαίων εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν συναθροισθέντων στασιαστής τις Καισαρεὺς γάστραν καταστρέψας καὶ παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτῶν θέμενος ἐπέθυεν ὄρνεις. Τοῦτο τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀνηκέστως παρώξυνεν ὡς ὑβρισμένων μὲν αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, μεμιασμένου δὲ τοῦ χωρίου.

289 The following day, the sabbath when the Jews were crowding to their synagogue, a mischief-making Caesarean got an pottery vessel and set it at the entrance of the synagogue with its base upward and sacrificed birds on it. This extremely provoked the Jews, as an affront to their laws and a desecration of the place.

[290] Τὸ μὲν οὖν εὐσταθὲς καὶ πρᾷον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀναφεύγειν ᾤετο χρῆναι, τὸ στασιῶδες δὲ καὶ ἐν νεότητι φλεγμαῖνον ἐξεκαίετο πρὸς μάχην. Παρεσκευασμένοι δὲ εἱστήκεσαν οἱ τῶν Καισαρέων στασιασταί, τὸν γὰρ ἐπιθύσοντα προπεπόμφεσαν ἐκ συντάγματος, καὶ ταχέως ἐγένετο συμβολή.

290 It stirred the sober moderates among them to again have recourse to the authorities, while the rebels and those in the fervour of their youth, were hot for a fight. The rebels among the Gentiles of Caesarea were also ready for it, for they had purposely sent the man to sacrifice, and so it soon came to blows.

[291] Προσελθὼν δὲ Ἰούκουνδος ὁ διακωλύειν τεταγμένος ἱππάρχης τήν τε γάστραν αἴρει καὶ καταπαύειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν στάσιν. Ἡττωμένου δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς τῶν Καισαρέων βίας Ἰουδαῖοι τοὺς νόμους ἁρπάσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς Νάρβατα: χώρα τις αὐτῶν οὕτω καλεῖται σταδίους ἑξήκοντα διέχουσα τῆς Καισαρείας:

291 Jucundus, the cavalry captain who was responsible for keeping order, came and took away the pottery vessel and tried to put a stop to the rebellion, but was unable for the violence of the Caesareans, so the Jews took their books of the law and retreated to Narbata, a place of theirs sixty furlongs from Caesarea.

[292] Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην δυνατοὶ δώδεκα πρὸς Φλῶρον ἐλθόντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἀπωδύροντο περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ βοηθεῖν ἱκέτευον, αἰδημόνως ὑπομιμνήσκοντες τῶν ὀκτὼ ταλάντων. Ὁ δὲ καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τοὺς ἄνδρας αἰτιώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς νόμους ἐξενεγκεῖν τῆς Καισαρείας.

292 John and twelve of the leaders went to Sebaste, to Florus, and complained bitterly of their situation and begged his help, reminding him discretely of the eight talents they had given him, but he had them seized and put in prison, for taking the books of the law away from Caesarea.


[293] Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον. Ὁ δὲ Φλῶρος ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον, πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας.

293 While the citizens of Jerusalem took this very badly, they restrained their rage, but Florus, like a man hired to fan the flames of war, sent men to take seventeen talents from the sacred treasury, claiming Caesar needed them.

[294] Σύγχυσις δ' εὐθέως εἶχεν τὸν δῆμον, καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν βοαῖς διαπρυσίοις τὸ Καίσαρος ἀνεκάλουν ὄνομα καὶ τῆς Φλώρου τυραννίδος ἐλευθεροῦν σφᾶς ἱκέτευον.

294 This instantly stirred up the people, who rushed to the temple, loudly calling upon the name of Caesar and imploring him to free them from the tyranny of Florus.

[295] Ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν στασιαστῶν λοιδορίας αἰσχίστους εἰς τὸν Φλῶρον ἐκεκράγεσαν καὶ κανοῦν περιφέροντες ἀπῄτουν αὐτῷ κέρματα καθάπερ ἀκλήρῳ καὶ ταλαιπώρῳ. Τούτοις οὐκ ἀνετράπη τὴν φιλαργυρίαν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τὸ μᾶλλον χρηματίσασθαι παρωργίσθη.

295 Some of the rebels also cried out against Florus and heaped the greatest insults on him and carried a basket about, imploring for some coins for him, as for a pitiable pauper. Even this did not make shame him out of his love of money, but provoked him to get still more.

[296] Δέον γοῦν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐλθόντα σβέσαι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πῦρ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρχόμενον καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς ἀνελεῖν τὰς αἰτίας, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ μισθὸν ἔλαβεν, ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἱππικῆς τε καὶ πεζικῆς ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ὥρμησεν, ἵνα τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ὅπλοις ἐΡγάσηται καὶ τῷ δέει καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς περιδύσῃ τὴν πόλιν.

296 Instead of coming to Caesarea as he ought, to quench the flames of war starting from there, and so remove the cause of any trouble, for a bribe of eight talents he quickly marched against Jerusalem instead, with an army of cavalry and infantry, to impose his will by Roman arms and fear and threats, and subdue the city.


[297] Ὁ δὲ δῆμος προδυσωπῆσαι τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ βουλόμενος ὑπαντᾷ τοῖς στρατιώταις μετ' εὐφημίας καὶ τὸν Φλῶρον θεραπευτικῶς ἐκδέχεσθαι παρεσκευάσατο.

297 The people were eager to make Florus ashamed of this and met his soldiers with acclamations and lined up to receive him submissively.

[298] Κἀκεῖνος προπέμψας σὺν ἱππεῦσιν πεντήκοντα Καπίτωνα ἑκατοντάρχην ἀναχωρεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσεν καὶ μὴ πρὸς ὃν οὕτως ἐλοιδόρησαν αἰσχρῶς εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὰς νῦν φιλοφρονήσεις:

298 But he sent a centurion, Capito, ahead with fifty soldiers, to tell them go back and not to pretend now to receive him cordially, after so foully insulting him before.

[299] Δεῖν γὰρ αὐτούς, εἴπερ γενναῖοί εἰσιν καὶ παρρησιασταί, σκώπτειν μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ παρόντα, φαίνεσθαι δὲ μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς λόγοις, ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ὅπλοις φιλελευθέρους.

299 If they had generous souls and felt free to speak, they should mock him to his face and show their love of freedom, not just with words, but with weapons.

[300] Τούτοις καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος, ἅμα καὶ τῶν περὶ Καπίτωνα ἱππέων εἰς μέσον φερομένων, διεσκεδάσθη πρὶν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Φλῶρον ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φανερὸν ποιῆσαι τὸ πειθήνιον. Ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας μετὰ δέους καὶ ταπεινότητος ἐνυκτέρευσαν.

300 This message stunned the people and when Capito's cavalry came the crowd scattered without greeting Florus, or showing their submission to him. They retired to their own houses and spent that night in fear and embarrassment.


[301] Φλῶρος δὲ τότε μὲν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐλίζεται, τῇ δ' ὑστεραίᾳ βῆμα πρὸ αὐτῶν θέμενος καθέζεται, καὶ προσελθόντες οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ δυνατοὶ τό τε γνωριμώτατον τῆς πόλεως παρέστησαν τῷ βήματι.

301 Florus took up his quarters at the palace, and next day had his tribunal set in front of it and took his seat, and the high priests, the nobles and the notables of the city all came before the tribunal.

[302] Τούτοις ὁ Φλῶρος ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς λοιδορήσαντας αὐτὸν ἐκδοῦναι, φάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀπολαύσειν τῆς ἀμύνης, εἰ μὴ προάγοιεν τοὺς αἰτίους. Οἱ δὲ τὸν μὲν δῆμον ἀπέφηναν εἰρηνικὰ φρονοῦντα, τοῖς δὲ παραφθεγξαμένοις ᾐτοῦντο συγγνώμην:

302 Florus ordered them to hand over to him those who had insulted him and said they would share in their penalty if they did not produce them. They argued that the people were peaceably disposed and begged pardon for those who had spoken amiss.

[303] ἐν γὰρ τοσούτῳ πλήθει θαυμαστὸν μὲν οὐδὲν εἶναί τινας θρασυτέρους καὶ δι' ἡλικίαν ἄφρονας, ἀμήχανον δὲ τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων τὴν διάκρισιν ἑκάστου μετανοοῦντος καὶ δι' ἃ δέδρακεν ἀρνουμένου.

303 It was no wonder that among so many some would be more daring than was right, in youthful imprudence. Those who had offended could not be singled out from the rest, for all were sorry for what was done and denied it, for fear of the consequences.

[304] Δεῖν μέντοι γε ἐκεῖνον, εἰ προνοεῖ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἔθνος εἰρήνης καὶ βούλεται Ῥωμαίοις περισώζειν τὴν πόλιν, μᾶλλον διὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀκαταιτιάτους συγγνῶναι καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις πλημμελήσασιν ἢ δι' ὀλίγους πονηροὺς ταράξαι δῆμον ἀγαθὸν τοσοῦτον.

304 Instead he ought to provide for the peace of the nation and take advice that would keep the city for the Romans, and forgive a few guilty people for the sake of the many who were innocent, rather than harm so many good people for the sake of a few wrongdoers.



[305] Πρὸς ταῦτα μᾶλλον παροξυνθεὶς ἐμβοᾷ τοῖς στρατιώταις διαρπάζειν τὴν ἄνω καλουμένην ἀγορὰν καὶ κτείνειν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας. Οἱ δ' ἐπιθυμίᾳ κέρδους προσλαβόντες ἡγεμονικὴν παρακέλευσιν οὐ μόνον ἐφ' ὃν ἐπέμφθησαν τόπον ἥρπαζον, ἀλλ' εἰς πάσας ἐμπηδῶντες τὰς οἰκίας ἔσφαζον τοὺς οἰκήτορας.

305 Florus was further provoked by this and called aloud to the soldiers to loot the so-called Upper Marketplace, killing anyone they met. Taking their commander's urging as a licence for looting, the soldiers not only looted the place they were sent to, but forced their way into each house and killed its inhabitants.

[306] Φυγὴ δ' ἦν ἐκ τῶν στενωπῶν καὶ φόνος τῶν καταλαμβανομένων, τρόπος τε ἁρπαγῆς οὐδεὶς παρελείπετο, καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν μετρίων συλλαβόντες ἐπὶ τὸν Φλῶρον ἀνῆγον: οὓς μάστιξιν προαικισάμενος ἀνεσταύρωσεν.

306 As the citizens fled along the narrow lanes the soldiers killed whoever they caught and no source of loot was neglected. They caught many peaceful people and brought them to Florus, who first chastised them with whipping and then crucified them.

[307] Ὁ δὲ σύμπας τῶν ἐκείνης ἀπολομένων τῆς ἡμέρας ἀριθμὸς σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ τέκνοις, οὐδὲ γὰρ νηπίων ἀπέσχοντο, περὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ἑξακοσίους συνήχθη.

307 The whole number of people killed that day, with their wives and children, for not even the infants were spared, was about three thousand, six hundred.

[308] βαρυτέραν τε ἐποίει τὴν συμφορὰν τὸ καινὸν τῆς Ῥωμαίων ὠμότητος: ὃ γὰρ μηδεὶς πρότερον τότε Φλῶρος ἐτόλμησεν, ἄνδρας ἱππικοῦ τάγματος μαστιγῶσαί τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ σταυρῷ προσηλῶσαι, ὧν εἰ καὶ τὸ γένος Ἰουδαίων ἀλλὰ γοῦν τὸ ἀξίωμα Ῥωμαικὸν ἦν.

308 What made the disaster worse was this new level of Roman savagery, for Florus dared to do what none had done before, and had people of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal, men who, though Jews by birth, held that Roman dignity.

Chapter 15. [vv. 309-332]
Berenice fails to get Florus to spare the Jews. He further kindles the flames of war.


[309] Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας ἔτυχεν εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πεπορευμένος, ὅπως Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνησθείη πεπιστευμένῳ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑπὸ Νέρωνος καὶ πεμφθέντι διέπειν.

309 About this time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander on being entrusted by Nero as governor of Egypt.

[310] Τὴν ἀδελφὴν δὲ αὐτοῦ Βερνίκην παροῦσαν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ τὴν παρανομίαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν θεωμένην δεινὸν εἰσῄει πάθος, καὶ πολλάκις τούς τε ἱππάρχους ἑαυτῆς καὶ σωματοφύλακας πέμπουσα πρὸς Φλῶρον ἐδέετο παύσασθαι τοῦ φόνου.

310 When his sister Berenice visited Jerusalem and saw the lawlessness of the soldiers, she was angry and several times sent her cavalry officers and bodyguards to Florus with the request to stop the slaughter.

[311] Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὔτε εἰς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀναιρουμένων οὔτε εἰς τὴν εὐγένειαν τῆς παρακαλούσης, ἀλλ' εἰς μόνον τὸ λυσιτελὲς τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἁρπαγῶν ἀποβλέπων παρήκουσεν.

311 But he ignored her, heeding neither the number of the murders nor the rank of the intercessor, but only the profit he would make from this looting.

[312] Ἡ δ' ὁρμὴ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐλύσσησεν καὶ κατὰ τῆς βασιλίδος: οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν ὄμμασιν αὐτῆς ᾐκίζοντο τοὺς ἁλισκομένους καὶ διέφθειρον, ἀλλὰ κἂν αὐτὴν ἀνεῖλον, εἰ μὴ καταφυγεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν αὐλὴν ἔφθη, κἀκεῖ διενυκτέρευσεν μετὰ φυλακῆς δεδοικυῖα τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔφοδον.

312 The violence of the soldiers reached out even to the queen herself, for not only did they torture and kill their captives under her very eyes, but would have killed her too, if she had not hurried to safety in the palace and stayed there all night, under guard, for fear of the soldiers' violence.

[313] Ἐπεδήμει δ' ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις εὐχὴν ἐκτελοῦσα τῷ θεῷ: τοὺς γὰρ ἢ νόσῳ καταπονουμένους ἤ τισιν ἄλλαις ἀνάγκαις ἔθος εὔχεσθαι πρὸ τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν ἧς ἀποδώσειν μέλλοιεν θυσίας οἴνου τε ἀφέξεσθαι καὶ ξυρήσεσθαι τὰς κόμας.

313 She was visiting Jerusalem to fulfil a vow she had made to God, for it is traditional for those who are sick of an ailment or in any other distress to make vows, and they abstain from wine and from cutting their hair for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices.

[314] Ἃ δὴ καὶ τότε τελοῦσα Βερνίκη γυμνόπους τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ἱκέτευε τὸν Φλῶρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ μὴ τυχεῖν αἰδοῦς αὐτὴν τὸν περὶ τοῦ ζῆν κίνδυνον ἐπείρασεν.

314 These things Berenice was now performing and she would stand barefoot to beg before Florus's tribunal without being shown any respect and in some danger of being killed.


[315] Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἑξκαιδεκάτῃ μηνὸς Ἀρτεμισίου συνηνέχθη, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὑπερπαθῆσαν εἰς τὴν ἄνω συνέρρευσεν ἀγορὰν καὶ βοαῖς ἐξαισίοις περὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀνωδύρετο: τὸ πλέον δὲ ἦσαν εἰς τὸν Φλῶρον ἐπίφθονοι φωναί.

315 This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius. The following day, the people, who were in a highly stressed state, ran together to the upper market loudly lamenting those who had died, and most of the cries were of a kind insulting to Florus.

[316] Πρὸς ὃ δείσαντες οἱ δυνατοὶ σὺν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν τὰς ἐσθῆτας περιερρήξαντο καὶ προσπίπτοντες ἕκαστος ἐδέοντο παύσασθαι καὶ μὴ πρὸς οἷς πεπόνθασιν εἰς ἀνήκεστόν τι τὸν Φλῶρον ἐρεθίζειν.

316 This made the influential people nervous, and they, with the high priests, rent their clothing and fell down before each person, imploring them to stop and not to provoke Florus to something worse what they had already suffered.

[317] Ἐπείσθη δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ταχέως αἰδοῖ τε τῶν παρακαλούντων καὶ κατ' ἐλπίδα τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τὸν Φλῶρον εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομήσειν.

317 The people soon complied out of respect for those who had asked them and hoping that Florus would do them no more outrages.


[318] Ὁ δὲ σβεσθείσης τῆς ταραχῆς ἤχθετο καὶ πάλιν αὐτὴν ἀνάψαι πραγματευόμενος τούς τε ἀρχιερεῖς σὺν τοῖς γνωρίμοις μεταπέμπεται καὶ μόνον ἔφη τεκμήριον ἔσεσθαι τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τὸν δῆμον νεωτερίσειν, εἰ προελθόντες ὑπαντήσουσιν τοῖς ἀπὸ Καισαρείας ἀνιοῦσιν στρατιώταις: παρεγίνοντο δὲ δύο σπεῖραι.

318 He was annoyed that the trouble was over and tried to fan the flames again and sent for the high priests and the notables and said the only way to prove that the people intended no further revolt was if they went out to greet the two cohorts of soldiers who were coming up from Caesarea.

[319] Τῶν δ' ἔτι συγκαλούντων τὸ πλῆθος προπέμψας διεδήλου τοῖς τῶν σπειρῶν ἑκατοντάρχοις, ὅπως παραγγείλωσιν τοῖς ὑφ' ἑαυτοὺς μήτε ἀντασπάσασθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους κἄν τι κατ' αὐτοῦ φθέγξωνται, χρήσασθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις.

319 While these were urging the people to do so, he sent directions in advance to the centurions of the cohorts, to tell those under them not to return the salutations of the Jews, and to use their weapons if they made any comment against him.

[320] Οἱ δ' ἀρχιερεῖς εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὴν πληθὺν συναγαγόντες ὑπαντᾶν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παρεκάλουν καὶ πρὸ ἀνηκέστου πάθους τὰς σπείρας δεξιοῦσθαι. Τούτοις τὸ στασιῶδες ἠπείθει, καὶ διὰ τοὺς ἀπολωλότας τὸ πλῆθος ἔρρεπεν πρὸς τοὺς θρασυτέρους.

320 The high priests assembled the people in the temple and asked them to go to meet the Romans and greet the cohorts very civilly, before their wretched state should go beyond repair. The rebel group would not take this advice as the thought of those who had been killed attracted them to those who were the boldest for action.


[321] Ἔνθα δὴ πᾶς μὲν ἱερεὺς πᾶς δ' ὑπηρέτης τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ ἅγια σκεύη προκομίσαντες καὶ τὸν κόσμον, ἐν ᾧ λειτουργεῖν ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἀναλαβόντες κιθαρισταί τε καὶ ὑμνῳδοὶ μετὰ τῶν ὀργάνων προσέπιπτον καὶ κατηντιβόλουν φυλάξαι τὸν ἱερὸν κόσμον αὐτοῖς καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἁρπαγὴν τῶν θείων κειμηλίων Ῥωμαίους ἐρεθίσαι.

321 So all the priests and ministers of God brought out the holy vessels and ornaments they normally used in their liturgy. The harpers and the hymn-singers came with their instruments and fell prostrate and begged them to spare their holy ornaments and not provoke the Romans to take away such sacred treasures.

[322] Τοὺς δ' ἀρχιερεῖς αὐτοὺς ἦν ἰδεῖν καταμωμένους μὲν τὴν κεφαλὴν κόνει, γυμνοὺς δὲ τὰ στέρνα τῶν ἐσθήτων διερρηγμένων. Ὀνομαστὶ δ' ἕκαστον τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ κοινῇ τὸ πλῆθος ἱκέτευον μὴ δι' ἐλαχίστης πλημμελείας προδοῦναι τὴν πατρίδα τοῖς ἐπιθυμοῦσιν πορθῆσαι:

322 Even the high priests were seen with dust sprinkled thickly on their heads, wearing torn clothing and imploring each of the prominent men and the general population, not to betray their country for the sake of a small offense, to those who wanted to see it looted.

[323] τίνα γὰρ ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φέρειν ὠφέλειαν τὸν ἀπὸ Ἰουδαίων ἀσπασμὸν ἢ διόρθωσιν αὐτοῖς τῶν συμβεβηκότων τὸ μὴ νῦν προελθεῖν;

323 They said, "What benefit will it be to the soldiers to be saluted by the Jews? What do you gain if you now refuse to go out to meet them?"

[324] Εἰ δὲ δὴ δεξιώσαιντο τοὺς προσιόντας ὡς ἔθος, Φλώρῳ μὲν ἀποκοπήσεσθαι τὴν ἀφορμὴν τοῦ πολέμου, κερδήσειν δ' αὐτοὺς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν παθεῖν πλέον. ἄλλως τε καὶ τὸ πείθεσθαι στασιάζουσιν ὀλίγοις, δέον αὐτοὺς δῆμον ὄντας τοσοῦτον συναναγκάζειν κἀκείνους συνευγνωμονεῖν, δεινῆς ἀκρασίας εἶναι.

324 For if they greeted them civilly, Florus would lose his excuse for starting a war and thereby they would save their country and avoid further sufferings. It would also show a great lack of self-control if they yielded to a few rebels, when it was better for such a people to make the others act soberly.


[325] Τούτοις μειλισσόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος ἅμα καὶ τῶν στασιαστῶν οὓς μὲν ἀπειλαῖς οὓς δὲ αἰδοῖ κατέστειλαν. Ἔπειτα ἐξηγούμενοι μεθ' ἡσυχίας τε καὶ κόσμου τοῖς στρατιώταις ὑπήντων καὶ πλησίον γενομένους ἠσπάσαντο: τῶν δὲ μηδὲν ἀποκριναμένων οἱ στασιασταὶ Φλώρου κατεβόων.

325 With such urging, spoken to the people and the rebels, they restrained some by threats and others by the reverence shown to them. Then they led them out and met the soldiers in a peaceful, orderly manner and came up to greet them. When they made no answer, the rebels shouted against Florus, which was the signal given in order to attack them.

[326] Τοῦτο ἦν σύνθημα κατ' αὐτῶν δεδομένον: αὐτίκα γοῦν οἱ στρατιῶται περισχόντες αὐτοὺς ἔπαιον ξύλοις, καὶ φεύγοντας οἱ ἱππεῖς καταδιώκοντες συνεπάτουν. Ἔπιπτον δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων τυπτόμενοι, πλείους δ' ὑπ' ἀλλήλων βιαζόμενοι.

326 The soldiers quickly surrounded them and beat them with their clubs, and the cavalry trampled them as they fled, so that many died from the blows of the Romans and more by pressing on each other in the crush.

[327] Δεινὸς δὲ περὶ τὰς πύλας ὠθισμὸς ἦν, καὶ φθάνειν ἑκάστου σπεύδοντος βραδυτέρα μὲν ἡ φυγὴ πᾶσιν ἐγίνετο, τῶν δὲ σφαλέντων ἀπώλεια δεινή: πνιγόμενοι γὰρ καὶ κλώμενοι πλήθει τῶν ἐπιβαινόντων ἠφανίζοντο, καὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς ταφήν τις γνώριμος τοῖς ἰδίοις κατελείπετο.

327 There was terrible crowding about the gates, with all hurrying to get out, all were held back and there was terrible loss of life among those who fell down, for they were suffocated and crushed by the crowd above them, so that one could be unidentifiable by his relatives, for burial.

[328] Συνέπιπτον δὲ καὶ στρατιῶται παίοντες ἀνέδην τοὺς καταλαμβανομένους καὶ διὰ τῆς Βεθεζὰ καλουμένης ἀνεώθουν τὸ πλῆθος βιαζόμενοι παρελθεῖν καὶ κρατῆσαι τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀντωνίας: ὧν καὶ Φλῶρος ἐφιέμενος ἐξῆγε τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸ φρούριον ἐλθεῖν ἠγωνίζετο.

328 The soldiers thrust in with them, beating without mercy anyone they caught, and pushing the people through the place called Bezatha, as they surged forward, trying to enter and seize the temple and the Antonia tower. Since Florus also wanted to take those places, he brought his troop from the king's palace and tried to reach the fortress.

[329] Διήμαρτέν γε μὴν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς: ὁ γὰρ δῆμος ἄντικρυς ἐπιστραφεὶς εἶργεν τῆς ὁρμῆς, καὶ διαστάντες ἐπὶ τῶν τεγῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἔβαλλον. Καταπονούμενοι δὲ τοῖς ὕπερθεν βέλεσιν καὶ διακόψαι τὸ τοὺς στενωποὺς ἐμφράξαν πλῆθος ἀσθενήσαντες ἀνεχώρουν εἰς τὸ πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις στρατόπεδον.

329 But his attempt failed, for the people turned back against him and stopped his rush, and then went up on the roofs of their houses and hurled things at the Romans. These weapons from above posed a problem since they could not make their way through the people blocking the narrow alleys, so they retreated to their camp near the palace.


[330] Οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ δείσαντες μὴ πάλιν ἐπελθὼν ὁ Φλῶρος κρατήσῃ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διὰ τῆς Ἀντωνίας, ἀναβάντες εὐθέως τὰς συνεχεῖς στοὰς τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρὸς τὴν Ἀντωνίαν διέκοψαν.

330 The rebels were afraid that Florus might again come through the Antonia tower and seize the temple, so they immediately got up into the porticoes joining the temple to the Antonia and cut them down.

[331] Τοῦτ' ἔψυξεν τὴν Φλώρου πλεονεξίαν: τῶν γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ θησαυρῶν ἐφιέμενος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παρελθεῖν ἐπιθυμῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀντωνίαν, ὡς ἀπερράγησαν αἱ στοαί, τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀνετράπη, καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τούς τε ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τὴν βουλὴν αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξιέναι τῆς πόλεως ἔφη, φρουρὰν δ' ἐγκαταλείψειν αὐτοῖς ὅσην ἂν ἀξιώσωσιν.

331 This cooled the greed of Florus, for whereas he wished to get into Antonia in order to seize the sacred treasury, he gave up on this as soon as the porticoes were broken down, and sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrin and told them he was going to leave the city, but would leave them as large a garrison as they desired.

[332] Τῶν δὲ πάντα περὶ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν ὑποσχομένων, εἰ μίαν αὐτοῖς καταλείποι σπεῖραν, μὴ μέντοι τὴν μαχεσαμένην: πρὸς γὰρ ταύτην ἀπεχθῶς δι' ἃ πέπονθεν ἔχειν τὸ πλῆθος: ἀλλάξας τὴν σπεῖραν, ὡς ἠξίουν, μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Καισάρειαν.

332 They promised to keep good order if he would leave them one cohort, though not the one that had fought the Jews, as the people resented what they had suffered from that cohort, so he changed the cohort as they asked, and returned to Caesarea with the rest of his forces.

Chapter 16. [vv. 333-404]
Cestius sends a tribune to report on Judea. Agrippa argues: Don't Rebel Against Rome


[333] Ἑτέραν δὲ ἐπιβολὴν τῷ πολέμῳ ποριζόμενος ἐπέστελλεν Κεστίῳ Ἰουδαίων ἀπόστασιν καταψευδόμενος τήν τε ἀρχὴν τῆς μάχης περιθεὶς αὐτοῖς καὶ δρᾶσαι λέγων ἐκείνους ἃ πεπόνθεσαν. Οὐ μὴν οὐδ' οἱ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἄρχοντες ἐσίγησαν, ἀλλ' αὐτοί τε καὶ Βερνίκη τῷ Κεστίῳ περὶ ὧν Φλῶρος εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρηνόμησεν ἔγραφον.

333 Florus arranged another way to force the Jews to begin a war and sent a false message to Cestius accusing the Jews of rebelling, blaming them for starting the recent strife, and portraying them as the cause of the troubles in which they were really the victims. But the leaders of Jerusalem did not stay silent about this, but wrote to Cestius, as did Berenice too, about the crimes of Florus against the city.

[334] Ὁ δὲ τὰ παρ' ἀμφοῖν ἀναγνοὺς μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐβουλεύετο. Τοῖς μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἐδόκει Κέστιον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἀναβαίνειν ἢ τιμωρησόμενον τὴν ἀπόστασιν, εἰ γέγονεν, ἢ βεβαιοτέρους καταστήσοντα Ἰουδαίους καὶ συμμένοντας, αὐτῷ δὲ προπέμψαι τῶν ἑταίρων τὸν κατασκεψόμενον τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὰ φρονήματα τῶν Ἰουδαίων πιστῶς ἀναγγελοῦντα.

334 Reading both accounts, he consulted his officers, some of whom thought Cestius should bring up his army either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to establish Roman rule more firmly, if the Jews stayed peaceful under them. He decided to send one of his friends ahead, to evaluate and give him a true account of the mind of the Jews.

[335] Πέμπει δή τινα τῶν χιλιάρχων Νεαπολιτανόν, ὃς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ὑποστρέφοντι περιτυχὼν Ἀγρίππᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ Ἰάμνειαν τόν τε πέμψαντα καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἐδήλωσεν.

335 Neopolitanus the tribune was sent and in Jamnia he met king Agrippa who was returning from Alexandria, and explained his mission and its purpose.


[336] Ἔνθα καὶ Ἰουδαίων οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἡ βουλὴ παρῆν δεξιουμένη τὸν βασιλέα. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν εἰς ἐκεῖνον θεραπείαν ἀπωδύροντο τὰς ἑαυτῶν συμφορὰς καὶ τὴν Φλώρου διεξῄεσαν ὠμότητα.

336 Then the high priests and notables among the Jews, and the Sanhedrin, came to salute the king, and after paying their respects, they lamented their own troubles and related to him the cruel treatment they had received from Florus.

[337] Πρὸς ἣν ἠγανάκτει μὲν Ἀγρίππας, στρατηγικῶς δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς οὓς ἠλέει Ἰουδαίους μετέφερεν, ταπεινοῦν αὐτῶν βουλόμενος τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τῷ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀδίκως τι παθεῖν τῆς ἀμύνης ἀποτρέπων.

337 Agrippa was furious about this savagery, but subtly shifted his anger towards the Jews, whom he really pitied, in order to reduce their anger, lessening their sense of grievance, in order to dissuade them from revenge.

[338] Οἱ μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἂν ὄντες ἔκκριτοι καὶ διὰ τὰς ἑαυτῶν κτήσεις ἐπιθυμοῦντες εἰρήνης, συνίεσαν εὐνοικὴν τὴν ἐπίπληξιν τοῦ βασιλέως: ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐκ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπὶ ἑξήκοντα προελθὼν σταδίους ἐδεξιοῦτο τὸν Ἀγρίππαν καὶ τὸν Νεαπολιτανόν.

338 These men, being property-owners and of better judgment than the others and wanting peace, understood that this reproach by the king was for their good, and the people came out sixty furlongs from `Jerusalem to welcome Agrippa and Neopolitanus.

[339] Ἐκώκυον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπεσφαγμένων αἱ γυναῖκες προεκθέουσαι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τούτων οἰμωγὴν ὁ δῆμος εἰς ὀλοφυρμοὺς τραπόμενος ἐπικουρεῖν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἱκέτευεν, τοῦ τε Νεαπολιτανοῦ κατεβόων ὅσα πάθοιεν ὑπὸ Φλώρου καὶ παρελθοῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τήν τε ἀγορὰν ἠρημωμένην ἐπεδείκνυσαν καὶ πεπορθημένας τὰς οἰκίας.

339 However, the wives of people who had been killed came running in advance and wailing, and when the people heard their mourning, they also wailed and begged Agrippa to help them, while shouting at Neopolitanus and complaining of all they had endured under Florus. When they arrived in the city, they showed them how the Marketplace had been wrecked and the houses looted.

[340] Ἔπειτα δι' Ἀγρίππα πείθουσι τὸν Νεαπολιτανὸν σὺν ἑνὶ θεράποντι περιελθεῖν μέχρι τοῦ Σιλωᾶ τὴν πόλιν, ἵνα γνῷ Ἰουδαίους τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις Ῥωμαίοις ἅπασιν εἴκοντας, μόνῳ δ' ἀπεχθανομένους Φλώρῳ δι' ὑπερβολὴν τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς ὠμότητος. Ὁ δὲ ὡς διοδεύσας πεῖραν ἱκανὴν ἔλαβεν τῆς πραότητος αὐτῶν, εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναβαίνει.

340 Through Agrippa, they then persuaded Neopolitanus to walk round the city, with just one servant, as far as Siloam, to let him see that the Jews submitted to all the other Romans and only objected to Florus, because of his excessive savagery to them. So he walked round and saw the mild temper of the populace and then went up to the temple.

[341] Ἔνθα συγκαλέσας τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εἰς πίστιν αὐτοὺς τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐπαινέσας, πολλὰ δὲ εἰς τὸ τηρεῖν τὴν εἰρήνην προτρεψάμενος καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνήσας ὅθεν ἐξῆν τὰ ἅγια πρὸς Κέστιον ἐπανῄει.

341 Calling the people together, he praised them highly for their fidelity to the Romans and urged them to keep the peace. Then after worshipping God from the area of the temple that he was allowed to visit, he returned to Cestius.


[342] Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐπί τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς τραπόμενον πέμπειν κατὰ Φλώρου πρέσβεις ἠξίου πρὸς Νέρωνα καὶ μὴ σιωπῶντας ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ καταλιπεῖν ἑαυτοῖς ὑπόνοιαν ἀποστάσεως: δόξειν γὰρ αὐτοὶ κατάρξαι τῶν ὅπλων, εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες ἐνδείξαιντο τὸν κατάρξαντα:

342 The majority of the Jews asked the king and to the high priests for permission to send envoys to Nero against Florus, so as not by their silence after such killings, to have him suspect them of starting a revolt. They felt that they might be seen as instigators of the war, if they did not get in early and show who really began it.

[343] φανεροὶ δ' ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες, εἰ τὴν πρεσβείαν τις ἀποκωλύει. Ἀγρίππᾳ δὲ τὸ μὲν χειροτονεῖν Φλώρου κατηγόρους ἐπίφθονον, τὸ περιιδεῖν δὲ Ἰουδαίους εἰς πόλεμον ἐκριπισθέντας οὐδὲ αὐτῷ λυσιτελὲς κατεφαίνετο.

343 It was also clear that they would not stay peaceful, if anyone stopped them from sending such a delegation. Agrippa thought it dangerous for them to send men to accuse Florus, but did not want to ignore them, as they were in a mood for war.

[344] Προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ εἰς τὸν ξυστὸν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ παραστησάμενος ἐν περιόπτῳ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Βερνίκην ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσαμωναίων οἰκίας, αὕτη γὰρ ἦν ἐπάνω τοῦ ξυστοῦ πρὸς τὸ πέραν τῆς ἄνω πόλεως, καὶ γέφυρα τῷ ξυστῷ τὸ ἱερὸν συνῆπτεν, Ἀγρίππας ἔλεξεν τοιάδε.

344 So he summoned the people into the Xystus (large gallery) and placing his sister Berenice in their sight, on the roof of the Hasmonean palace above the Xystus, across from the upper town, where a bridge joined the temple to the gallery, Agrippa addressed them as follows:


[345] "Εἰ μὲν ἑώρων πάντας ὑμᾶς πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαίοις ὡρμημένους καὶ μὴ τοῦ δήμου τὸ καθαρώτατον καὶ εἰλικρινέστατον εἰρήνην ἄγειν προῃρημένους, οὔτ' ἂν παρῆλθον εἰς ὑμᾶς οὔτε συμβουλεύειν ἐθάρρησα: περισσὸς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν πᾶς λόγος, ὅταν ᾖ τῶν ἀκουόντων πάντων [ἡ] πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ὁμόνοια.

345 "If I saw you all eager for war with the Romans, instead of the better and more sincere part of you preferring to live in peace, I would not have come out to you, or dared to advise you, for any speech attempting to persuade people to do their duty is wasted if the hearers are bent on a worse course.

[346] Ἐπεὶ δὲ τινὰς μὲν ἡλικία τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κακῶν ἄπειρος, τινὰς δὲ ἐλπὶς ἀλόγιστος ἐλευθερίας, ἐνίους δὲ πλεονεξία τις παροξύνει καὶ τὸ παρὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων, ἐὰν τὰ πράγματα συγχυθῇ, κέρδος, ὅπως αὐτοί τε σωφρονισθέντες μεταβάλωνται καὶ μὴ τῆς ἐνίων κακοβουλίας οἱ ἀγαθοὶ παραπολαύσωσιν, ᾠήθην δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας ὑμᾶς συναγαγὼν εἰπεῖν ἃ νομίζω συμφέρειν.

346 But some young folk are eager for war because they have no experience of the evils it brings, and some are for it from an empty hope of regaining the liberty, and others want it because they hope for profit, by seizing the property of the weak, once all is in confusion; and therefore, so that the former may wisely change their minds and the virtuous suffer no harm from the misdeeds of others, I thought to gather you together and tell you what I think to be for your good.

[347] Θορυβήσῃ δέ μοι μηδείς, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκούῃ: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀνηκέστως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ὡρμημένοις ἔνεστι καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν ταῦτα φρονεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ διαπίπτει καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούειν ἐθέλοντας ὁ λόγος, ἐὰν μὴ παρὰ πάντων ἡσυχία γένηται.

347 Let nobody shout me down, even if annoyed at what I say, if there are any who are incurably bent on revolt, they may persist in that view when my exhortation is done. But my words will be lost, even for those who wish to hear me, unless you all keep silence.

[348] Οἶδα μὲν οὖν ὅτι πολλοὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ὕβρεις καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐγκώμια τραγῳδοῦσιν, ἐγὼ δὲ πρὶν ἐξετάζειν τίνες ὄντες καὶ τίσιν ἐπιχειρεῖτε πολεμεῖν, πρῶτον διαζεύξω τὴν συμπλοκὴν τῶν προφάσεων.

348 "I know the outcry of many about the wrongs done to you by your procurators and the glories of liberty. But before examining those against whom you propose to fight, I would first distinguish among the claims which some have jumbled together.

[349] Εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀμύνεσθε τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας, τί σεμνύνετε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν; εἰ δὲ τὸ δουλεύειν ἀφόρητον ἡγεῖσθε, περισσὴ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἡ μέμψις: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνων μετριαζόντων αἰσχρὸν ὁμοίως τὸ δουλεύειν.

349 If revenge on those who have done you wrong is what you want, why talk of liberty? But if you find slavery intolerable, why complain against particular officers? For even if they treated you fairly, to be slaves would still be unworthy.

[350] Σκοπεῖτε δὲ καὶ καθ' ἕκαστον τούτων ὡς ἔστιν μικρὰ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἡ ὑπόθεσις, καὶ πρῶτά γε τὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐγκλήματα: θεραπεύειν γάρ, οὐκ ἐρεθίζειν χρὴ τὰς ἐξουσίας:

350 "Considered one by one you will see how weak are your reasons for going to war; and first, the complaints against your procurators. You should be submissive to the authorities and not irritate them.

[351] ὅταν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τοὺς ἐξονειδισμοὺς ποιῆσθε μεγάλους, καθ' ἑαυτῶν τοὺς ὀνειδιζομένους ἀπελέγχετε, καὶ παρέντες τὸ λάθρα καὶ μετ' αἰδοῦς ὑμᾶς βλάπτειν πορθοῦσι φανερῶς. Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως τὰς πληγὰς ὡς τὸ φέρειν ἀναστέλλει, καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἡσύχιον τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι γίνεται διατροπή.

351 Men reprimanded for minor offenses become more hostile towards those who rebuke them, and instead of harming you secretly and with shamed they will openly lay waste whatever you have. Nothing dampens the force of blows so much as patiently bearing them , and a calm response curbs the doing of still more harm.

352 Even if the Roman officials are intolerably harsh, not all of the Romans, or Caesar himself, have been unjust to you, and it is against them you are going to war. It is not at their orders that an oppressor came to you, for they in the west cannot see those sent to the east. Over there it is it not easy even to hear news from these parts.

[352] Φέρε δ' εἶναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ὑπηρέτας ἀνηκέστως χαλεπούς: οὔπω Ῥωμαῖοι πάντες ἀδικοῦσιν ὑμᾶς οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, πρὸς οὓς αἱρεῖσθε τὸν πόλεμον: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐξ ἐντολῆς ἥκει τις πονηρὸς ἀπ' ἐκείνων, οὐδέ γε τοὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οἱ ἀφ' ἑσπέρας ἐπιβλέπουσιν: ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ταχέως τὰ ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖ ῥᾴδιον.

353 It is absurd to attack so many for the sake of one, or go to war with such a people for a small cause, before they even know our complaints.

[353] ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ δι' ἕνα πολλοῖς καὶ διὰ μικρὰς αἰτίας τηλικούτοις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσιν ἃ μεμφόμεθα πολεμεῖν.

[354] Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμετέρων ἐγκλημάτων ταχεῖα γένοιτ' ἂν διόρθωσις: οὔτε γὰρ ὁ αὐτὸς ἐπίτροπος μένει διὰ παντός, καὶ τοὺς διαδεξομένους εἰκὸς ἐλεύσεσθαι μετριωτέρους: κινηθέντα δ' ἅπαξ τὸν πόλεμον οὔτε ἀποθέσθαι ῥᾴδιον δίχα συμφορῶν οὔτε βαστάζειν.

354 The crimes we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not last for ever, and his successors may come in a more temperate spirit. Once begun, war is not easily ended, nor waged without risk of disaster.

[355] Ἀλλὰ μὴν τό γε νῦν ἐλευθερίας ἐπιθυμεῖν ἄωρον, δέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ ἀποβαλεῖν αὐτὴν ἀγωνίζεσθαι πρότερον: ἡ γὰρ πεῖρα τῆς δουλείας χαλεπή, καὶ περὶ τοῦ μηδ' ἄρξασθαι ταύτης ὁ ἀγὼν δίκαιος.

355 "Your present thirst for liberty is untimely; you should have struggled harder in the past never to lose it. For slavery is hard and it would have been right to struggle not to let it begin.

[356] Ὁ δ' ἅπαξ χειρωθείς, ἔπειτα ἀφιστάμενος, αὐθάδης δοῦλός ἐστιν, οὐ φιλελεύθερος. Τότε τοιγαροῦν ἐχρῆν πάνθ' ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δέξασθαι Ῥωμαίους ποιεῖν, ὅτε ἐπέβαινεν τῆς χώρας Πομπήιος.

356 But when one has been enslaved and runs away, he is a headstrong slave rather than a lover of liberty. The proper time to have done everything to keep out the Romans was when Pompey first invaded the country.

[357] Ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν καὶ χρήμασιν καὶ σώμασιν καὶ ψυχαῖς ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πολλῷ διακείμενοι πρὸς μοῖραν ὀλίγην τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀντέσχον: ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὸ μὲν ὑπακούειν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρειληφότες, τοῖς πράγμασιν δὲ τῶν πρώτων ὑπακουσάντων τοσοῦτον ἐλαττούμενοι, πρὸς ὅλην ἀνθίστασθε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν;

357 But our ancestors and their kings, who were better off than you in riches and in strength of body and soul, did not hold off even a small part of the Roman army. Yet you, after generations of obedience and so less well supplied than those who first submitted, can you withstand the whole Roman empire?

[358] Καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν οἱ περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας παραδόντες ποτὲ καὶ πυρὶ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ τὸν ὑπερήφανον Ξέρξην διὰ γῆς πλεύσαντα καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδεύσαντα καὶ μὴ χωρούμενον μὲν τοῖς πελάγεσιν, πλατυτέραν δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντα, οἷα δραπέτην ἐπὶ μιᾶς νηὸς διώξαντες, περὶ δὲ τῇ μικρᾷ Σαλαμῖνι τὴν τοσαύτην Ἀσίαν κλάσαντες νῦν δουλεύουσιν Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίδα τῆς Ἑλλάδος πόλιν διοικεῖ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας προστάγματα.

358 "The Athenians once set fire to their own city, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece. They pursued Xerxes, that proud prince who "sailed upon land and walked on the sea" and for whom the seas were too narrow and whose army was wider than Europe, and made him flee like a fugitive in a single ship and broke the power of Asia off the coast of little Salamis, but these are now slaves to the Romans and instructions from Italy become laws for the city that once ruled Greece.

[359] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ Θερμοπύλας καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ τὸν ἐρευνήσαντα τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἀγησίλαον ἀγαπῶσιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεσπότας,

359 The Spartans too, despite Thermopylae and Platea and Agesilaus, who explored Asia, are content under the same masters.

[360] Καὶ Μακεδόνες ἔτι φανταζόμενοι Φίλιππον καὶ τὴν σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παρασπείρουσαν αὐτοῖς τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ὁρῶντες, φέρουσιν τὴν τοσαύτην μεταβολὴν καὶ πρὸς οὓς μεταβέβηκεν ἡ τύχη προσκυνοῦσιν.

360 The Macedonians too, who still cherish the image of Philip and how Fortune along with Alexander spread their empire over the world, what a change they suffered to now have to obey those whom fortune has favoured in their place.

[361] ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει: μόνοι δ' ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα. Ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς Ῥωμαίων θαλάσσας; ποῦ δ' οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί;

361 Myriads of other nations with a fuller we claim to freedom than ours, are subjected. Are you the only people who disdain to serve those to whom the universe has yielded? What are the troops and the armour you depend on? Where is your fleet, to take over the Roman seas? Where are the treasuries to support your undertakings?

[362] Πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ἄρα καὶ πρὸς Ἄραβας οἴεσθε κινεῖν τὸν πόλεμον; οὐ περισκέψεσθε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν; οὐ μετρήσετε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀσθένειαν; οὐ τὰ μὲν ἡμέτερα καὶ τῶν προσοίκων ἐθνῶν ἡττήθη πολλάκις, ἡ δὲ ἐκείνων ἰσχὺς διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀνίκητος;

362 "Is it is with the Egyptians or the Arabs you think you are going to war? Will you not reflect on the Roman empire? Will you not measure your own weakness? Has your army not often been defeated even by your neighbouring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the world?

[363] Μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ταύτης ἐζήτησάν τι πλέον: οὐ γὰρ ἐξήρκεσεν αὐτοῖς ὅλος Εὐφράτης ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οὐδὲ τῶν προσαρκτίων ὁ Ἴστρος ἥ τε μεσημβρινὴ μέχρι τῶν ἀοικήτων ἐρευνηθεῖσα Λιβύη καὶ Γάδειρα πρὸς ἑσπέραν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν ἑτέραν ἐζήτησαν οἰκουμένην καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνιστορήτων πρότερον Βρεττανῶν διήνεγκαν τὰ ὅπλα.

363 They even seek still further, for not content to have the Euphrates as their eastern border and the Danube on the north, they they seek further habitable earth beyond their southern limit, Libya, and beyond Cadiz, their western extreme, and have carried their weapons across the ocean as far as the British, previously unknown to history.

[364] Τί οὖν; ὑμεῖς πλουσιώτεροι Γαλατῶν, ἰσχυρότεροι Γερμανῶν, Ἑλλήνων συνετώτεροι, πλείους τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐστὲ πάντων; τί τὸ πεποιθὸς ὑμᾶς κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐπαίρει;

364 What therefore do you aim to achieve? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all people in the world? What inspires you to rise against the Romans?

[365] χαλεπὸν τὸ δουλεύειν, ἐρεῖ τις. Πόσῳ μᾶλλον Ἕλλησιν, οἳ τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ πάντων προύχοντες εὐγενείᾳ καὶ τοσαύτην νεμόμενοι χώραν ἓξ Ῥωμαίων ὑπείκουσιν ῥάβδοις, τοσαύταις δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες οἱ δικαιότερον ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι.

365 "One might say, 'Slavery is hard to endure.' But how much harder is this for the Greeks, deemed the noblest of all people under the sun, who though they live in a large country, are ruled by the six Roman fasces. The same for the Macedonians, who have more reason than you to claim their liberty.

[366] Τί δ' αἱ πεντακόσιαι τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεις; οὐ δίχα φρουρᾶς ἕνα προσκυνοῦσιν ἡγεμόνα καὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς ῥάβδους; τί χρὴ λέγειν Ἡνιόχους τε καὶ Κόλχους καὶ τὸ τῶν Ταύρων φῦλον, Βοσπορανούς τε καὶ τὰ περίοικα τοῦ Πόντου καὶ τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἔθνη;

366 What of the five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not, without a garrison, submit to a single ruler and the consular fasces? Need I speak of the Heniochi and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, the people of the Bosphorus and the nations around Pontus and Meotis?

[367] Παρ' οἷς πρὶν μὲν οὐδ' οἰκεῖος ἐγιγνώσκετο δεσπότης, νῦν δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ὑποτάσσεται, καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς μακραὶ τὴν πρὶν ἄπλωτον καὶ ἀγρίαν εἰρηνεύουσι θάλασσαν.

367 Formerly they recognised no master even among their own, but are now in subjection to three thousand infantry, while forty long ships keep the peace in a sea that formerly was unnavigated and wild!

[368] Πόσα Βιθυνία καὶ Καππαδοκία καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται; τί δαί; Θρᾷκες οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες, τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν, οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις Ῥωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς;

368 What a strong claim for liberty have Bithynia and Cappadocia and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians and Cilicians - but they pay tax without recourse to arms. The Thracians, whose country is five days' journey broad and seven in length, and is more rugged and much more defensible than yours, and the depth of whose cold prevents armies from attacking them... are they not obedient to a Roman garrison of two thousand men?

[369] Οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τούτων Ἰλλυριοὶ τὴν μέχρι Δαλματίας ἀποτεμνομένην Ἴστρῳ κατοικοῦντες, οὐ δυσὶν μόνοις τάγμασιν ὑπείκουσιν, μεθ' ὧν αὐτοὶ τὰς Δακῶν ἀνακόπτουσιν ὁρμάς;

369 And the Illyrians, their neighbours, are they not ruled from Dalmatia to the Danube, by just two legions, with whom they also block the attacks of the Dacians?

370 And the Dalmatians, who so often rebelled for their freedom and were never so subdued in the past but that they always regrouped and rebelled again, are they not now at peace under a single Roman legion?

[370] Οἱ δὲ τοσαυτάκις πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν ἀναχαιτίσαντες Δαλμάται καὶ πρὸς τὸ μόνον ἀεὶ χειρωθέντες τότε συλλεξάμενοι τὴν ἰσχὺν πάλιν ἀποστῆναι, νῦν οὐχ ὑφ' ἑνὶ τάγματι Ῥωμαίων ἡσυχίαν ἄγουσιν;

[371] Ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γέ τινας εἰς ἀπόστασιν ὤφειλον ἀφορμαὶ μεγάλαι παροξύνειν, μάλιστα Γαλάτας ἐχρῆν τοὺς οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως τετειχισμένους, ἐξ ἀνατολῆς μὲν ταῖς Ἄλπεσιν πρὸς ἄρκτῳ δὲ Ῥήνῳ ποταμῷ, μεσημβρινοῖς δὲ τοῖς Πυρηναίοις ὄρεσιν, ὠκεανῷ δὲ πρὸς δυσμῶν.

371 If great advantages could prompt any people to rebel, the Gauls were best equipped of all, with such strong natural defences: the Alps on the east, the river Rhine on the north, the Pyrenee mountains on the south, and the ocean on the west.

[372] Ἀλλὰ καίτοι τηλικαῦτα μὲν ἕρκη περιβεβλημένοι, πέντε δὲ καὶ τριακοσίοις πληθύοντες ἔθνεσιν, τὰς δὲ πηγάς, ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι, τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιχωρίους ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς σχεδὸν ὅλην ἐπικλύζοντες τὴν οἰκουμένην, ἀνέχονται Ῥωμαίων πρόσοδος ὄντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν οἰκείαν εὐδαιμονίαν.

372 But though these Gauls are surrounded by such obstacles to prevent them being attacked, and include no fewer than three hundred and five nations, and have in their land, one may say, the very sources of prosperity, and flood nearly all the world with their plentiful goods, they accept to pay tax to the Romans and have their own economy meted out by them.

[373] Καὶ τοῦθ' ὑπομένουσιν οὐ διὰ φρονημάτων μαλακίαν οὐδὲ δι' ἀγένειαν, οἵ γε διήνεγκαν ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη πόλεμον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως Ῥωμαίων καὶ τὴν τύχην καταπλαγέντες, ἥτις αὐτοῖς κατορθοῖ πλείονα τῶν ὅπλων. Τοιγαροῦν ὑπὸ χιλίοις καὶ διακοσίοις στρατιώταις δουλεύουσιν, ὧν ὀλίγου δεῖν πλείους ἔχουσι πόλεις.

373 They tolerate this, not because of cowardice or ignoble lineage, for they fought for their freedom for all of eighty years, but because they were overwhelmed by the power of the Romans and for fate, which supports them even more than their weapons. Therefore they are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, though they have as many cities as that.

[374] Οὐδὲ Ἴβηρσιν ὁ γεωργούμενος χρυσὸς εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐξήρκεσεν πόλεμον οὐδὲ τὸ τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης διάστημα φῦλά τε Λουσιτανῶν καὶ Καντάβρων ἀρειμάνια οὐδὲ γείτων ὠκεανὸς φοβερὰν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἄμπωτιν ἐπάγων,

374 The Iberians found that the gold dug from their mines was not enough to support their war for liberty, nor their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea, nor the tribes of the Lusitanians and Cantabrians with their mania for war, nor the ocean, sucked by its tides, so feared by the natives.

[375] ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ τὰς Ἡρακλείους στήλας ἐκτείναντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διὰ νεφῶν ὁδεύσαντες τὰ Πυρηναῖα ὄρη καὶ τούτους ἐδουλώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι: φρουρὰ δ' ἤρκεσεν τῶν οὕτως δυσμάχων καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπῳκισμένων ἓν τάγμα.

375 The Romans have brought their armies beyond the pillars of Hercules, and walked through the clouds on the Pyrenean mountains, and subdued these nations. One legion is enough to guard these people, although they were so hard to defeat and at such a distance from Rome.

[376] Τίς ὑμῶν οὐκ ἀκοῇ παρείληφεν τὸ Γερμανῶν πλῆθος; ἀλκὴν μὲν γὰρ καὶ μεγέθη σωμάτων εἴδετε δήπου πολλάκις, ἐπεὶ πανταχοῦ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς τούτων αἰχμαλώτους ἔχουσιν.

376 Which of you has not heard of the German hordes ? Surely you have often seen how strong and tall they are, since everywhere the Romans have them among their slaves?

[377] Ἀλλ' οὗτοι γῆν μὲν ἄπειρον νεμόμενοι, μείζω δὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἔχοντες τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν θανάτου καταφρονοῦσαν, τοὺς δὲ θυμοὺς τῶν ἀγριωτάτων θηρίων σφοδροτέρους, Ῥῆνον τῆς ὁρμῆς ὅρον ἔχουσιν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὀκτὼ τάγμασιν δαμαζόμενοι δουλεύουσιν μὲν ἁλόντες, τὸ δ' ὅλον αὐτῶν ἔθνος φυγῇ διασώζεται.

377 But though living in an immense country, these Germans, whose minds are even larger than their bodies and souls that despise death, and who can rage more fiercely than wild beasts, are kept bordered behind the Rhine and are tamed by eight Roman legions, with their captives enslaved, and all the rest of the nation forced to flee.

[378] Σκέψασθε δὲ καὶ τὸ Βρεττανῶν τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμων τείχεσιν πεποιθότες: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν καὶ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι, τέσσαρα δὲ τάγματα τὴν τοσαύτην νῆσον φυλάσσει.

378 You who depend on the ramparts of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had, for the Romans sailed across and subdued them, though they were surrounded by the ocean and inhabited an island no less in size than the land we live in, and four legions are enough to guard so large an island.

[379] Καὶ τί δεῖ πολλὰ λέγειν, ὅπου καὶ Πάρθοι, τὸ πολεμικώτατον φῦλον, τοσούτων ἄρχοντες ἐθνῶν καὶ τηλικαύτην περιβεβλημένοι δύναμιν ὁμήρους πέμπουσιν Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἰδεῖν ἐν εἰρήνης προφάσει δουλεύουσαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς εὐγένειαν.

379 What more need I say, when even that most warlike race, the Parthians, lords of so many nations and endowed with such strength, send hostages to the Romans? In Italy one may see how the noblest nation of the East, in order to have peace, submits to serve them.

[380] Πάντων δὴ σχεδὸν τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα προσκυνούντων ὑμεῖς μόνοι πολεμήσετε μηδὲ τὸ Καρχηδονίων τέλος σκοποῦντες, οἳ τὸν μέγαν αὐχοῦντες Ἀννίβαν καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Φοινίκων εὐγένειαν ὑπὸ τὴν Σκιπίωνος δεξιὰν ἔπεσον;

380 So, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people to make war on them? Do you forget the fate of the Carthaginians, who boasted of the great Hannibal and the nobility of their Phoenician origins, but fell by the hand of Scipio?

[381] Οὔτε δὲ Κυρηναῖοι, τὸ Λακώνων γένος, οὔτε Μαρμαρίδαι, τὸ μέχρι τῆς διψάδος ἐκτεταμένον φῦλον, οὔθ' αἱ φοβεραὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν Σύρτεις Νασαμῶνές τε καὶ Μαῦροι καὶ τὸ Νομάδων ἄπειρον πλῆθος τὰς Ῥωμαίων ἀνέκοψαν ἀρετάς.

381 The Cyrenians, derived from the Spartans, and the Marmaridites, whose nation extends to regions uninhabitable for lack of water, and the Syrtes, a place fearful to those who barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors and the immense throng of the Numidians, none of these could resist the Roman bravery.

[382] Τὴν δὲ τρίτην τῆς οἰκουμένης μοῖραν, ἧς οὐδὲ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι τὰ ἔθνη ῥᾴδιον, ὁριζομένην Ἀτλαντικῷ τε πελάγει καὶ στήλαις Ἡρακλείοις καὶ μέχρι τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης τοὺς ἀπείρους νέμουσαν Αἰθίοπας ἐχειρώσαντο μὲν ὅλην,

382 This third part of the world, whose nations are countless and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and supports innumerable Ethiopians as far as the Red Sea, these too the Romans have entirely subdued.

[383] χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν, οἳ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τὸ κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην πλῆθος τρέφουσιν, καὶ ἔξωθεν παντοίως φορολογοῦνται καὶ ταῖς χρείαις τῆς ἡγεμονίας παρέχουσιν ἑτοίμους τὰς εἰσφοράς, οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιταγμάτων ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς ὕβριν ἡγούμενοι καίπερ ἑνὸς τάγματος αὐτοῖς παραμένοντος.

383 Besides the annual crops, which maintain the Roman population for eight months in the year, this region also pays all sorts of tax and revenues for the maintenance of the empire. Unlike you, they do not regard such regulations as any disgrace, although they have just one Roman legion living among them.

[384] Καὶ τί δεῖ πόρρωθεν ὑμῖν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὑποδεικνύναι δύναμιν παρὸν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τῆς γειτνιώσης,

384 What need is there to show you the power of the Romans in distant places, when it is seen so close at hand, in Egypt?

[385] ἥτις ἐκτεινομένη μέχρις Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῆς εὐδαίμονος Ἀραβίας ὅρμος τε οὖσα τῆς Ἰνδικῆς, πεντήκοντα πρὸς ταῖς ἑπτακοσίαις ἔχουσα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων δίχα τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν κατοικούντων, ὡς ἔνεστιν ἐκ τῆς καθ' ἑκάστην κεφαλὴν εἰσφορᾶς τεκμήρασθαι, τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν οὐκ ἀδοξεῖ, καίτοι πηλίκον ἀποστάσεως κέντρον ἔχουσα τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πλήθους τε ἀνδρῶν ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου πρὸς δὲ μεγέθους:

385 This reaches as far as Ethiopia and Happy Arabia, the port for India, and has a population of seven million five hundred thousand, besides the people of Alexandria, as the revenues of the poll tax show, yet it is not ashamed to submit to the rule of Rome, despite the great temptation to rebel it has in Alexandria, so full of people and riches.

[386] Μῆκος μέν γε αὐτῆς τριάκοντα σταδίων, εὖρος δ' οὐκ ἔλαττον δέκα, τοῦ δὲ ἐνιαυσιαίου παρ' ὑμῶν φόρου καθ' ἕνα μῆνα πλέον Ῥωμαίοις παρέχει καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἔξωθεν τῇ Ῥώμῃ σῖτον μηνῶν τεσσάρων: τετείχισται δὲ πάντοθεν ἢ δυσβάτοις ἐρημίαις ἢ θαλάσσαις ἀλιμένοις ἢ ποταμοῖς ἢ ἕλεσιν.

386 This huge city, thirty furlongs in length and no less than ten wide, pays more tax to the Romans in one month than you do in a year, and besides its money-tax it sends to Rome the corn that supports it for four months each year. It is protected on all sides by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no harbours, or by rivers, or by lakes.

[387] Ἀλλ' οὐδὲν τούτων ἰσχυρότερον εὑρέθη τῆς Ῥωμαίων τύχης, δύο δ' ἐγκαθήμενα τῇ πόλει τάγματα τὴν βαθεῖαν Αἴγυπτον ἅμα τῇ Μακεδόνων εὐγενείᾳ χαλινοῖ.

387 Yet none of these was too strong for the Roman fortune, and two legions based in that city are a curb both on the remoter parts of Egypt and on the parts inhabited by the nobler Macedonians.

[388] Τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν Ῥωμαῖοι, εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἀδιαβηνῆς ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν,

388 "What allies will you have in this war? Will you get them from the uninhabited wilds, since all in the inhabited world are Romans? Do any of you hope for help from beyond the Euphrates and imagine that your relatives in Adiabene will come to your help?

[389] οἱ δ' οὔτε δι' αἰτίαν ἄλογον τηλικούτῳ πολέμῳ συνεμπλέξουσιν ἑαυτούς, οὔτε βουλευσαμένοις κακῶς ὁ Πάρθος ἐπιτρέψει: πρόνοια γὰρ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐκεχειρίας, καὶ παραβαίνειν οἰήσεται τὰς σπονδάς, ἄν τις τῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἴῃ.

389 These will not for a foolish reason involve themselves in such a war, and even if they were so ill advised, the Parthian king would not let them to do so, for he is concerned to maintain the truce with Rome and would be deemed to break the treaty if any under his rule went against the Romans.

[390] Λοιπὸν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίαν καταφευκτέον. Ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τέτακται: δίχα γὰρ θεοῦ συστῆναι τηλικαύτην ἡγεμονίαν ἀδύνατον.

390 "The only recourse left is to the help of God. But this is already on the side of the Romans, since so vast an empire could not possibly be built without God.

[391] Σκέψασθε δ' ὡς ὑμῖν τὸ τῆς θρησκείας ἄκρατον, εἰ καὶ πρὸς εὐχειρώτους πολεμοίητε, δυσδιοίκητον, καὶ δι' ἃ μᾶλλον τὸν θεὸν ἐλπίζετε σύμμαχον, ταῦτ' ἀναγκαζόμενοι παραβαίνειν ἀποστρέψετε.

391 Reflect how your religious customs cannot be maintained in time of war, even if you fight an easier foe. So how can you hope for God's special help, when, being forced to break his law, you make him turn his face away from you?

[392] Τηροῦντές γε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἑβδομάδων ἔθη καὶ πρὸς μηδεμίαν πρᾶξιν κινούμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἁλώσεσθε, καθάπερ οἱ πρόγονοι Πομπηίῳ ταύτας μάλιστα τὰς ἡμέρας ἐνεργοὺς ποιησαμένῳ τῆς πολιορκίας, ἐν αἷς ἤργουν οἱ πολιορκούμενοι:

392 But if you do observe the sabbath customs and do no action on that day, you will be taken as easily as were your ancestors by Pompey, who pressed his siege most busily on those very days when the besieged rested.

[393] παραβαίνοντες δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν πάτριον νόμον οὐκ οἶδ' ὑπὲρ ὅτου λοιπὸν ποιήσεσθε τὸν ἀγῶνα: σπουδὴ γὰρ ὑμῖν μία τὸ μὴ τῶν πατρίων τι καταλῦσαι.

393 If in time of war you transgress your ancestral law I wonder why you go to war at all, if your concern is to protect your ancestral customs?

[394] Πῶς δὲ ἐπικαλέσεσθε τὸ θεῖον πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν οἱ παραβάντες ἑκουσίως τὴν εἰς αὐτὸ θεραπείαν; ἐπαναιροῦνται δὲ ἕκαστοι πόλεμον ἢ θείᾳ πεποιθότες ἢ ἀνθρωπίνῃ βοηθείᾳ: ὅταν δὲ τὴν παρ' ἀμφοῖν τὸ εἰκὸς ἀποκόπτῃ, φανερὰν ἅλωσιν οἱ πολεμοῦντες αἱροῦνται.

394 How will you call upon the Deity to help you, while deliberately neglecting his worship? Everyone going to war does so depending on either divine or human help, but since your proposed war will deprive you of both those helps, those who are for war are evidently choosing destruction.

[395] Τί δὴ κωλύει ταῖς ἑαυτῶν χερσὶν διαχρήσασθαι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν περικαλλεστάτην πατρίδα ταύτην καταφλέξαι; μανέντες γὰρ οὕτως τό γε τῆς ἥττης ὄνειδος κερδήσετε. Καλόν,

395 What is to stop you from killing your children and wives with your own hands and burning this splendid place of yours? For only by such a mad step will you escape the shame of being defeated.

[396] ὦ φίλοι, καλόν, ἕως ἔτι ἐν ὅρμῳ τὸ σκάφος προσκέπτεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα χειμῶνα μηδ' εἰς μέσας τὰς θυέλλας ἀπολουμένους ἀναχθῆναι: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀδήλων ἐπιπεσοῦσιν δεινοῖς τὸ γοῦν ἐλεεῖσθαι περίεστιν, ὁ δ' εἰς πρόδηλον ἀπώλειαν ὁρμήσας καὶ προσονειδίζεται.

396 But it would be best, my friends, it would be best, while the boat is still in the harbour, to foresee the impending gale and not sail out into the middle of the storm, to be lost. For if it is right to pity those who fall into great unforeseen troubles, any who rush to foreseeable ruin deserve only our contempt.

[397] Πλὴν εἰ μή τις ὑπολαμβάνει κατὰ συνθήκας πολεμήσειν καὶ Ῥωμαίους κρατήσαντας ὑμῶν μετριάσειν, ἀλλ' οὐκ εἰς ὑπόδειγμα τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καταφλέξειν μὲν τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν, ἀναιρήσειν δὲ πᾶν ὑμῶν τὸ φῦλον: οὐδὲ γὰρ περιλειφθέντες φυγῆς εὑρήσετε τόπον ἁπάντων ἐχόντων Ῥωμαίους δεσπότας ἢ δεδοικότων σχεῖν.

397 "Can anyone imagine that you can enter into a war governed by treaty, or that when the Romans defeat you they will treat you with fairness? No indeed, but as an example to other nations they will burn your holy city and utterly destroy your nation. Those of you who survive the war will be unable to find a place to flee, since all people already serve the Romans or are afraid of doing so, later.

[398] Ὁ δὲ κίνδυνος οὐ τῶν ἐνθάδε μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας κατοικούντων πόλεις: οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης δῆμος ὁ μὴ μοῖραν ἡμετέραν ἔχων.

398 Indeed, the danger concerns not only the Jews here, but also those living in other cities. For there is no nation in the world which does not have some of our race.

[399] Οὓς ἅπαντας πολεμησάντων ὑμῶν κατασφάξουσιν οἱ διάφοροι, καὶ δι' ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν κακοβουλίαν πᾶσα πλησθήσεται πόλις Ἰουδαικοῦ φόνου. Καὶ συγγνώμη μὲν τοῖς τοῦτο πράξασιν: ἂν δὲ μὴ πραχθῇ, λογίσασθε, πῶς πρὸς οὕτω φιλανθρώπους ὅπλα κινεῖν ἀνόσιον.

399 All of them your enemies will kill if you go to war, so thatfor the sake of a few men every city will be filled with slaughtered Jews, and whoever kills them will be pardoned. And if that did not take place, how wrong it would be to take arms against such humane opponents.

[400] Εἰσελθέτω δ' οἶκτος ὑμᾶς εἰ καὶ μὴ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ τῆς γε μητροπόλεως ταύτης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν περιβόλων. φείσασθε τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἑαυτοῖς μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων τηρήσατε: ἀφέξονται γὰρ οὐκέτι Ῥωμαῖοι τούτων κρατήσαντες, ὧν φεισάμενοι πρότερον ἠχαρίστηνται.

400 Have pity, therefore, not only on your children and wives, but on this your metropolis and its sacred walls. Spare for yourselves the temple and the sanctuary, with its holy furnishings. For if the Romans lay hands on them, they will not spare them, seeing that their fairness in the past was so ungratefully repaid.

[401] Μαρτύρομαι δὲ ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῶν τὰ ἅγια καὶ τοὺς ἱεροὺς ἀγγέλους τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρίδα τὴν κοινήν, ὡς οὐδὲν τῶν σωτηρίων ὑμῖν καθυφηκάμην, ὑμεῖς δὲ βουλευσάμενοι μὲν τὰ δέοντα κοινὴν σὺν ἐμοὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἕξετε, προαχθέντες δὲ τοῖς θυμοῖς χωρὶς ἐμοῦ κινδυνεύσετε."

401 I call as witness your sanctuary and the holy angels of God and this country shared by us all, that I have held back nothing that can contribute to your safety. If you follow my advice as you should, you will enjoy with me the blessings of peace, but if you are driven by your passions, you will run those risks without me."


[402] Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ἐπεδάκρυσέν τε μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς καὶ πολὺ τῆς ὁρμῆς αὐτῶν ἔπαυσεν τοῖς δακρύοις. Ἀνεβόων δὲ οὐ Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ Φλώρῳ δι' ἃ πεπόνθασιν πολεμεῖν.

402 When he said this both he and his sister wept and by their tears curbed much of the public violence, but still the people shouted that the war was not against the Romans, but against Florus, for what they had suffered under him.

[403] Πρὸς τοῦτο βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας "ἀλλὰ τὰ ἔργα, ἔφη, Ῥωμαίοις ἤδη πολεμούντων ἐστίν: οὔτε γὰρ Καίσαρι δεδώκατε τὸν φόρον καὶ τὰς στοὰς ἀπεκόψατε τῆς Ἀντωνίας.

403 To this king Agrippa replied that what they had done already looked like making war on the Romans. "For you have not paid the tax due to Caesar and have cut off the porticoes from the Antonia.

[404] Ἀποσκευάσαισθε δ' ἂν τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως, εἰ ταύτας τε συνάψετε πάλιν καὶ τελέσετε τὴν εἰσφοράν: οὐ γὰρ δή γε Φλώρου τὸ φρούριόν ἐστιν ἢ Φλώρῳ τὰ χρήματα δώσετε."

404 You can end the revolt by joining these again and paying your tax. Remember, the fortress does not belong to Florus, nor is it to Florus that your tax money will go."

Chapter 17. [vv. 405-456]
How the war began; Masada and Jerusalem. Eleazar's act of treachery


[405] Τούτοις ὁ δῆμος ἐπείθετο, καὶ μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τῆς τε Βερνίκης ἀναβάντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν κατήρξαντο τῆς τῶν στοῶν δομήσεως, εἰς δὲ τὰς κώμας οἵ τε ἄρχοντες καὶ βουλευταὶ μερισθέντες τοὺς φόρους συνέλεγον. Ταχέως δὲ τὰ τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα, τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἔλειπεν, ἠθροίσθη.

405 The people took this advice and going up to the temple with the king and Berenice they began to rebuild the porticoes, and their officers and senators went out into the villages and soon collected the forty talents of taxes that were in arrears.

[406] Καὶ τοῦ μὲν πολέμου τότε οὕτω τὴν ἀπειλὴν κατεῖχεν Ἀγρίππας, αὖθις δὲ ἐπειρᾶτο πείθειν τὸ πλῆθος ὑπακούειν Φλώρῳ, μέχρις ἀντ' αὐτοῦ πέμψει Καῖσαρ διάδοχον: πρὸς ὃ παροξυνθέντες ἐβλασφήμουν εἰς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτὸν ἐξεκήρυσσον, ἐτόλμων δέ τινες τῶν στασιαστῶν καὶ λίθους ἐπ' αὐτὸν βάλλειν.

406 So, for the moment, Agrippa averted the danger of war. Moreover, he tried to persuade the people to obey Florus, until Caesar should send his successor. This provoked them again and they cursed the king and banished him from the city, and some of the rebels even dared to throw stones at him.

[407] Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἰδὼν τὴν ὁρμὴν ἤδη τῶν νεωτεριζόντων ἀκατάσχετον καὶ χαλεπήνας ἐφ' οἷς προπεπηλάκισται, τοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας αὐτῶν ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἔπεμπε πρὸς Φλῶρον εἰς Καισάρειαν, ἵν' ἐκεῖνος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποδείξῃ τοὺς τὴν χώραν φορολογήσοντας, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν.

407 The king, seeing how he could not restrain the rebels from violence and very angry at the abuse he had received, sent the officers and notables to Florus in Caesarea, to have him appoint whoever he pleased to collect the taxes, while he returned to his own kingdom.


[408] Κἀν τούτῳ τινὲς τῶν μάλιστα κινούντων τὸν πόλεμον συνελθόντες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ φρούριόν τι καλούμενον Μασάδαν, καὶ καταλαβόντες αὐτὸ λάθρα τοὺς μὲν Ῥωμαίων φρουροὺς ἀπέσφαξαν, ἑτέρους δ' ἐγκατέστησαν ἰδίους.

408 Some of the main promoters of the war attacked a fortress called Masada and took it by stealth, killing the Romans who were there and putting others of their own party to hold it.

[409] ἅμα δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν Ἐλεάζαρος υἱὸς Ἀνανία τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, νεανίας θρασύτατος, στρατηγῶν τότε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν λατρείαν λειτουργοῦντας ἀναπείθει μηδενὸς ἀλλοτρίου δῶρον ἢ θυσίαν προσδέχεσθαι. Τοῦτο δ' ἦν τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πολέμου καταβολή: τὴν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τούτων θυσίαν Καίσαρος ἀπέρριψαν.

409 At the same time Eleazar, son of Ananias the high priest, a very brave youth who was then captain of the temple, persuaded those who officiated in the divine service to accept no gift or sacrifice from any foreigner. This was the true beginning of our war with the Romans, for they put an end to the sacrifice for them and for Caesar.

[410] Καὶ πολλὰ τῶν τε ἀρχιερέων καὶ τῶν γνωρίμων παρακαλούντων μὴ παραλιπεῖν τὸ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἔθος οὐκ ἐνέδοσαν, πολὺ μὲν καὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ πλήθει πεποιθότες, καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἀκμαιότατον τῶν νεωτεριζόντων συνήργει, μάλιστα δ' ἀφορῶντες εἰς τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον στρατηγοῦντα.

410 Even when the high priests and men of repute begged them not to omit the sacrifice which it was traditional to offer for their princes, they would not be persuaded, confident in their numbers, for they were supported by the rebel party and highly regarded Eleazar, captain of the temple.


[411] Συνελθόντες γοῦν οἱ δυνατοὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ τοῖς τῶν Φαρισαίων γνωρίμοις ὡς ἐπ' ἀνηκέστοις ἤδη συμφοραῖς ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν ὅλων: καὶ δόξαν ἀποπειραθῆναι τῶν στασιαστῶν λόγοις πρὸ τῆς χαλκῆς πύλης ἀθροίζουσι τὸν δῆμον, ἥτις ἦν τοῦ ἔνδον ἱεροῦ τετραμμένη πρὸς ἀνατολὰς ἡλίου.

411 At this, seeing everything at stake and that the disaster seemed irreparable, the influential people gathered with the high priests and the leading Pharisees and discussed what was to be done. They decided to try speaking with the rebels and assembled the people before the bronze gate of the inner temple, which faced eastward.

[412] Καὶ πρῶτον αὐτῶν πολλὰ πρὸς τὴν τόλμαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως χαλεπήναντες καὶ τὸ τηλικοῦτον ἐπισείειν τῇ πατρίδι πόλεμον, ἔπειτα τὸ τῆς προφάσεως ἄλογον διήλεγχον, φάμενοι τοὺς μὲν προγόνους αὐτῶν κεκοσμηκέναι τὸν ναὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων τὸ πλέον ἀεὶ προσδεχομένους τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐθνῶν δωρεάς,

412 First they expressed their anger at this attempted revolt and for bringing such a war upon their country. Then they confuted its pretext as groundless and said that their ancestors had adorned their temple in great part with donations given by foreigners and had always accepted the offerings of foreign nations.

[413] Καὶ οὐ μόνον οὐ διακεκωλυκέναι θυσίας τινῶν, τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἀσεβέστατον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ βλεπόμενα καὶ τὰ παραμένοντα τοσοῦτον χρόνον ἀναθήματα περὶ τῷ ἱερῷ καθιδρυκέναι.

413 So far were they from rejecting anyone's sacrifice, which would be the height of impiety, they had themselves set around the temple those dedications which were still visible and had been there so long a time.

[414] Αὐτοὺς δὲ νῦν ἐρεθίζοντας τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα καὶ μνηστευομένους τὸν ἀπ' ἐκείνων πόλεμον καινοτομεῖν θρησκείαν ξένην καὶ μετὰ τοῦ κινδύνου καταψηφίσασθαι τῆς πόλεως ἀσέβειαν, εἰ παρὰ μόνοις Ἰουδαίοις οὔτε θύσει τις ἀλλότριος οὔτε προσκυνήσει.

414 Now they were provoking the Romans to take arms and courting war with them by bringing up novel rules for worship. They risked having their city condemned for impiety, by not allowing any foreigner, but Jews alone, to sacrifice or to worship in it.

[415] Κἂν μὲν ἐπὶ ἰδιώτου τις ἑνὸς τοῦτον εἰσφέρῃ τὸν νόμον, ἀγανακτεῖν ὡς ὁριζομένης ἀπανθρωπίας, περιορᾶν δ' ὅτε Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔκσπονδος γίνεται.

415 If such a law were applied to a private citizen, he would spurn it as an unfair discrimination against him, but they think nothing of excluding the Romans or even Caesar himself.

[416] Δεδοικέναι μέντοι, μὴ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ἀπορρίψαντες θυσίας κωλυθῶσι θύειν καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν γένηταί τε ἔκσπονδος τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἡ πόλις, εἰ μὴ ταχέως σωφρονήσαντες ἀποδώσουσιν τὰς θυσίας καὶ πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν ἐφ' οὓς ὑβρίκασιν τὴν φήμην διορθώσονται τὴν ὕβριν.

416 The danger was that, by so rejecting sacrifices from them, they would not be allowed to offer their own, and that this city would be excluded, unless they quickly grow wiser and restore the sacrifices as before and make good the insult before it was reported to those so insulted.


[417] Ἅμα ταῦτα λέγοντες παρῆγον τοὺς ἐμπείρους τῶν πατρίων ἱερεῖς ἀφηγουμένους, ὅτι πάντες οἱ πρόγονοι τὰς παρὰ τῶν ἀλλογενῶν θυσίας ἀπεδέχοντο. Προσεῖχεν δὲ οὐδεὶς τῶν νεωτεριζόντων, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ προσίεσαν οἱ λῃστρικοὶ καὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου καταβολὴν ἐνσκευαζόμενοι.

417 To support their words, they produced priests skilled in the customs of their country, who reported that their ancestors had all accepted sacrifices from foreigners. But none of the innovators would heed what was said, and the liturgical ministers neglected their duties and thereby abetted the outbreak of war.

[418] Συνιδόντες οὖν οἱ δυνατοὶ τήν τε στάσιν ἤδη δυσκαθαίρετον ὑπ' αὐτῶν οὖσαν καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων κίνδυνον ἐπὶ πρώτους αὐτοὺς ἀφιξόμενον ἀπεσκευάζοντο τὰς αἰτίας, καὶ πρέσβεις οὓς μὲν πρὸς Φλῶρον ἔπεμπον, ὧν ἦρχεν υἱὸς Ἀνανίου Σίμων, οὓς δὲ πρὸς Ἀγρίππαν, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν ἐπίσημοι Σαῦλός τε καὶ Ἀντίπας καὶ Κοστόβαρος προσήκοντες τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ γένος.

418 Realising that they could not contain the revolt and that the danger from the Romans would affect them before all others, the influential people tried to save themselves by sending envoys, some to Florus, in particular Simon the son of Ananias, and others to Agrippa, among whom were Saul and Antipas and Costobarus, from among the king's relatives.

[419] Ἐδέοντο δὲ ἀμφοτέρων ἀναβῆναι μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ πρὶν γενέσθαι δυσκαθαίρετον ἐπικόψαι τὴν στάσιν.

419 They requested both of them to come with an army to the city and put a stop to the rebellion before it became too hard to subdue.

[420] Φλώρῳ μὲν οὖν δεινὸν εὐαγγέλιον ἦν, καὶ προῃρημένος ἐξάπτειν τὸν πόλεμον οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς:

420 This message was good news to Florus, and wanting to fan the flames of war he gave no answer at all to the envoys.

[421] Ἀγρίππας δὲ κηδόμενος ἐπίσης τῶν τε ἀφισταμένων καὶ πρὸς οὓς ὁ πόλεμος ἠγείρετο, βουλόμενός τε Ῥωμαίοις μὲν Ἰουδαίους σώζεσθαι, Ἰουδαίοις δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν μητρόπολιν, ἀλλ' οὐδ' ἑαυτῷ λυσιτελήσειν τὴν ταραχὴν ἐπιστάμενος, ἔπεμπεν τοὺς ἐπαμυνοῦντας τῷ δήμῳ δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, Αὐρανίτας τε καὶ Βαταναίους καὶ Τραχωνίτας, ὑπὸ Δαρείῳ μὲν ἱππάρχῃ, στρατηγῷ δὲ τῷ Ἰακίμου Φιλίππῳ.

421 Agrippa grieved both for the rebellious people and for those against whom they were going to war, as he wished to keep the Jews under Roman rule and preserve the temple and metropolis for the Jews. He knew that it would not be good for him if the disturbances went any further, so from Auranitis and Batanea and Trachonitis he sent three thousand cavalry to the help of the citizens, under Darius, the master of his cavalry and with Philip, son of Jacimus, as general.


[422] Τούτοις θαρσήσαντες οἱ δυνατοὶ σὺν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ πᾶν ὅσον τοῦ πλήθους εἰρήνην ἠγάπα τὴν ἄνω καταλαμβάνονται πόλιν: τῆς κάτω γὰρ τὸ στασιάζον ἐκράτει καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ.

422 Encouraged by this, the influential people, the high priests, and all the people who wanted peace, seized the upper city, for the rebel party held the lower city and the temple.

[423] Χερμάσιν μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῖς ἑκηβόλοις ἀδιαλείπτως ἐχρῶντο, καὶ συνεχεῖς ἦσαν βελῶν ἀφέσεις ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν κλιμάτων: ἔστιν δ' ὅτε καὶ κατὰ λόχους ἐκτρέχοντες συστάδην ἐμάχοντο, τόλμαις μὲν οἱ στασιασταὶ προέχοντες, ἐμπειρίᾳ δὲ οἱ βασιλικοί.

423 They were always using stones and slings against each other and rained spears from both sides, and at times they attacked by troops and fought hand to hand, the rebels proving more daring, but the king's soldiers more skilled.

[424] Καὶ τούτοις μὲν ἦν ἀγὼν τοῦ ἱεροῦ κρατῆσαι μάλιστα καὶ τοὺς μιαίνοντας τὸν ναὸν ἐξελάσαι, τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον στασιασταῖς πρὸς οἷς ἔσχον καὶ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν προσλαβεῖν. Ἑπτὰ μὲν οὖν ἡμέραις συχνὸς ἀμφοτέρων φόνος ἐγίνετο, καὶ οὐδέτεροι τοῦ καταληφθέντος μέρους εἶκον.

424 The latter mainly aimed to take the temple and expel those who profaned it, while Eleazar and the rebels tried to take the upper city along with what they already held. For seven whole days there was slaughter on both sides, but neither side would yield up the areas they had seized.


[425] Τῇ δ' ἑξῆς τῆς τῶν ξυλοφορίων ἑορτῆς οὔσης, ἐν ᾗ πᾶσιν ἔθος ἦν ὕλην τῷ βωμῷ προσφέρειν, ὅπως μήποτε τροφὴ τῷ πυρὶ λείποι, διαμένει γὰρ ἄσβεστον ἀεί, τοὺς μὲν διαφόρους τῆς θρησκείας ἐξέκλεισαν, τῷ δ' ἀσθενεῖ λαῷ συνεισρυέντας πολλοὺς τῶν σικαρίων, οὕτως γὰρ ἐκάλουν τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔχοντας ὑπὸ τοῖς κόλποις ξίφη, προσλαβόντες θαρραλεώτερον ἥπτοντο τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως.

425 The eighth day was the festival of Wood-carrying, when by custom everyone brought wood for the altar so that fuel might never be lacking to keep alight the eternal flame. That day they barred the opposing party from the ceremony, and then, emboldened by being joined by some weakminded people and of the so-called Sicarii, brigands who carried a dagger in their bosoms, they carried their aggression further.

[426] Ἡττῶντο δ' οἱ βασιλικοὶ πλήθει τε καὶ τόλμῃ, καὶ βιασαμένοις εἶκον ἐκ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως. Οἱ δὲ ἐπιπεσόντες τήν τε Ἀνανίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως οἰκίαν καὶ τὰ Ἀγρίππα καὶ Βερνίκης ὑποπιμπρᾶσιν βασίλεια:

426 The king's men, overpowered by their numbers and audacity, gave way and were forced from the upper city. The others then set on fire the house of Ananias the high priest and the palaces of Agrippa and Berenice.

[427] Μεθ' ἃ τὸ πῦρ ἐπὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα ἔφερον ἀφανίσαι σπεύδοντες τὰ συμβόλαια τῶν δεδανεικότων καὶ τὰς εἰσπράξεις ἀποκόψαι τῶν χρεῶν, ὅπως αὐτοί τε πλῆθος προσλάβωσιν τῶν ὠφεληθέντων καὶ μετ' ἀδείας τοῖς εὐπόροις ἐπαναστήσωσι τοὺς ἀπόρους. Φυγόντων δὲ τῶν πρὸς τῷ γραμματοφυλακείῳ τὸ πῦρ ἐνίεσαν.

427 After this they brought fire to where the archives were kept, intending to burn the money-lenders contracts and by cancelling the debts, to win over many who had been debtors and persuade the poorer folk to safely join in their revolt against the wealthier. They set fire to the building as soon the record-keepers had fled.

[428] Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ νεῦρα τῆς πόλεως καταφλέξαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐχώρουν, ἔνθα δὴ τῶν δυνατῶν καὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων οἱ μὲν εἰς τοὺς ὑπονόμους καταδύντες διελάνθανον,

428 When they had so burned down the nerves of the city, they attacked the enemy. At that point the influential people and high priests escaped, some of them hiding in the underground vaults.

[429] οἱ δὲ σὺν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς εἰς τὴν ἀνωτέρω καταφυγόντες αὐλὴν ταχέως ἀπέκλεισαν τὰς θύρας, σὺν οἷς Ἀνανίας ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἐζεκίας τε ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ πρεσβεύσαντες πρὸς Ἀγρίππαν ἦσαν. Τότε μὲν οὖν τῇ νίκῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐμπρησθεῖσιν ἀρκεσθέντες ἀνεπαύσαντο.

429 Others fled with the king's troops to the upper palace and shutting the gates behind them, among them Ananias the high priest and the envoys who had been sent to Agrippa. The rebels, contented with their victory and the buildings they had burned down, called a halt.


[430] Τῇ δ' ἑξῆς, πεντεκαιδεκάτη δ' ἦν Λώου μηνός, ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀντωνίαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς δυσὶν ἡμέραις πολιορκήσαντες αὐτούς τε εἷλον καὶ κατέσφαξαν καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἐνέπρησαν.

430 Next day, the fifteenth of the month Lous, they attacked the Antonia and after besieging its garrison for two days they captured and killed the guards and set the fort on fire.

[431] Ἔπειτα μετέβαινον εἰς τὴν αὐλήν, εἰς ἣν οἱ βασιλικοὶ κατέφυγον, καὶ διανείμαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τέσσαρα μέρη τῶν τειχῶν ἐπειρῶντο. Τῶν δ' ἔνδον πρὸς ἐκδρομὴν μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐθάρρει διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐφεστώτων, διιστάμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ θωράκια καὶ τοὺς πύργους ἔβαλλον τοὺς προσιόντας, καὶ συχνοὶ τῶν λῃστῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἔπιπτον.

431 Then they marched on the palace, where the king's men had fled and divided into four groups to attack its walls. As the attackers were so many, none of the people inside dared to sally out, but they hid behind the battlements and turrets and shot at the besiegers, felling many of the brigands underneath the ramparts.

[432] Οὔτε δὲ νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέρας διέλειπεν ἡ συμβολὴ τῶν μὲν στασιαστῶν ἀπαγορεύσειν τοὺς ἔνδον οἰομένων ἐνδείᾳ τροφῆς, τῶν δ' ἔνδοθεν καμάτῳ τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας.

432 They did not cease the fight by night or day, since the rebels expected the defenders to weaken for lack of food and these expected the others to do likewise, from the tedium of the siege.


[433] Κἀν τούτῳ Μανάημός τις, υἱὸς Ἰούδα τοῦ καλουμένου Γαλιλαίου, σοφιστὴς δεινότατος, ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ Κυρινίου ποτὲ Ἰουδαίους ὀνειδίσας ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις ὑπετάσσοντο μετὰ τὸν θεόν, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Μασάδαν,

433 Meanwhile a certain Manahem, son of Judas surnamed the Galilean, a shrewd debater who had formerly, under Quirinius, taunted the Jews that under God they were subject to the Romans, retreated to Masada with his company.

[434] ἔνθα τὴν Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ὁπλοθήκην ἀναρρήξας καὶ πρὸς τοῖς δημόταις ἑτέρους λῃστὰς καθοπλίσας τούτοις τε χρώμενος δορυφόροις, οἷα δὴ βασιλεὺς ἐπάνεισιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ γενόμενος ἡγεμὼν τῆς στάσεως διέτασσεν τὴν πολιορκίαν.

434 There he broke open king Herod's armoury and gave out arms not only to his own people, but to other bandits. With these as his bodyguard he returned to Jerusalem in royal state to become leader of the revolt, and ordered the siege to continue.

[435] Ἀπορία δ' ἦν ὀργάνων, καὶ φανερῶς ὑπορύττειν τὸ τεῖχος οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν ἄνωθεν βαλλομένους: ὑπόνομον δὴ πόρρωθεν ἐφ' ἕνα τῶν πύργων ὑπορύξαντες ἀνεκρήμνισαν αὐτόν, ἔπειτα τὴν ἀνέχουσαν ὕλην ἐμπρήσαντες ἐξῆλθον.

435 But they lacked the tools and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because of the missiles coming from above. Still, from a long distance they dug a mine under one of the towers and made it totter, and then lit combustible materials under it and retired.

[436] Ὑποκαέντων δὲ τῶν στηριγμάτων ὁ μὲν πύργος ἐξαίφνης κατασείεται, τεῖχος δ' ἕτερον ἔνδοθεν ἀνῳκοδομημένον διεφάνη: τὴν γὰρ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῶν προαισθόμενοι, τάχα καὶ τοῦ πύργου κινηθέντος ὡς ὑπωρύττετο, δεύτερον ἑαυτοῖς ἔρυμα κατεσκεύασαν.

436 Once the foundations below were burned, the tower suddenly fell down. They then encountered another wall that had been built inside, for the besieged knew in advance what was afoot, and probably the tower shook as it was being undermined, so they had provided themselves with another line of defence.

[437] Πρὸς ὃ τῶν ἀδοκήτως ἰδόντων καὶ κρατεῖν ἤδη πεπεισμένων κατάπληξις ἦν. Οἱ δὲ ἔνδοθεν πρός τε τὸν Μανάημον καὶ τοὺς ἐξάρχοντας τῆς στάσεως ἔπεμπον ἀξιοῦντες ἐξελθεῖν ὑπόσπονδοι, καὶ δοθὲν μόνοις τοῖς βασιλικοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις οἱ μὲν ἐξῄεσαν.

437 When the besiegers now saw this, after thinking they had already captured the place, they panicked, but those inside sent to Manahem and the other rebel leaders offering a surrender. This was granted only to the king's troops and their fellow nationals, who accordingly left.

[438] Ἀθυμία δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καταλειφθέντας μόνους ὑπέλαβεν: οὔτε γὰρ βιάσασθαι τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἐδύναντο καὶ τὸ δεξιὰς αἰτεῖν ὄνειδος ὑπελάμβανον, πρὸς τῷ μηδὲ πιστεύειν εἰ διδοῖτο.

438 The Romans who were left behind were at a loss, unable to force their way through such a crowd and unwilling to parley with them for their lives, as they thought this would shame them, and even if a pledge were given, they dared not depend upon it.

[439] Καταλιπόντες δὴ τὸ στρατόπεδον ὡς εὐάλωτον ἐπὶ τοὺς βασιλικοὺς ἀνέφυγον πύργους, τόν τε Ἱππικὸν καλούμενον καὶ Φασάηλον καὶ Μαριάμμην.

439 So they abandoned their position as indefensible and retreated to the royal towers called Hippicus, Phasael and Mariamne.

[440] Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Μανάημον εἰσπεσόντες ὅθεν οἱ στρατιῶται διέφυγον ὅσους τε αὐτῶν κατελάμβανον μὴ φθάσαντας ἐκδραμεῖν διέφθειραν, καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς διαρπάσαντες ἐνέπρησαν τὸ στρατόπεδον. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἕκτῃ Γορπιαίου μηνὸς ἐπράχθη.

440 Manahem and his party attacked the place as the soldiers fled, killing as many as they could catch before they reached the towers, then they plundered what they had left behind and burned their camp. This took place on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus.


[441] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς Ἀνανίας περὶ τὸν τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς εὔριπον διαλανθάνων ἁλίσκεται καὶ πρὸς τῶν λῃστῶν ἀναιρεῖται σὺν Ἐζεκίᾳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, καὶ τοὺς πύργους περισχόντες οἱ στασιασταὶ παρεφύλαττον, μή τις τῶν στρατιωτῶν διαφύγοι.

441 Next day the high priest was caught where he was hiding in an aqueduct, and he and Hezekiah his brother were killed by the brigands. Then the rebels besieged the towers and kept them guarded so none of the soldiers could escape.

[442] Τὸν δὲ Μανάημον ἥ τε τῶν ὀχυρῶν καταστροφὴ χωρίων καὶ ὁ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Ἀνανίου θάνατος ἐτύφωσεν εἰς ὠμότητα καὶ μηδένα νομίζων ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀντίπαλον ἀφόρητος ἦν τύραννος.

442 The destruction of the strongholds and the death of the high priest Ananias so elated Manahem that he became fiercely harsh, and seeing nobody with whom he had to share power, he became an intolerable tyrant.

[443] Ἐπανίστανται δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον αὐτῷ, καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλοις δόντες, ὡς οὐ χρὴ Ῥωμαίων ἀποστάντας δι' ἐλευθερίας πόθον καταπροέσθαι ταύτην οἰκείῳ δήμῳ καὶ δεσπότην φέρειν, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν πράττοι βίαιον, ἀλλ' οὖν ἑαυτῶν ταπεινότερον: εἰ γὰρ καὶ δέοι τινὰ τῶν ὅλων ἀφηγεῖσθαι, παντὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκείνῳ προσήκειν, συντίθενται καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπεχείρουν αὐτῷ:

443 Eleazar's group, however, objected that for men who had rebelled against the Romans to win their liberty, it was not right to hand over that liberty to one of their own people and to take as their master one who, even if he did no violence, was lower than themselves, and if they had to have someone govern their affairs, they should give that privilege to anyone else rather than to him. So they planned to attack him in the temple.

[444] σοβαρὸς γὰρ ἀναβεβήκει προσκυνήσων ἐσθῆτί τε βασιλικῇ κεκοσμημένος καὶ τοὺς ζηλωτὰς ἐνόπλους ἐφελκόμενος.

444 He went up there to worship in fine style, adorned with royal robes, with his Zealots fully armed.

[445] Ὡς δ' οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὥρμησαν, ὅ τε λοιπὸς δῆμος ἐπὶ τὰς ὀργὰς λίθους ἁρπάσαντες τὸν σοφιστὴν ἔβαλλον, οἰόμενοι τούτου καταλυθέντος διατρέψειν ὅλην τὴν στάσιν,

445 But Eleazar's group rushed at him and the rest of the people took up stones and threw them at the charlatan, thinking that with his fall the entire rebellion would collapse.

[446] πρὸς ὀλίγον οἱ περὶ τὸν Μανάημον ἀντισχόντες ὡς εἶδον πᾶν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς τὸ πλῆθος ὁρμῆσαν, ἔφυγον ὅπη τις ἴσχυσεν, καὶ φόνος μὲν ἦν τῶν καταληφθέντων, ἔρευνα δὲ τῶν ἀποκρυπτομένων.

446 Manahem and his party resisted for a while, but when they saw the whole crowd attacking them, they fled however they could. Those who were caught were killed and those who hid themselves were hunted.

[447] Καὶ διεσώθησαν ὀλίγοι λάθρα διαδράντες εἰς Μασάδαν, σὺν οἷς Ἐλεάζαρος υἱὸς Ἰαείρου, προσήκων τῷ Μαναήμῳ κατὰ γένος, ὃς ὕστερον ἐτυράννησεν τῆς Μασάδας.

447 A few of them secretly escaped to Masada, among them Eleazar, son of Jairus, a relative of Manahem, who later played the tyrant in Masada.

[448] Αὐτόν τε τὸν Μανάημον εἰς τὸν καλούμενον Ὀφλᾶν συμφυγόντα κἀκεῖ ταπεινῶς ὑπολανθάνοντα ζωγρήσαντες εἰς τὸ φανερὸν ἐξείλκυσαν καὶ πολλαῖς αἰκισάμενοι βασάνοις ἀνεῖλον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνας τόν τε ἐπισημότατον τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπηρέτην Ἀψάλωμον.

448 Manahem himself went into hiding in a place called Ophla, but they took him alive, brought him out in public and subjected him to many tortures and finally killed him, as well as the captains under him, including Apsalom, his main lieutenant in the tyranny.


[449] Ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος, ὡς ἔφην, εἰς ταῦτα συνήργησεν ἐλπίζων τινὰ τῆς ὅλης στάσεως διόρθωσιν: οἱ δ' οὐ καταλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον σπεύδοντες, ἀλλ' ἀδεέστερον πολεμεῖν Μανάημον ἀνῃρήκεσαν.

449 As I said, the people went along with this, hoping it might bring some sense to the whole revolt, but the others were in no hurry end the war; they just hoped to continue it with less danger, now they had removed Manahem.

[450] Ἀμέλει πολλὰ τοῦ δήμου τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνεῖναι τὴν πολιορκίαν παρακαλοῦντος, οἱ δὲ προσέκειντο χαλεπώτερον, μέχρι μηκέτι ἀντέχοντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Μετίλιον, οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἔπαρχος, διαπέμπονται πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον ἐξαιτούμενοι μόνας τὰς ψυχὰς ὑποσπόνδους, τὰ δ' ὅπλα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν κτῆσιν παραδώσειν λέγοντες.

450 The truth is, when the people begged them to stop besieging the soldiers, they pursued it more vigorously until the Roman general, Metilius, unable to resist any further, sent to Eleazar offering to hand over their weapons and whatever else they had in return for his assurance just to spare their lives.

[451] Οἱ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἁρπάσαντες ἀνέπεμψαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Γωρίονά τε Νικομήδους υἱὸν καὶ Ἀνανίαν Σαδούκι καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰωνάθου δεξιάν τε καὶ ὅρκους δώσοντας. Ὧν γενομένων κατῆγεν τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁ Μετίλιος.

451 They readily accepted this request, and sent Gorion, son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, son of Sadduk, and Judas, son of Jonathan, to give them the guarantee of their pledge and their oaths, and then Metilius brought out his soldiers.

[452] Οἱ δὲ μέχρι μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, οὔτ' ἐπεχείρει τις τῶν στασιαστῶν αὐτοῖς οὔτ' ἐνέφαινεν ἐπιβουλήν: ὡς δὲ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἅπαντες ἀπέθεντο τοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ τὰ ξίφη καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι ὑποπτεύοντες ἀνεχώρουν,

452 These, as long as they were armed, were not meddled with by any of the rebels, who gave no sign of treachery, but as soon as they had laid down their shields and swords according to the terms of surrender, and were about to leave, suspecting nothing,

[453] ὥρμησαν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον καὶ περισχόντες ἀνῄρουν οὔτε ἀμυνομένους οὔτε ἱκετεύοντας, μόνας δὲ τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἀναβοῶντας.

453 Eleazar's men attacked them violently, surrounded them and killed them, while they were defenceless, and begged for no quarter, but only cried out against the breaking of their terms of surrender and their oaths.

[454] Οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάγησαν ἅπαντες πλὴν Μετιλίου, τοῦτον γὰρ ἱκετεύσαντα καὶ μέχρι περιτομῆς ἰουδαίσειν ὑποσχόμενον διέσωσαν μόνον, τὸ δὲ πάθος Ῥωμαίοις μὲν ἦν κοῦφον, ἐκ γὰρ ἀπλέτου δυνάμεως ἀπαναλώθησαν ὀλίγοι, Ἰουδαίων δὲ προοίμιον ἁλώσεως ἔδοξεν.

454 All of them were cruelly butchered, except Metilius, for when he begged for mercy and promised to turn Jew and be circumcised, they let him alone live. To the Romans this was only a slight loss, since only a few from their immense army were killed, but to the Jews it seemed a prelude to the destruction.

[455] Καὶ κατιδόντες ἀνηκέστους μὲν ἤδη τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου, τὴν δὲ πόλιν τηλικούτῳ μιάσματι πεφυρμένην, ἐξ οὗ δαιμόνιόν τι μήνιμα προσδοκᾶν εἰκὸς ἦν, εἰ καὶ μὴ τὴν ἐκ Ῥωμαίων ἄμυναν, ἐπένθουν δημοσίᾳ, καὶ πλήρης μὲν κατηφείας ἦν ἡ πόλις, ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν μετρίων ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν στασιαστῶν δίκας δώσων τετάρακτο.

455 People openly grieved at seeing such irretrievable grounds for war, and the city polluted by crimes for which divine retribution must be expected, even if they escaped the vengeance of the Romans. The city was full of sadness and every sensible person in it was troubled, being likely to suffer for the sins of the rebels.

[456] Καὶ γὰρ δὴ σαββάτῳ συνέβη πραχθῆναι τὸν φόνον, ἐν ᾧ διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν καὶ τῶν ὁσίων ἔργων ἔχουσιν ἐκεχειρίαν.

456 For good measure, this murder was committed on the sabbath day, when the Jews rest from their works in order to worship God.

Chapter 18. [vv. 457-512]
Slaughter of the Jews in Caesarea. Pogrom against them in other cities


[457] Τῆς δ' αὐτῆς ἡμέρας καὶ ὥρας ὥσπερ ἐκ δαιμονίου προνοίας ἀνῄρουν Καισαρεῖς τοὺς παρ' ἑαυτοῖς Ἰουδαίους, ὡς ὑπὸ μίαν ὥραν ἀποσφαγῆναι μὲν ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους, κενωθῆναι δὲ πᾶσαν Ἰουδαίων τὴν Καισάρειαν: καὶ γὰρ τοὺς διαφεύγοντας ὁ Φλῶρος συλλαβὼν κατῆγεν δεσμώτας εἰς τὰ νεώρια.

457 On the very same day and hour, the people of Caesarea killed the Jews living among them, which one imagines must have been by the will of Providence, so that within an hour more than twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish population, and Florus caught any who fled and sent them in chains to the galleys.

[458] Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Καισαρείας πληγὴν ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος ἐξαγριοῦται, καὶ διαμερισθέντες τάς τε κώμας τῶν Σύρων καὶ τὰς προσεχούσας ἐπόρθουν πόλεις, Φιλαδέλφειάν τε καὶ Ἐσεβωνῖτιν καὶ Γέρασα καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν.

458 The whole Jewish nation was infuriated by this blow to their people in Caesarea, so parties of them ravaged the villages of the Syrians and their neighbouring cities, Philadelphia and Sebonitis and Gerasa and Pella and Scythopolis and later Gadara and Hippos.

[459] Ἔπειτα Γαδάροις καὶ Ἵππῳ καὶ τῇ Γαυλανίτιδι προσπεσόντες τὰ μὲν καταστρεψάμενοι, τὰ δ' ὑποπρήσαντες ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ Κάδασα τὴν Τυρίων καὶ Πτολεμαίδα Γάβαν τε καὶ Καισάρειαν.

459 They attacked Gaulonitis, and destroyed some cities there and set others on fire, and then proceeded to Kedasa of the Tyrians, and Ptolemais and Gaba and Caesarea.

[460] Ἀντέσχον δὲ οὔτε Σεβαστὴ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς αὐτῶν οὔτε Ἀσκάλων, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ταύταις πυρποληθείσαις Ἀνθηδόνα καὶ Γάζαν κατέσκαπτον. Πολλαὶ δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἀνηρπάζοντο κῶμαι, καὶ τῶν ἁλισκομένων ἀνδρῶν φόνος ἦν ἄπειρος.

460 Neither Sebaste nor Askelon could stand up to their violent attack, and when they had burned these to the ground, they demolished Anthedon and Gaza. Many of the villages round each of those cities were looted and many of their people were caught and slaughtered.


[461] Οὐ μὴν οἱ Σύροι τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔλαττον πλῆθος ἀνῄρουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν λαμβανομένους ἀπέσφαττον οὐ μόνον κατὰ μῖσος, ὡς πρότερον, ἀλλ' ἤδη καὶ τὸν ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς κίνδυνον φθάνοντες.

461 The Syrians killed no less a number of the Jews, killing any whom they caught in their cities not only because of their previous hatred of them but to avert any danger from them.

[462] Δεινὴ δὲ ὅλην τὴν Συρίαν ἐπεῖχεν ταραχή, καὶ πᾶσα πόλις εἰς δύο διῄρητο στρατόπεδα, σωτηρία δὲ τοῖς ἑτέροις ἦν τὸ τοὺς ἑτέρους φθάσαι.

462 There was terrible disorder all around Syria with each city divided into two camps and one party's safety lay in the destruction of the other, so that their days were spent in bloodshed and their nights in fear, which was even worse.

[463] Καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν αἵματι διῆγον, τὰς δὲ νύκτας δέει χαλεπωτέρας: καὶ γὰρ ἀπεσκευάσθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους δοκοῦντες ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἰουδαΐζοντας εἶχον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ, καὶ τὸ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἀμφίβολον οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τις προχείρως ὑπέμενεν καὶ μεμιγμένον ὡς βεβαίως ἀλλόφυλον ἐφοβεῖτο.

463 When the Syrians thought they had wiped out the Jews, they turned their suspicion on the Judaizers and while neither side wanted to kill people merely on suspicion they greatly feared those whom they doubted, as if they were foreigners.

[464] Προεκαλεῖτο δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν διαφόρων καὶ τοὺς πάλαι πρᾳοτάτους πάνυ δοκοῦντας ἡ πλεονεξία: τὰς γὰρ οὐσίας τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀδεῶς διήρπαζον καὶ καθάπερ ἐκ παρατάξεως τὰ σκῦλα τῶν ἀνῃρημένων εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους οἴκους μετέφερον, ἔνδοξός τε ἦν ὁ πλεῖστα κερδάνας ὡς κατισχύσας πλειόνων.

464 People felt provoked to kill the opposite party, even those who in the past had seemed mild and gentle towards them, for they fearlessly looted the property of the fallen and took home the loot from those whom they killed, as if it had been won in a set battle. Whoever got the largest share was held in honour, as one who had defeated more of his enemies.

[465] ἠν δὲ ἰδεῖν τὰς πόλεις μεστὰς ἀτάφων σωμάτων καὶ νεκροὺς ἅμα νηπίοις γέροντας ἐρριμμένους γύναιά τε μηδὲ τῆς ἐπ' αἰδοῖ σκέπης μετειληφότα, καὶ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν ἐπαρχίαν μεστὴν ἀδιηγήτων συμφορῶν, μείζονα δὲ τῶν ἑκάστοτε τολμωμένων τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπειλουμένοις ἀνάτασιν.

465 One saw cities full of unburied corpses, old men mixed with infants, all dead and scattered about and even female corpses, with no cover for their nakedness. The whole province was full of atrocities, while everywhere there were threats of things still more cruel than what had already taken place.


[466] Μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτων Ἰουδαίοις πρὸς τὸ ἀλλόφυλον ἦσαν προσβολαί, κατατρέχοντες δὲ εἰς Σκυθόπολιν τοὺς παρ' ἐκείνοις Ἰουδαίους ἐπείρασαν πολεμίους: ταξάμενοι γὰρ μετὰ τῶν Σκυθοπολιτῶν καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας ἐν δευτέρῳ θέμενοι τὴν συγγένειαν ὁμόσε τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις ἐχώρουν. Ὑπωπτεύθη δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ λίαν πρόθυμον:

466 So far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners, but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they experienced even Jews as enemies, for these stood to battle side by side with the men of Scythopolis and preferring their own safety to their relationship to us, they fought against their own countrymen.

[467] οἱ γοῦν Σκυθοπολῖται δείσαντες μὴ νύκτωρ ἐπιχειρήσωσι τῇ πόλει καὶ μετὰ μεγάλης αὐτῶν συμφορᾶς τοῖς οἰκείοις ἀπολογήσωνται περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως, ἐκέλευον αὐτούς, εἰ βούλονται τὴν ὁμόνοιαν βεβαιῶσαι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς πιστὸν ἐπιδείξασθαι, μεταβαίνειν ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς εἰς τὸ ἄλσος.

467 Indeed their ardour was such that the people of Scythopolis suspected them, afraid that they might attack the city at night and cause great damage in order to make amends to their own people for their disloyalty to them. So, to make them prove their allegiance and fidelity to their foreign hosts, they ordered them to leave the city and go, with their families, to a local grove.

[468] Τῶν δὲ ποιησάντων τὸ προσταχθὲν χωρὶς ὑποψίας. Δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἠρέμησαν οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν δελεάζοντες, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ νυκτὶ παρατηρήσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἀφυλάκτους οὓς δὲ κοιμωμένους ἅπαντας ἀπέσφαξαν ὄντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις διήρπασαν ἁπάντων.

468 When the Jews had done as ordered, suspecting nothing, the people of Scythopolis waited for two days, to lull them into security, but on the third night they took their opportunity and cut the throats of all thirteen thousand of them as they were unarmed and some of them asleep, and then looted all that they had.


[469] Ἄξιον δ' ἀφηγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ Σίμωνος πάθος, ὃς υἱὸς μὲν ἦν Σαούλου τινὸς τῶν οὐκ ἀσήμων, ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος καὶ τόλμῃ διαφέρων ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἀμφοτέροις κατεχρήσατο:

469 Something noteworthy befell Simon, whose father, Saul, was also a well-known character. This man was distinguished from the rest by his strength of body and bravery of conduct, although he abused both, and thereby harmed his countrymen.

[470] προιὼν γοῦν ὁσημέραι πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνῄρει τῶν πρὸς τῇ Σκυθοπόλει Ἰουδαίων, τρεπόμενος δὲ πολλάκις αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας μόνος ἦν ῥοπὴ τῆς παρατάξεως.

470 Day by day he came and killed many of the Jews of Scythopolis and often routed them and on his own caused his army's defeat.

[471] Περιέρχεται δ' αὐτὸν ἀξία ποινὴ τοῦ συγγενικοῦ φόνου: ἐπεὶ γὰρ περισχόντες οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται κατηκόντιζον αὐτοὺς ἀνὰ τὸ ἄλσος, σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἐπ' οὐδένα μὲν ὥρμησεν τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ γὰρ ἑώρα τὸ πλῆθος ἀνήνυτον, ἀναβοήσας δὲ μάλα ἐκπαθῶς "ἄξιά γε ὧν ἔδρασα πάσχω,

471 But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed among his countrymen, for when the people of Scythopolis threw spears at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy, for he saw that he could do nothing against such a crowd.

[472] Σκυθοπολῖται, καθ' ὑμῶν, οἳ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ συγγενῶν τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν ἐπιστωσάμεθα. Τοιγαροῦν οἷς ἄπιστον μὲν εὐλόγως εὕρηται τὸ ἀλλόφυλον, ἠσέβηται δὲ [εἰς ἔσχατα] τὸ οἰκεῖον, θνήσκωμεν ὡς ἐναγεῖς χερσὶν ἰδίαις: οὐ γὰρ πρέπον ἐν ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων.

472 Instead he cried out very movingly, "People of Scythopolis, I suffer rightly for what I have done in your regard, for proving my fidelity to you by killing so many of my own kinsmen. So now after acting so badly against our own nation it is just that we suffer the treachery of foreigners. Villain as I am, I will die by my own hand, for it is not fitting to die at the hand of our enemies.

[473] Τὸ αὐτὸ δ' ἂν εἴη μοι καὶ ποινὴ τοῦ μιάσματος ἀξία καὶ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ἔπαινος, ἵνα μηδεὶς τῶν ἐχθρῶν τὴν ἐμὴν αὐχήσῃ σφαγὴν μηδ' ἐπαλαζονεύσηται πεσόντι."

473 Let this one action both atone for my crimes and prove my courage, so that none of our enemies can boast of having killed me and no one may insult me as I fall."

[474] Ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐλεοῦσιν ἅμα καὶ τεθυμωμένοις ὄμμασιν περισκέπτεται τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γενεάν: ἦν δ' αὐτῷ καὶ γυνὴ καὶ τέκνα καὶ γηραιοὶ γονεῖς.

474 Saying this, he looked round with eyes of pity and rage at his family - his wife and children and his aged parents.

[475] Ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν πατέρα τῆς πολιᾶς ἐπισπασάμενος διελαύνει τῷ ξίφει, μεθ' ὃν οὐκ ἄκουσαν τὴν μητέρα κἀπὶ τούτοις τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα, μόνον οὐχ ὑπαπαντῶντος ἑκάστου τῷ ξίφει καὶ σπεύδοντος φθάσαι τοὺς πολεμίους.

475 First he grasped his father by his grey hairs and ran him through with his sword and then did the same to his mother, who willingly accepted it, and later did the same to his wife and children, each one willingly accepting his sword in order to avoid being killed by the enemy.

[476] Ὁ δὲ διελθὼν πᾶσαν τὴν γενεὰν καὶ περίοπτος ἐπιστὰς τοῖς σώμασιν τήν τε δεξιὰν ἀνατείνας, ὡς μηδένα λαθεῖν, ὅλον εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σφαγὴν ἐβάπτισεν τὸ ξίφος, ἄξιος μὲν ἐλέους νεανίας δι' ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα, τῆς δὲ πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους πίστεως ἕνεκεν ἀκολούθοις πάθεσι χρησάμενος.

476 When he had gone through his whole family, he stood above their bodies in full view of all and stretching out his right hand where none could fail to see, he plunged the length of his sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied for his strength of body and courage of soul, but deserved his death for putting his trust in foreigners.


[477] Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐν Σκυθοπόλει φθορὰν αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις ἐπανίσταντο τοῖς καθ' ἑαυτὴν Ἰουδαίοις ἑκάστη, καὶ πεντακοσίους μὲν ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις Ἀσκαλωνῖται, Πτολεμαεῖς δὲ δισχιλίους ἀνεῖλον ἔδησάν τ' οὐκ ὀλίγους.

477 After this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against their Jewish inhabitants. In Askelon they killed two thousand five hundred and in Ptolemais two thousand and put not a few in chains.

[478] Καὶ Τύριοι συχνοὺς μὲν διεχειρίσαντο, πλείστους δ' αὐτῶν δεσμώτας ἐφρούρουν, Ἱππηνοί τε καὶ Γαδαρεῖς ὁμοίως τοὺς μὲν θρασυτέρους ἀπεσκευάσαντο, τοὺς δὲ φοβεροὺς διὰ φυλακῆς εἶχον, αἵ τε λοιπαὶ πόλεις τῆς Συρίας, ὅπως ἑκάστη πρὸς τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν ἢ μίσους ἢ δέους εἶχον.

478 The people of Tyre also put many to death and put even more in chains, and those in Hippos and Gadara did the same, putting to death the boldest of the Jews, but keeping in custody others of whom they were afraid; and so did the other cities of Syria, according to whether they either hated them or merely feared them.

[479] Μόνοι δὲ Ἀντιοχεῖς καὶ Σιδώνιοι καὶ Ἀπαμεῖς ἐφείσαντο τῶν μετοικούντων καὶ οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τινας Ἰουδαίων ὑπέμειναν οὔτε δῆσαι, τάχα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ σφέτερον πλῆθος ὑπερορῶντες αὐτῶν πρὸς τὰ κινήματα, τὸ πλέον δὲ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν οἴκτῳ πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἑώρων νεωτερίζοντας.

479 Only the Antiochians, the Sidonians and Apamians spared those living among them and would not let any of the Jews be killed or imprisoned. Perhaps they spared them because their own numbers were so large that they foresaw no danger from them, but I think it was mainly due to their mercy towards people whom they saw had made no revolt.

[480] Γερασηνοί τε οὔτε εἰς τοὺς ἐμμείναντας ἐπλημμέλησαν καὶ τοὺς ἐξελθεῖν ἐθελήσαντας προέπεμψαν μέχρι τῶν ὅρων.

480 The Gerasans did no harm to those who lived among them, and conducted as far as their borders any who wished to leave.


[481] Συνέστη δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀγρίππα βασιλείαν ἐπιβουλὴ κατὰ Ἰουδαίων. Αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐπεπόρευτο πρὸς Κέστιον Γάλλον εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν, καταλέλειπτο δὲ διοικεῖν τὰ πράγματα τούτου τῶν ἑταίρων τις τοὔνομα Νόαρος, Σοαίμῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσήκων κατὰ γένος.

481 There was also plotting against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom, for he had gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left Noarus, one of his companions, to take care of the public affairs, and this Noarus was related to king Sohemus.

[482] Ἧκον δ' ἐκ τῆς Βαταναίας ἑβδομήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρες οἱ κατὰ γένος καὶ σύνεσιν τῶν πολιτῶν δοκιμώτατοι στρατιὰν αἰτοῦντες, ἵν' εἴ τι γένοιτο κίνημα καὶ περὶ σφᾶς, ἔχοιεν ἀξιόχρεω φυλακὴν κωλύειν τοὺς ἐπανισταμένους.

482 Seventy men came from Batanea, the most highly considered for their family background and prudence, who asked to have an army put under them, so that if there was any rioting they would have with them a means of restraining the eventual rebels.

[483] Τούτους ὁ Νόαρος ἐκπέμψας νύκτωρ τῶν βασιλικῶν τινας ὁπλιτῶν ἅπαντας ἀναιρεῖ, τολμήσας μὲν τοὖργον δίχα τῆς Ἀγρίππα γνώμης, διὰ δὲ φιλαργυρίαν ἄμετρον εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἑλόμενος ἀσεβεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν διέφθειρεν: διετέλει τε ὠμῶς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος παρανομῶν, μέχρι πυθόμενος Ἀγρίππας ἀνελεῖν μὲν αὐτὸν ᾐδέσθη διὰ Σόαιμον, ἔπαυσεν δὲ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς.

483 Varus sent out some of the king's warriors by night and killed all these men. He dared to take this decision without the consent of Agrippa, for such was his love of money that he chose to treat his own countrymen so badly, even though it brought ruin on the kingdom. He continued to treat that nation cruelly and illegaly until Agrippa was told of it, and even then he did not dare to execute him, out of regard to Sohemus, but put an immediate end to his regime.

[484] Οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ καταλαβόμενοί τι φρούριον, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν Κύπρος, καθύπερθεν δ' ἦν Ἱεριχοῦντος, τοὺς μὲν φρουροὺς ἀπέσφαξαν, τὰ δ' ἐρύματα κατέρριψαν εἰς γῆν.

484 But the rebels took the fortress called Cypros, above Jericho, and cut the throats of the garrison and utterly demolished the fortifications.

[485] Κατὰ δὲ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ τῶν ἐν Μαχαιροῦντι Ἰουδαίων τὸ πλῆθος ἔπειθεν τοὺς φρουροῦντας Ῥωμαίους ἐκλείπειν τὸ φρούριον καὶ παραδιδόναι σφίσιν.

485 This was about the same time that the Jewish population at Machaerus persuaded the Roman garrison to leave the place and hand it over to them.

[486] Οἱ δὲ τὴν ἐκ βίας ἀφαίρεσιν εὐλαβηθέντες συντίθενται πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐκχωρήσειν ὑπόσπονδοι, καὶ λαβόντες τὰ πιστὰ παραδιδόασι τὸ φρούριον, ὅπερ φυλακῇ κρατυνάμενοι κατεῖχον οἱ Μαχαιρῖται.

486 These Romans fearing that the place would be taken by force, agreed to depart upon certain conditions, and when they had received the guarantee they asked, they handed over the fortress, into which the people of Machaerus put a garrison for their security and held it in their power.


[487] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἀεὶ μὲν ἦν στάσις πρὸς τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἀφ' οὗ χρησάμενος προθυμοτάτοις κατὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων Ἰουδαίοις Ἀλέξανδρος γέρας τῆς συμμαχίας ἔδωκεν τὸ μετοικεῖν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ ἴσου † μοίρας πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας.

487 But in Alexandria, there was perpetual strife between the inhabitants and the Jews from the time when Alexander, as a reward for their readily helping him against the Egyptians, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Greeks themselves.

[488] Διέμεινεν δ' αὐτοῖς ἡ τιμὴ καὶ παρὰ τῶν διαδόχων, οἳ καὶ τόπον ἴδιον αὐτοῖς ἀφώρισαν, ὅπως καθαρωτέραν ἔχοιεν τὴν δίαιταν ἧττον ἐπιμισγομένων τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, καὶ χρηματίζειν ἐπέτρεψαν Μακεδόνας, ἐπεί τε Ῥωμαῖοι κατεκτήσαντο τὴν Αἴγυπτον, οὔτε Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος οὔτε τῶν μετ' αὐτόν τις ὑπέμεινεν τὰς ἀπ' Ἀλεξάνδρου τιμὰς Ἰουδαίων ἐλαττῶσαι.

488 They kept this honourary status under his successors, who also set apart for them a special place to live in ritual purity, so that they were not as mixed with outsiders as before; and he let them call themselves Macedonians. When the Romans took power in Egypt, neither the first Caesar nor any who came after him thought of lessening the honours which Alexander had given to the Jews.

[489] Συμβολαὶ δ' ἦσαν αὐτῶν ἀδιάλειπτοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων πολλοὺς ὁσημέραι παρ' ἀμφοῖν κολαζόντων ἡ στάσις μᾶλλον παρωξύνετο.

489 Still, conflicts were always arising with the Greeks, and although the officers regularly punished some of them, the rebellion grew worse, especially at this time when there were riots in other places too.

[490] Τότε δ' ὡς καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐτετάρακτο, μᾶλλον ἐξήφθη τὰ παρ' ἐκείνοις. Καὶ δὴ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησιαζόντων περὶ ἧς ἔμελλον ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβείας ἐπὶ Νέρωνα συνερρύησαν μὲν εἰς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ἅμα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν συχνοὶ Ἰουδαίων,

490 These disorders among them flared up, for when the Alexandrians held a public assembly to discuss an embassy they were sending to Nero, many of Jews came flocking to the theatre,

[491] Κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ διάφοροι παραχρῆμα ἀνεβόων πολεμίους καὶ κατασκόπους λέγοντες: ἔπειτα ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐπέβαλλον τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς. Οἱ μὲν οὖν λοιποὶ φεύγοντες διεσπάρησαν, τρεῖς δὲ ἄνδρας συλλαβόντες ἔσυρον ὡς ζῶντας καταφλέξοντες.

491 but seeing them their opponents instantly shouted and called them their enemies and said they came to spy on them. Then they rushed out and violently laid hold of them, and the others were killed as they fled. There were three men whom they caught and hauled along, to burn them alive, but all the Jews came in a body to defend them.

[492] Ἤρθη δὲ πᾶν τὸ Ἰουδαῑκὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄμυναν, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λίθοις τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔβαλλον, αὖθις δὲ λαμπάδας ἁρπασάμενοι πρὸς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ὥρμησαν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐν αὐτῷ καταφλέξειν τὸν δῆμον αὔτανδρον. Κἂν ἔφθησαν τοῦτο δράσαντες, εἰ μὴ τοὺς θυμοὺς αὐτῶν ἀνέκοψεν Τιβέριος Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἡγεμών.

492 At first they pelted the Greeks with stones, but then they took torches and rushed violently into the theatre and threatened to burn the people to a man, and would have done so if Tiberius Alexander, the ruler of the city, had not restrained their passions.

[493] Οὐ μὴν οὗτός γε ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων ἤρξατο σωφρονίζειν, ἀλλ' ὑποπέμψας τοὺς γνωρίμους αὐτοῖς παύσασθαι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ καθ' ἑαυτῶν ἐρεθίζειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα. Καταχλευάζοντες δὲ τῆς παρακλήσεως οἱ στασιώδεις ἐβλασφήμουν τὸν Τιβέριον.

493 This man did not begin to teach them wisdom with weapons, but quietly sent some of the leaders to beg them to keep the peace and not provoke the Roman army against them. The rebels joked about the pleas of Tiberius and insulted him for making them.


[494] Κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν ὡς χωρὶς μεγάλης συμφορᾶς οὐκ ἂν παύσαιντο νεωτερίζοντες, ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίων δύο τάγματα καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς δισχιλίους στρατιώτας κατὰ τύχην παρόντας εἰς τὸν Ἰουδαίων ὄλεθρον ἐκ Λιβύης: ἐπέτρεψεν δὲ οὐ μόνον ἀναιρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κτήσεις αὐτῶν διαρπάζειν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας καταφλέγειν.

494 When he saw that the group for revolt would not be pacified until some disaster struck them, he sent the two Roman legions in the city and along with them five thousand other soldiers, who chanced to be there from Libya, to put an end to the Jews. They were allowed not only to kill them, but to rob them of what they had and to set fire to their houses.

[495] Οἱ δ' ὁρμήσαντες εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα, συνῴκιστο γὰρ ἐκεῖ τὸ Ἰουδαικόν, ἐτέλουν τὰς ἐντολάς, οὐ μὴν ἀναιμωτί: συστραφέντες γὰρ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ τοὺς ἄμεινον ὡπλισμένους ἑαυτῶν προταξάμενοι μέχρι πλείστου μὲν ἀντέσχον, ἅπαξ δ' ἐγκλίναντες ἀνέδην διεφθείροντο.

495 They rushed into the part of the city called Delta, where the Jewish people lived, and did as they were bidden, though not without blood being shed on their own side. The Jews formed up and set the best armed among them in the forefront and kept up resistance for a long time, but once these were turned aside they were killed without mercy.

[496] Καὶ παντοῖος ἦν αὐτῶν ὄλεθρος, τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καταλαμβανομένων, τῶν δ' εἰς τὰς οἰκίας συνωθουμένων. Ὑπεπίμπρασαν δὲ καὶ ταύτας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προδιαρπάζοντες τὰ ἔνδον, καὶ οὔτε νηπίων ἔλεος αὐτοὺς οὔτε αἰδὼς εἰσῄει γερόντων,

496 Then their ruin was complete, some being caught in the open and others forced into their houses, which were first looted of everything in them and then set on fire by the Romans.

[497] ἀλλὰ διὰ πάσης ἡλικίας ἐχώρουν κτείνοντες, ὡς ἐπικλυσθῆναι μὲν αἵματι πάντα τὸν χῶρον, πέντε δὲ μυριάδες ἐσωρεύθησαν νεκρῶν, περιελείφθη δ' ἂν οὐδὲ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἱκετηρίας ἐτράποντο. Κατοικτείρας δ' αὐτοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος ἀναχωρεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐκέλευσεν.

497 No mercy was shown to the infants and no respect to the aged, but they went on slaughtering persons of every age, until the place overflowed with blood and fifty thousand of them lay dead in heaps, and none would have been spared if they had not taken to prayer. Then Alexander took pity on their condition and ordered the Romans to retreat.

[498] Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἔθους τὸ πειθήνιον ἔχοντες ἅμα νεύματι τοῦ φονεύειν ἐπαύσαντο, τὸ δημοτικὸν δὲ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων δι' ὑπερβολὴν μίσους δυσανάκλητον ἦν καὶ μόλις ἀπεσπᾶτο τῶν σωμάτων.

498 Accustomed to obeying orders, these left off killing at the first word, but the Alexandrians so hated the Jews that it was difficult to recall them and make them leave their corpses.


[499] Τοιοῦτον μὲν τὸ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πάθος συνηνέχθη: Κεστίῳ δὲ οὐκέτι ἠρεμεῖν ἐδόκει πανταχοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐκπεπολεμωμένων.

499 This wretched disaster befell the Jews in Alexandria at this time. Afterwards Cestius no longer wanted to remain inactive while the Jews were everywhere up in arms,

[500] Ἀναλαβὼν δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας τὸ μὲν δωδέκατον τάγμα πλῆρες, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνὰ δισχιλίους ἐπιλέκτους, πεζῶν τε ἓξ σπείρας καὶ τέσσαρας ἴλας ἱππέων, πρὸς αἷς τὰς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων συμμαχίας, Ἀντιόχου μὲν δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς τρισχιλίους τοξότας πάντας, Ἀγρίππα δὲ πεζοὺς μὲν τοὺς ἴσους ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχιλίων ἐλάττους,

500 so he marched to Ptolemais with the entire twelfth legion from Antioch and with two thousand chosen from each of the rest, with six cohorts of infantry and four troops of cavalry, besides those allies sent by the kings. Of these, Antiochus sent two thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, with as many archers, and Agrippa sent the same number of infantry and one thousand cavalry.

[501] εἵπετο δὲ καὶ Σόαιμος μετὰ τετρακισχιλίων, ὧν ἦσαν ἱππεῖς ἡ τρίτη μοῖρα καὶ τὸ πλέον τοξόται, προῆλθεν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα.

501 Sohemus followed with four thousand, a third of them cavalry, but most were archers.

[502] Πλεῖστοι δὲ κἀκ τῶν πόλεων ἐπίκουροι συνελέγησαν, ἐμπειρίᾳ μὲν ἡττώμενοι τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ταῖς δὲ προθυμίαις καὶ τῷ κατὰ Ἰουδαίων μίσει τὸ λεῖπον ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστήμαις ἀντιπληροῦντες. Παρῆν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀγρίππας Κεστίῳ τῆς τε ὁδοῦ καὶ τῶν συμφερόντων ἐξηγούμενος.

502 There were also many allies gathered from the cities, less skilled than the regular soldiers, but making up for it by their zeal and their hatred for the Jews. Agrippa himself came with Cestius, to guide his march across the country and to suggest what should be done.

[503] Ἀναλαβὼν δὲ μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως Κέστιος ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ πόλιν καρτερὰν τῆς Γαλιλαίας Χαβουλών, ἣ καλεῖται ἀνδρῶν, διορίζει δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους τὴν Πτολεμαίδα.

503 Cestius took part of his forces and marched quickly to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee called the City of Men, separating the district of Ptolemais from our nation.

[504] Καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὴν ἔρημον μὲν ἀνδρῶν, ἀναπεφεύγει γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὰ ὄρη, πλήρη δὲ παντοίων κτημάτων, τὰ μὲν ἐφῆκεν τοῖς στρατιώταις διαρπάζειν, τὸ δὲ ἄστυ καίτοι θαυμάσας τοῦ κάλλους ἔχον τὰς οἰκίας ὁμοίως ταῖς ἐν Τύρῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Βηρυτῷ δεδομημένας, ἐνέπρησεν.

504 He found it deserted of men, the people having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things. He let the soldiers loot these and set fire to the city, although it was of admirable beauty, with houses built like those in Tyre and Sidon and Berytus.

[505] Ἔπειτα τὴν χώραν καταδραμὼν καὶ διαρπάσας μὲν πᾶν τὸ προσπῖπτον καταφλέξας δὲ τὰς πέριξ κώμας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν Πτολεμαίδα.

505 After this he overran all the country and seized whatever came his way and set fire to the villages round about and then returned to Ptolemais.

[506] Πρὸς δὲ ταῖς ἁρπαγαῖς ἔτι τῶν Σύρων ὄντων καὶ τὸ πλέον Βηρυτίων ἀναθαρσήσαντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, καὶ γὰρ ἀποκεχωρηκότα συνίεσαν Κέστιον, τοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσιν ἀδοκήτως ἐπέπεσον καὶ περὶ δισχιλίους αὐτῶν διέφθειραν.

506 But when the Syrians and especially those of Berytus, were busy looting, the Jews, knowing that Cestius had retreated, took new heart and unexpectedly attacked the stragglers, killing about two thousand of them.


[507] Ὁ δὲ Κέστιος ἀναζεύξας ἀπὸ τῆς Πτολεμαίδος αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἀφικνεῖται, μοῖραν δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς προέπεμψεν εἰς Ἰόππην, προστάξας, εἰ μὲν καταλαβέσθαι δυνηθεῖεν τὴν πόλιν, φρουρεῖν, εἰ δὲ προαίσθοιντο τὴν ἔφοδον, περιμένειν αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν ἄλλην δύναμιν.

507 Cestius marched from Ptolemais to Caesarea, but sending part of his army ahead to Joppa with orders to hold that city if they could capture it, but if the citizens were alerted to the attack, they should wait for him and the rest of the army.

[508] Τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν κατὰ θάλασσαν οἱ δὲ κατὰ γῆν ἐπειχθέντες ἀμφοτέρωθεν αἱροῦσιν τὴν πόλιν ῥᾳδίως: καὶ μηδὲ φυγεῖν φθασάντων τῶν οἰκητόρων, οὐχ ὅπως παρασκευάσασθαι πρὸς μάχην, ἐμπεσόντες ἅπαντας ἀνεῖλον σὺν ταῖς γενεαῖς καὶ τὴν πόλιν διαρπάσαντες ἐνέπρησαν:

508 So some made a forced march along the coast and some came overland and coming at them from both sides, they took the city with ease. Since the inhabitants had made no advance provision for flight, nor had anything ready for fighting, the soldiers attacked and killed them all, with their families and then looted and burned the city.

[509] ὁ δὲ ἀριθμὸς τῶν φονευθέντων τετρακόσιοι πρὸς ὀκτακισχιλίοις. Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ὅμορον τῆς Καισαρείας Ναρβατηνὴν τοπαρχίαν ἔπεμψεν συχνοὺς τῶν ἱππέων, οἳ τήν τε γῆν ἔτεμον καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος διέφθειραν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τάς τε κτήσεις διήρπασαν καὶ τὰς κώμας κατέφλεξαν.

509 The number of the fallen was eight thousand four hundred. Similarly Cestius sent a considerable troop of cavalry to Narbatene, adjoining Caesarea, who destroyed the district and killed many of its people, looting what they had and burning their villages.


[510] Εἰς δὲ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἀπέστειλεν Καισέννιον Γάλλον ἡγεμόνα τοῦ δωδεκάτου τάγματος παραδοὺς δύναμιν ὅσην ἀρκέσειν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ὑπελάμβανεν.

510 Cestius sent Gallus, commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee with as much of his forces as he thought sufficient to subdue that nation.

[511] Τοῦτον ἡ καρτερωτάτη τῆς Γαλιλαίας πόλις Σέπφωρις μετ' εὐφημίας δέχεται, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ταύτης εὐβουλίαν αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις ἠρέμουν. Τὸ δὲ στασιῶδες καὶ λῃστρικὸν πᾶν ἔφυγεν εἰς τὸ μεσαίτατον τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὄρος, ὃ κεῖται μὲν ἀντικρὺ τῆς Σεπφώρεως, καλεῖται δὲ Ἀσαμών. Τούτοις ὁ Γάλλος ἐπῆγε τὴν δύναμιν.

511 He was welcomed with shouts of joy by Sepphoris, the strongest city of Galilee. The wise conduct of that city caused the rest of the cities to keep peace, while the rebels and the brigands fled to the mountain called Asamon in the centre of Galilee and is just opposite Sepphoris, so Gallus brought his forces against them.

[512] Οἱ δὲ ἕως μὲν ἦσαν ὑπερδέξιοι, ῥᾳδίως τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἠμύναντο προσιόντας καὶ πρὸς διακοσίους αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλον, περιελθόντων δὲ καὶ γενομένων ἐν τοῖς ὑψηλοτέροις ἡττῶντο ταχέως, καὶ οὔτε γυμνῆτες ὁπλίτας συστάδην ἔφερον οὔτε ἐν τῇ τροπῇ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐξέφευγον, ὥστε ὀλίγους μὲν ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις διαλαθεῖν, ἀναιρεθῆναι δὲ ὑπὲρ δισχιλίους.

512 Since they were higher up than the Romans, they easily hurled spears at them as they approached and killed about two hundred of them. But when the Romans went round the mountains and had got above the enemy, the latter were soon defeated. Men only lightly armed could not hold out against men fighting them in full armour, nor could they escape the enemy cavalry once they were routed. A few hid in remote places among the mountains, but the rest, more than two thousand in number, were killed.

Chapter 19. [vv. 513-555]
Cestius' siege of Jerusalem fails. He retreats with severe losses


[513] Γάλλος μὲν οὖν ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι ἑώρα κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν νεωτεριζόμενον, ὑπέστρεφεν μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰς Καισάρειαν: Κέστιος δὲ μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Ἀντιπατρίδα, καὶ πυθόμενος ἔν τινι πύργῳ Ἀφεκοῦ καλουμένῳ συνηθροῖσθαι Ἰουδαίων δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην προέπεμπεν τοὺς συμβαλοῦντας.

513 Seeing no further signs of revolt in Galilee, Gallus returned with his army to Caesarea. Cestius marched with his whole army to Antipatris, and when he was told that there was a large Jewish force gathered in a tower called Aphek, he sent a party ahead to fight them.

[514] Οἱ δὲ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν δέει τοὺς Ἰουδαίους διεσκέδασαν, ἐπελθόντες δὲ ἔρημον τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὰς πέριξ κώμας ἐνέπρησαν.

514 These scattered the Jews without a battle and arrived to find their camp deserted; so they burned it, with the villages around it.

[515] Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἀντιπατρίδος Κέστιος εἰς Λύδδα προελθὼν κενὴν ἀνδρῶν τὴν πόλιν καταλαμβάνει: διὰ γὰρ τὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτὴν ἀναβεβήκει πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα.

515 After marching from Antipatris to Lydda, Cestius found the city empty of people, for the majority had gone up to Jerusalem to the Feast of Tents.

[516] Πεντήκοντα δὲ τῶν παραφανέντων διαφθείρας καὶ τὸ ἄστυ κατακαύσας ἐχώρει πρόσω, καὶ διὰ Βαιθώρων ἀναβὰς στρατοπεδεύεται κατά τινα χῶρον Γαβαὼ καλούμενον, ἀπέχοντα τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων πεντήκοντα σταδίους.

516 But he killed fifty of the people who let themselves be seen and burned the city before marching on. Then ascending by Bethoron, he encamped at a place called Gabao, fifty furlongs from Jerusalem.


[517] Οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι κατιδόντες ἤδη πλησιάζοντα τῇ μητροπόλει τὸν πόλεμον, ἀφέμενοι τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ μέγα τῷ πλήθει θαρροῦντες ἄτακτοι μετὰ κραυγῆς ἐξεπήδων ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην μηδὲ τῆς ἀργῆς ἑβδομάδος ἔννοιαν λαβόντες: ἦν γὰρ δὴ τὸ μάλιστα παρ' αὐτοῖς θρησκευόμενον σάββατον.

517 When they saw the war approaching their metropolis, the Jews abandoned their festival and took to arms, and with confidence in their numbers went out to fight in a hasty and disorderly manner, with shouting and with no consideration for the sabbath rest, although it was the day they venerated.

[518] Ὁ δ' ἐκσείσας αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐσεβείας θυμὸς ἐποίησεν πλεονεκτῆσαι καὶ κατὰ τὴν μάχην: μετὰ τοσαύτης γοῦν ὁρμῆς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις προσέπεσον, ὡς διαρρῆξαι τὰς τάξεις αὐτῶν καὶ διὰ μέσων χωρεῖν ἀναιροῦντας.

518 The same rage that made them forget their piety made them stronger in the battle. They attacked the Romans with such force that they broke through their ranks and go slaughtering through the middle of them.

[519] Εἰ δὲ μὴ τῷ χαλασθέντι τῆς φάλαγγος οἵ τε ἱππεῖς ἐκπεριελθόντες ἐπήμυναν καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ τὸ μὴ σφόδρα κάμνον, κἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν ὅλῃ τῇ δυνάμει Κέστιος. Ἀπέθανον δὲ Ῥωμαίων πεντακόσιοι δεκαπέντε: τούτων ἦσαν οἱ τετρακόσιοι πεζοί, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἱππεῖς: τῶν δὲ Ἰουδαίων δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι.

519 Indeed if the cavalry and those infantry who were not yet tired by the action, had not wheeled round and helped the part of the army which had not yet broken, Cestius and his whole army would have been in danger. Five hundred and fifteen Romans were killed, of whom four hundred were infantry and the rest cavalry, while the Jews lost only twenty-two.

[520] Γενναιότατοι δ' αὐτῶν ἔδοξαν οἱ Μονοβάζου τοῦ τῆς Ἀδιαβηνῆς βασιλέως συγγενεῖς, Μονόβαζός τε καὶ Κενεδαῖος, μεθ' οὓς ὁ Περαίτης Νίγερ καὶ Σίλας ὁ Βαβυλώνιος αὐτομολήσας εἰς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀπ' Ἀγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως:

520 The most valiant of these were relatives of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, named Monobazus and Kenedeus, after whom came Niger of Perea and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted to the Jews from king Agrippa, with whom he had formerly served.

[521] Ἐστρατεύετο γὰρ παρ' αὐτῷ. Κατὰ πρόσωπον μὲν οὖν ἀνακοπέντες Ἰουδαῖοι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὑπέστρεφον, κατόπιν δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπὶ τὴν Βεθώραν ἀνιοῦσιν προσπεσὼν ὁ τοῦ Γιώρα Σίμων πολὺ τῆς οὐραγίας ἐσπάραξεν καὶ συχνὰ τῶν σκευοφόρων ἀποσπάσας ἤγαγεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

521 When the front of their army was cut off, the Jews retreated to the city, but as they were ascending up Bethoron Simon, son of Giora, still attacked the Romans from the rear and spread panic in the rearguard of their army and took many of the pack animals, and led them into the city.

[522] Μένοντος δὲ τοῦ Κεστίου κατὰ χώραν τρισὶν ἡμέραις οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τὰ μετέωρα κατειληφότες ἐπετήρουν τὰς παρόδους δῆλοί τε ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες ἀρξαμένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁδεύειν.

522 While Cestius delayed there for three days, the Jews seized the higher parts of the city and set sentries at the entrances and seemed resolved not to rest whenever the Romans began to march.


[523] Ἔνθα δὴ κατιδὼν Ἀγρίππας οὐδὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀκίνδυνα πλήθους ἀπείρου πολεμίων τὰ ὄρη περισχόντος ἔκρινεν ἀποπειραθῆναι τῶν Ἰουδαίων λόγοις: ἢ γὰρ πάντας πείσειν καταθέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἢ τῶν ἐναντιωθέντων ἀποστήσειν τὸ μὴ συμφρονοῦν.

523 When Agrippa saw the whole of the Roman force in danger, since such a huge crowd of the enemy had seized the mountains round about, he decided to try speaking to the Jews, thinking either to get them all to give up fighting, or at least to detach from the war party those who did not share their views.

[524] Ἔπεμψεν οὖν τῶν παρ' ἑαυτῷ τοὺς μάλιστα γνωρίμους ἐκείνοις Βόρκιόν τε καὶ Φοῖβον, δεξιάς τε παρὰ Κεστίου καὶ συγγνώμην παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἀσφαλῆ περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων ὑπισχνούμενος, εἰ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντες πρὸς αὐτοὺς μεταβάλοιντο.

524 So he sent Borceus and Phoebus, the men on his side best known to them, with a promise that Cestius would guarantee to get for them from the Romans a full amnesty for the wrongs committed, if they put aside their weapons and came over to them.

[525] Δείσαντες δὲ οἱ στασιασταὶ μὴ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἀδείας ἐλπίδι πρὸς τὸν Ἀγρίππαν μεταβάληται, τοὺς ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πρεσβεύοντας ὥρμησαν ἀνελεῖν.

525 But the rebels, fearing that the whole crowd would desert to Agrippa in the hope of finding safety, decided to instantly attack and kill the envoys.

[526] Καὶ πρὶν ἢ φθέγξασθαι τὸν μὲν Φοῖβον διέφθειραν, ὁ δὲ Βόρκιος τρωθεὶς ἔφθη διαφυγεῖν: τοῦ δήμου δὲ τοὺς ἀγανακτήσαντας λίθοις καὶ ξύλοις παίοντες εἰς τὸ ἄστυ συνήλασαν.

526 So they killed Phoebus before he had said a word, though Borceus was merely wounded and so escaped his fate. Infuriated, the people struck the rebels with stones and clubs and drove them ahead of them into the citadel.


[527] Κέστιος δὲ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτῶν ταραχὴν εὔκαιρον ἰδὼν εἰς ἐπίθεσιν ἅπασαν ἐπῆγεν τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τραπέντας μέχρι Ἱεροσολύμων κατεδίωξεν.

527 But now Cestius, noting how the disturbances that had begun among the Jews gave him an opportunity to attack them, took his whole force and put the Jews to flight and pursued them as far as Jerusalem.

[528] Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ καλουμένου Σκοποῦ, διέχει δ' οὗτος ἑπτὰ τῆς πόλεως σταδίους, τρισὶ μὲν ἡμέραις οὐκ ἐπεχείρει τῇ πόλει τάχα τι παρὰ τῶν ἔνδον ἐνδοθήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν, εἰς δὲ τὰς πέριξ κώμας ἐφ' ἁρπαγὴν σίτου πολλοὺς διαφῆκεν τῶν στρατιωτῶν: τῇ τετάρτῃ δέ, ἥτις ἦν τριακὰς Ὑπερβερεταίου μηνός, διατάξας τὴν στρατιὰν εἰσῆγεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

528 He then encamped on the height called Scopus, seven furlongs from the city, but over a period of three days did not attack them, expecting that those inside might yield a little. Meanwhile he sent out many of his soldiers into neighbouring villages to seize their corn. On the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, he paraded his army and led it into the city.

[529] Ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ὑπὸ τοῖς στασιασταῖς ἔμφρουρος ἦν, οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων καταπλαγέντες τῶν μὲν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως μερῶν εἶκον, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐνδοτέρω καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεχώρουν.

529 The populace was kept under by the rebels, but the rebels in turn were greatly frightened of the good order of the Romans and retreated from the suburbs into the inner part of the city and into the temple.

[530] Κέστιος δὲ παρελθὼν ὑποπίμπρησιν τήν τε Βεθεζὰν προσαγορευομένην καὶ τὴν Καινόπολιν καὶ τὸ καλούμενον Δοκῶν ἀγοράν, ἔπειτα πρὸς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἐλθὼν ἀντικρὺ τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς ἐστρατοπεδεύετο.

530 When Cestius entered the city, he set fire to the part called Bezatha or "New City," and also to what is called the Timber Market; then he entered the upper city and encamped opposite the royal palace.

[531] Κἂν εἴπερ ἠθέλησεν κατ' αὐτὴν ἐκείνην τὴν ὥραν ἐντὸς τῶν τειχέων βιάσασθαι, παραυτίκα τὴν πόλιν ἔσχεν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον συνέβη καταλελύσθαι: ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅ τε στρατοπεδάρχης Τυράννιος Πρῖσκος καὶ τῶν ἱππάρχων οἱ πλεῖστοι χρήμασιν ὑπὸ Φλώρου δεκασθέντες ἀπέστρεψαν αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως.

531 If at this time he had tried to get within the ramparts by force, he would soon have taken the city and the war would have been ended at once, but the quartermaster, Tyrannius Priscus, and most of the cavalry officers had been bribed by Florus and put him off this attempt.

[532] Καὶ παρὰ τὴν αἰτίαν ταύτην ὅ τε πόλεμος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον μῆκος προύβη καὶ ἀνηκέστων Ἰουδαίους συμφορῶν ἀναπλησθῆναι συνέπεσεν.

532 That was the very reason this war lasted so long and why the Jews were overwhelmed by such dreadful woes.


[533] Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ πολλοὶ τῶν γνωρίμων δημοτῶν Ἀνάνῳ τῷ Ἰωνάθου παιδὶ πεισθέντες ἐκάλουν τὸν Κέστιον ὡς ἀνοίξοντες αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας.

533 Meanwhile many of the leading citizens were persuaded by Ananus, son of Jonathan, to invite Cestius into the city and were about to open the gates for him.

[534] Ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ὑπεριδὼν καὶ μὴ πάνυ πιστεύσας διεμέλλησεν, ἕως οἱ στασιασταὶ τὴν προδοσίαν αἰσθόμενοι τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἄνανον ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους κατέβαλον καὶ λίθοις παίοντες συνήλασαν εἰς τὰς οἰκίας, αὐτοὶ δὲ διαστάντες ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων τοὺς ἀποπειρωμένους τοῦ τείχους ἔβαλλον.

534 But he ignored them, partly out of anger and partly because he did not quite trust them, and he delayed so long that the rebels learned of the treachery and pulled Ananus and his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses. Then they stood at suitable distances in the towers and threw spears at those who tried getting over the wall.

[535] Πέντε μὲν οὖν ἡμέραις πάντοθεν ἐπιχειροῦσιν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀμήχανος ἦν ἡ προσβολή, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Κέστιος τῶν τε ἐπιλέκτων συχνοὺς καὶ τοὺς τοξότας κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον ἐπεχείρει κλίμα τῷ ἱερῷ.

535 For five days the Romans attacked the wall in vain, but on the next day Cestius took a band of his choicest men and his archers and attempted to break into the temple from the northern side.

[536] Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς εἶργον, καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἀπεκρούσαντο τοὺς τῷ τείχει προσελθόντας, τέλος δὲ τῷ πλήθει τῶν βελῶν ἀνακοπέντες ὑπεχώρησαν.

536 From the porticoes the Jews beat them off and several times repulsed them when they got near to the wall, making them retreat under a hail of spears.

[537] Τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οἱ πρῶτοι τοὺς θυρεοὺς ἐξερείσαντες εἰς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ κατὰ τούτων οἱ κατόπιν ἄλλους οἵ τε ἑξῆς ὁμοίως τὴν καλουμένην παρ' αὐτοῖς χελώνην ἐφράξαντο, καθ' ἧς τὰ βέλη φερόμενα περιωλίσθανεν ἄπρακτα, μηδὲν δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται κακούμενοι τὸ τεῖχος ὑπέσυρον καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὴν πύλην ὑποπιμπράναι παρεσκευάζοντο.

537 But then the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall and so did those who were behind them, and those who were still further back formed a defence that they call the tortoise, against which the spears that were thrown slid off uselessly. So the soldiers were able to undermine the wall, without being harmed and got ready to set the gate of the temple on fire.


[538] Δεινὴ δὲ τοὺς στασιαστὰς ἔκπληξις κατέλαβεν: ἤδη δὲ πολλοὶ διεδίδρασκον ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ὡς ἁλωσομένης αὐτίκα. Τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἐπὶ τούτοις συνέβαινεν θαρρεῖν, καὶ καθὸ παρείκοιεν οἱ πονηροί, προσῄεσαν αὐτοὶ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξοντες καὶ δεξόμενοι τὸν Κέστιον ὡς εὐεργέτην.

538 A terrible fear seized the rebels, so that many of them fled from the city, fearing it would soon be taken, but the people took courage from this and wherever the wicked gave ground, they came in, planning to open the gates and to admit Cestius as their benefactor.

[539] Ὃς εἰ βραχὺ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ προσελιπάρησεν, κἂν εὐθέως τὴν πόλιν παρέλαβεν: ἀλλ' οἶμαι διὰ τοὺς πονηροὺς ἀπεστραμμένος ὁ θεὸς ἤδη καὶ τὰ ἅγια τέλος λαβεῖν ἐπ' ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκώλυσεν τὸν πόλεμον.

539 If only he had continued the siege a little longer, he would certainly have taken the city. But I expect that God prevented the war from ending that very day because He had turned away from the city and the sanctuary.


[540] Ὁ γοῦν Κέστιος οὔτε τὴν τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἀπόγνωσιν οὔτε τοῦ δήμου τὸ φρόνημα συνιδὼν ἐξαίφνης ἀνεκάλεσεν τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ καταγνοὺς ἐπ' οὐδεμιᾷ πληγῇ τῶν ἐλπίδων παραλογώτατα ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀνέζευξεν.

540 Cestius did not realise either the despair of the besieged or the courage of his own people and so he recalled his soldiers from the place and gave up without being defeated in any way, and retreated from the city against all expectation.

[541] Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἀδόκητον αὐτοῦ τροπὴν ἀναθαρσήσαντες οἱ λῃσταὶ κατὰ τῶν ὑστάτων ἐπεξέδραμον καὶ συχνοὺς τῶν ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν διέφθειραν.

541 The brigands noticed his surprising retreat and regained their courage and pursued the rear of his army and killed many of their cavalry and infantry.

[542] Τότε μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸν Σκοπὸν αὐλίζεται στρατοπέδῳ Κέστιος, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ προσωτέρω χωριζόμενος μᾶλλον ἐξεκαλέσατο τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τοὺς ὑστάτους αὐτῶν προσκείμενοι διέφθειρον καὶ καθ' ἑκάτερον τῆς ὁδοῦ περιιόντες ἠκόντιζον εἰς πλαγίους.

542 Cestius stayed all night at the camp on Scopus, and as he moved away farther next day, it rather invited the enemy in pursuit, still harrying and killing his rearguard and attacking and hurling spears from both flanks.

[543] Οὔτε δὲ ἐπιστραφῆναι πρὸς τοὺς κατόπιν τιτρώσκοντας ἐθάρρουν οἱ τελευταῖοι ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος οἰόμενοι διώκειν καὶ τοὺς κατὰ πλευρὸν ἐγκειμένους ἀναστέλλειν οὐχ ὑπέμενον, αὐτοὶ μὲν ὄντες βαρεῖς καὶ δεδοικότες τὴν τάξιν διασπᾶν, τοὺς δὲ Ἰουδαίους ὁρῶντες κούφους καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς εὐκόλους: ὥστε συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς πολλὰ κακοῦσθαι μηδὲν ἀντιβλάπτουσιν τοὺς ἐχθρούς.

543 The rearguard did not dare turn back against those wounding them from behind, imagining that there was a large crowd in pursuit. Nor could the others drive away those who coming at them on each side, as they were weighed down with armour and afraid to break ranks, seeing the lightly-armed Jews ready to pounce on them. So they suffered heavy losses without being able to take revenge upon the enemy.

[544] Παρ' ὅλην δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν παιόμενοι καὶ τῆς φάλαγγος ἐκσειόμενοι κατέπιπτον, μέχρι πολλῶν διαφθαρέντων, ἐν οἷς ἦν Πρῖσκος μὲν στρατάρχης τάγματος ἕκτου, Λογγῖνος δὲ χιλίαρχος, ἔπαρχος δὲ ἴλης Αἰμίλιος Ἰούκουνδος ὄνομα, μόλις εἰς Γαβαὼν κατήντησαν ἐπὶ τὸ πρότερον στρατόπεδον, τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τῶν σκευῶν ἀποβαλόντες.

544 Throughout their march they were being struck and their ranks thrown into confusion and those who fell out of rank were killed, among them Priscus, the general of the sixth legion and Longinus the tribune and Emilius Secundus who commanded a troop of cavalry. So they barely made it to their former camp at Gabao, and not without the loss of much of their baggage.

[545] Ἔνθα δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἐπέμεινεν ὁ Κέστιος ἀμηχανῶν, ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν, τῇ τρίτῃ δὲ πολλῷ πλείους τοὺς πολεμίους θεασάμενος καὶ πάντα τὰ κύκλῳ μεστὰ Ἰουδαίων ἔγνω καθ' ἑαυτοῦ τε βραδύνας κἂν ἔτι μείνῃ πλείοσιν χρησόμενος ἐχθροῖς.

545 Cestius stayed there for two days and was at a loss to know what to do in the circumstances, but when on the third day he saw a still greater number of the enemy and the whole area full of Jews, he understood that the delay was to his disadvantage and that if he stayed any longer he would have to deal with still more enemies.


[546] Ἵνα δὲ συντονωτέρᾳ χρήσαιτο φυγῇ, τὰ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀνθέλκοντα περικόπτειν προσέταξεν. Διαφθαρέντων δὲ τῶν τε ὀρέων καὶ τῶν ὄνων ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑποζυγίων πλὴν ὅσα βέλη παρεκόμιζεν καὶ μηχανάς, τούτων γὰρ διὰ τὴν χρείαν περιείχοντο καὶ μάλιστα δεδοικότες, μὴ Ἰουδαίοις κατ' αὐτῶν ἁλῷ, προῆγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ Βεθώρων.

546 To escape faster, he ordered them to jettison anything that could slow the army's march, so they killed the mules, donkeys and other beasts of burden, except those carrying their spears and tools, which they kept for their own use, mainly because they were afraid the Jews should seize them; and then marched his army as far as Bethoron.

[547] Οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι κατὰ μὲν τὰς εὐρυχωρίας ἧττον ἐπέκειντο, συνειληθέντων δὲ εἰς τὰ στενὰ καὶ τὴν κατάβασιν οἱ μὲν φθάσαντες εἶργον αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐξόδου, ἄλλοι δὲ τοὺς ὑστάτους κατεώθουν εἰς τὴν φάραγγα, τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος παρεκταθὲν ὑπὲρ τὸν αὐχένα τῆς ὁδοῦ κατεκάλυπτε τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς βέλεσιν.

547 The Jews did not attack them so much when they were in wide open places, but when they were hemmed in as they descended through narrow passes, some of them went ahead to prevent them getting out, and others thrust their rear-guard down into the gorge, and the main force stretched above the narrowest part and showered the Roman army with their spears.

[548] Ἔνθα καὶ τῶν πεζῶν ἀμηχανούντων προσαμύνειν ἑαυτοῖς ἐπισφαλέστερος τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ὁ κίνδυνος ἦν: οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τάξει κατὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ βαδίζειν ἐδύναντο βαλλόμενοι, καὶ τὸ πρόσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἱππάσιμον οὐκ ἦν:

548 In these circumstances the infantry were unable to defend themselves, but the danger was still greater for the cavalry. They could not move along the road in ranks, under the shower of weapons, and the ascents were too steep for the cavalry to charge the enemy. 549 The precipices and valleys on either side, into which they often tumbled were such that there was nowhere to escape and no way to defend them could be found, until their distress was so great that they broke out in laments and cries like men in the depths of despair, echoed by the joyful cries of the Jews encouraging each other, blending the sounds of joy and fury.

[549] τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ θάτερα κρημνοὶ καὶ φάραγγες, εἰς οὓς ἀποσφαλέντες κατεφθείροντο, καὶ οὔτε φυγῆς τις τόπον οὔτε ἀμύνης εἶχεν ἐπίνοιαν, ἀλλ' ὑπ' ἀμηχανίας ἐπ' οἰμωγὴν ἐτράποντο καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἀπογνώσεσιν ὀδυρμούς: ἀντήχει δ' αὐτοῖς τὸ παρὰ Ἰουδαίων ἐγκέλευσμα καὶ κραυγὴ χαιρόντων ἅμα καὶ τεθυμωμένων.

[550] Ὀλίγου δὲ δεῖν πᾶσαν ἀνήρπασαν τὴν ἅμα Κεστίῳ δύναμιν, εἰ μὴ νὺξ ἐπέλαβεν, ἐν ᾗ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν εἰς τὴν Βεθώραν κατέφυγον, Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ πάντα τὰ κύκλῳ περισχόντες ἐφρούρουν αὐτῶν τὴν ἔξοδον.

550 The Jews would almost have captured Cestius's entire army if the night had not fallen, when the Romans fled to Bethoron and the Jews seized all the places round about and watched out for their departure.


[551] Ἔνθα δὴ Κέστιος τὴν φανερὰν ὁδὸν ἀπογνοὺς δρασμὸν ἐβουλεύετο καὶ διακρίνας τοὺς εὐψυχοτάτους στρατιώτας ὡσεὶ τετρακοσίους ἐπέστησεν τῶν δωμάτων, προστάξας ἀναβοᾶν τὰ σημεῖα τῶν ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις φυλάκων, ὅπως Ἰουδαῖοι πᾶσαν οἴωνται τὴν δύναμιν κατὰ χώραν μένειν: αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀναλαβὼν ἡσυχῆ τριάκοντα πρόεισιν σταδίους.

551 Despairing of being able to leave the place openly, Cestius planned how best to escape. He chose four hundred of his bravest soldiers and placed them on the rooftops, with orders to set up their standards for the morning watch, to make the Jews believe that the entire army was still there, while he took the rest of his forces and marched thirty furlongs in silence.

[552] Ἕωθεν δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι κατιδόντες ἔρημον τὴν ἔπαυλιν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐξαπατήσαντας τετρακοσίους ἔδραμον, κἀκείνους μὲν ταχέως κατηκόντισαν, ἐδίωκον δὲ τὸν Κέστιον.

552 In the morning, when the Jews saw that the camp was empty, they immediately overcame the four hundred who had tricked them and hurled spears at them and killed them, and went in pursuit of Cestius.

[553] Ὁ δὲ τῆς τε νυκτὸς οὐκ ὀλίγον προειλήφει καὶ συντονώτερον ἔφευγεν μεθ' ἡμέραν, ὥστε τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπ' ἐκπλήξεως καὶ δέους τάς τε ἑλεπόλεις καὶ τοὺς ὀξυβελεῖς καὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὀργάνων καταλιπεῖν, ἃ τότε Ἰουδαῖοι λαβόντες αὖθις ἐχρήσαντο κατὰ τῶν ἀφέντων.

553 However, he had already spent most of the night on the move and marched still quicker during the day, though in their confusion and fear, the soldiers left their siege-machines and stone-throwers behind them with many of the other war machines, which the Jews took and later used against those who had abandoned them.

[554] προῆλθον δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους διώκοντες μέχρι Ἀντιπατρίδος. ἔπειθ' ὡς οὐ κατελάμβανον, ὑποστρέφοντες τάς τε μηχανὰς ᾖρον καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐσύλων τήν τε ἀπολειφθεῖσαν λείαν συνῆγον καὶ μετὰ παιάνων εἰς τὴν μητρόπολιν ἐπαλινδρόμουν,

554 They went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris, and unable to overtake them, turned back and took the machines and despoiled the corpses and gathered up the loot left behind and returned to their capital, running and singing.

[555] αὐτοὶ μὲν ὀλίγους ἀποβεβλημένοι παντάπασιν, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισχιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους ἀνῃρηκότες, ἱππεῖς δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίους. τάδε μὲν οὖν ἐπράχθη Δίου μηνὸς ὀγδόῃ δωδεκάτῳ τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας ἔτει.

555 While they had lost only a few, they had killed five thousand, three hundred infantry and three hundred and eighty cavalry, on the Roman side. This took place on the eighth day of the month Dius, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.

Chapter 20. [vv. 556-584]
The Jews prepare to defend themselves. Josephus takes command in Galilee


[556] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Κεστίου συμφορὰν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν Ἰουδαίων ὥσπερ βαπτιζομένης νηὸς ἀπενήχοντο τῆς πόλεως. Κοστόβαρος γοῦν καὶ Σάουλος ἀδελφοὶ σὺν Φιλίππῳ τῷ Ἰακίμου, στρατοπεδάρχης δ' ἦν οὗτος Ἀγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως, διαδράντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ᾤχοντο πρὸς Κέστιον:

556 After this disaster to Cestius, many of the foremost Jews left the city, like people swimming from a sinking ship. The brothers Costobarus and Saul, along with Philip, son of Jacimus, the commander of king Agrippa's forces, fled from the city to Cestius.

[557] ὁ δὲ σὺν τούτοις κατὰ τὴν βασιλικὴν αὐλὴν πολιορκηθεὶς Ἀντίπας ὑπεριδὼν τὴν φυγὴν αὖθις ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν διεφθάρη δηλώσομεν.

557 We shall later tell how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not escape with them, was later killed by the rebels.

[558] Κέστιος δὲ τοὺς περὶ Σάουλον ἀξιώσαντας ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς Ἀχαίαν πρὸς Νέρωνα τήν τε αὐτῶν δηλώσοντας ἀνάγκην καὶ τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου τρέψοντας εἰς Φλῶρον: τὴν γὰρ ἐπ' ἐκεῖνον ὀργὴν κουφίσειν καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ κινδύνους ἤλπισεν.

558 Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Nero in Achaia, to inform him of their plight and to lay upon Florus the blame for kindling the war, hoping to alleviate the danger to himself by directing his anger at Florus.


[559] Κἀν τούτῳ Δαμασκηνοὶ τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων φθορὰν πυθόμενοι τοὺς παρ' ἑαυτοῖς Ἰουδαίους ἀνελεῖν ἐσπούδασαν.

559 Meanwhile the people of Damascus, when they were told of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of the Jews in their city.

[560] Καὶ καθὸ μὲν εἶχον αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ συνηθροισμένους πάλαι διὰ τὰς ὑποψίας τοῦτο πραγματευσάμενοι, ῥᾴστην τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἐδόκουν: ἐδεδοίκεισαν δὲ τὰς ἑαυτῶν γυναῖκας ἁπάσας πλὴν ὀλίγων ὑπηγμένας τῇ Ἰουδαῑκῇ θρησκείᾳ:

560 As they had them already cooped up together in the gymnasium, which they had done from their suspicion of them, they thought it should not be difficult, but they distrusted their own wives, most of whom were devoted to the Jewish religion.

[561] Διὸ μέγιστος αὐτοῖς ἀγὼν ἐγένετο λαθεῖν ἐκείνας. Τοὺς δὲ Ἰουδαίους ὡς ἂν ἐν στενῷ χωρίῳ τὸν ἀριθμὸν μυρίους καὶ πεντακοσίους πάντας ἀνόπλους ἐπελθόντες ὑπὸ μίαν ὥραν ἀδεῶς ἀπέσφαξαν.

561 So their greatest concern was how to conceal it from them, so they attacked the Jews in this confined space and simply cut their throats in a single hour, as all ten thousand of them were unarmed.


[562] Οἱ δὲ διώξαντες τὸν Κέστιον ὡς ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, τοὺς μὲν βίᾳ τῶν ἔτι ῥωμαιζόντων τοὺς δὲ πειθοῖ προσήγοντο, καὶ συναθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν στρατηγοὺς ἀπεδείκνυσαν τοῦ πολέμου πλείονας.

562 On their return to Jerusalem those who had followed Cestius prevailed over those who favoured the Romans, some they forced, and some they won by persuasion. They gathered in great numbers in the temple and appointed many generals for the war.

[563] ᾙρέθη δὲ Ἰώσηπός τε υἱὸς Γωρίονος καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἄνανος τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἁπάντων αὐτοκράτορες καὶ μάλιστα τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἀνεγείρειν:

563 Joseph, son of Gorion, and Ananus the high priest, were chosen as officers of all matters within the city, with the particular task of repairing the ramparts of the city.

[564] τὸν γὰρ τοῦ Σίμωνος υἱὸν Ἐλεάζαρον καίπερ ὑφ' ἑαυτῷ πεποιημένον τὴν Ῥωμαίων λείαν καὶ τὰ ἁρπαγέντα Κεστίου χρήματα, πρὸς οἷς πολλὰ τῶν δημοσίων θησαυρῶν, ὅμως οὐκ ἐπέστησαν ταῖς χρείαις αὐτόν τε τυραννικὸν ὁρῶντες καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῷ ζηλωτὰς δορυφόρων ἔθεσι χρωμένους.

564 They did not give that job to Eleazar the son of Simon, even though he held what they had looted from the Romans and the money they had taken from Cestius, along with most of the public treasury, because they saw his tyrannical temper and that his followers behaved like his bodyguards.

[565] Κατ' ὀλίγον γε μὴν ἥ τε χρεία τῶν χρημάτων καὶ γοητεύων Ἐλεάζαρος ἐκπεριῆλθε τὸν δῆμον ὥστε αὐτῷ πειθαρχεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων.

565 It was only their need for Eleazar's money and the subtle ruses used by him that got the people to submit to his authority in everything.


[566] Εἰς δὲ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ἑτέρους ἐπελέξαντο στρατηγοὺς Ἰησοῦν υἱὸν Σαπφᾶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἕνα καὶ Ἐλεάζαρον ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν Νέου: τῷ δ' ἄρχοντι τότε τῆς Ἰδουμαίας Νίγερι, γένος δ' ἦν ἐκ τῆς περὶ Ἰορδάνην Περαίας, διὸ καὶ Περαίτης ἐκαλεῖτο, προσέταξαν ὑποτάσσεσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς.

566 They also chose other generals for Idumaea, Jesus, son of Sapphias, one of the high priests, and Eleazar, son of Ananias, the high priest, and enjoined Niger, the ruler of Idumaea, called the Peraite since his family came from Perea beyond the Jordan, to obey the aforesaid officers.

[567] Ἠμέλουν δὲ οὐδὲ τῆς ἄλλης χώρας, ἀλλ' εἰς μὲν Ἱεριχοῦν Ἰώσηπος ὁ Σίμωνος, εἰς δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Μανασσῆς, Θαμνᾶ δὲ τοπαρχίας Ἰωάννης ὁ Ἐσσαῖος στρατηγήσων ἐπέμφθη: προσκεκλήρωτο δ' αὐτῷ Λύδδα καὶ Ἰόππη καὶ Ἀμμαοῦς.

567 They did not neglect the other parts of the country either, but Joseph the son of Simon was sent to rule Jericho, Manasses to Perea, and John the Essene to the district of Thamna; Lydda was added to his portion along with Joppa and Emmaus.

[568] Τῆς δὲ Γοφνιτικῆς καὶ Ἀκραβεττηνῆς ὁ Ἀνανίου Ἰωάννης ἡγεμὼν ἀποδείκνυται καὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἑκατέρας Ἰώσηπος Ματθίου: προσώριστο δὲ τῇ τούτου στρατηγίᾳ καὶ Γάμαλα τῶν ταύτῃ πόλεων ὀχυρωτάτη.

568 John, son of Matthias, was to rule the districts of Gophnitica and Acrabattene; and Josephus, son of Matthias, to rule both the Galilees, with Gamala, the strongest city in those parts, also under his command.


[569] Τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν ἕκαστος ὡς εἶχεν προθυμίας ἢ συνέσεως διῴκει τὰ πεπιστευμένα: Ἰώσηπος δὲ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἐλθὼν πρῶτον ἐφρόντισεν τῆς εἰς ἑαυτὸν εὐνοίας τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, εἰδὼς ὅτι ταύτῃ πλεῖστα κατορθώσει, κἂν τἆλλα διαμαρτάνῃ.

569 Each of the other officers administered his area as their zeal and prudence allowed. The first care of Josephus, when he came into Galilee, was to gain the goodwill of the local people, knowing that he would succeed in this even if he should fail in other points.

[570] Συνιδὼν δὲ ὅτι τοὺς μὲν δυνατοὺς οἰκειώσεται μεταδιδοὺς τῆς ἐξουσίας αὐτοῖς, τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος εἰ δι' ἐπιχωρίων καὶ συνήθων τὰ πολλὰ προστάσσοι, τῶν μὲν γηραιῶν ἑβδομήκοντα τοὺς σωφρονεστάτους ἐπιλέξας ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατέστησεν ἄρχοντας ὅλης τῆς Γαλιλαίας,

570 He felt that if he shared his power with the local leaders, it would make them his firm friends, and that it would win him similar favour from the people, if he exercised his authority through men of their own area, whom they knew well. He chose seventy of the most prudent and mature men and appointed them as officers for all Galilee,

[571] ἑπτὰ δὲ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει δικαστὰς τῶν εὐτελεστέρων διαφόρων: τὰ γὰρ μείζω πράγματα καὶ τὰς φονικὰς δίκας ἐφ' ἑαυτὸν ἀναπέμπειν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα.

571 and chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser cases, with orders that important cases and those concerning life and death should be brought to him and the seventy elders.


[572] Καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους νόμιμα τῶν κατὰ πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔξωθεν αὐτῶν ἀσφάλειαν ἐχώρει.

572 When he had established these rules for legal cases in the people's dealings with each other, he went on to provide for their safety from outside.

[573] Καὶ γινώσκων Ῥωμαίους προεμβαλοῦντας εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν χωρίων ἐτείχιζεν, Ἰωτάπατα μὲν καὶ Βηρσαβὲ καὶ Σελάμην, ἔτι δὲ Καφαρεκχὼ καὶ Ἰαφὰ καὶ Σιγὼφ τό τε Ἰταβύριον καλούμενον ὄρος καὶ Ταριχέας καὶ Τιβεριάδα, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰ περὶ Γεννησὰρ τὴν λίμνην σπήλαια κατὰ τὴν κάτω καλουμένην Γαλιλαίαν ἐτειχίσατο, τῆς δὲ ἄνω Γαλιλαίας τήν τε προσαγορευομένην Ἀκχαβάρων πέτραν καὶ Σὲπφ καὶ Ἰαμνεὶθ καὶ Μηρώ.

573 As he knew the Romans would attack Galilee, he built walls in suitable places in Lower Galilee: around Jotapata and Bersabee and Selamis, and Caphareccho and Jaffa and Sigo and the mountain called Itaburion, and Tarichea and Tiberias; and also built walls around the caves near the lake of Gennesar. He did the same for places in Upper Galilee, including what is called the Rock of the Achabari and Seph and Jamnith and Meroth.

[574] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Γαυλανιτικὴν Σελεύκειάν τε καὶ Σωγαναίαν καὶ Γάμαλαν ὠχύρωσεν: μόνοις δὲ Σεπφωρίταις ἐφῆκε καθ' ἑαυτοὺς τεῖχος ἀναδείμασθαι χρημάτων τε εὐπόρους ὁρῶν ὄντας καὶ προθύμους ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον δίχα προστάγματος.

574 In Gaulonitis he fortified Seleucia and Sogane and Gamala, but by exception he allowed the people of Sepphoris to build their own walls, for he saw them strong and wealthy and ready for war, and needing no instructions.

[575] Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Γίσχαλα Ἰωάννης ὁ Ληίου καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἐτείχιζεν Ἰωσήπου κελεύσαντος: τοῖς δ' ἄλλοις ἐρύμασιν ἅπασιν αὐτὸς συμπονῶν ἅμα καὶ προστάσσων παρῆν.

575 He did the same for Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi, with the consent of Josephus, but in costructing the rest of the fortresses, he worked with all the other builders and was present to give all the necessary orders.

[576] Κατέλεξεν δὲ καὶ δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας νέων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς πάντας ἔκ τε τῶν συλλεγομένων παλαιῶν ὅπλων ἐγκατασκευαζόμενος ὥπλιζεν.

576 He gathered from Galilee an army of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of whom he armed with the old weapons he had collected and prepared.


[577] Ἔπειτα συνιδὼν ἀήττητον τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἰσχὺν γεγενημένην εὐπειθείᾳ μάλιστα καὶ μελέτῃ τῶν ὅπλων, τὴν μὲν διδασκαλίαν ἀπέγνω τῇ χρείᾳ διωκομένην, τὸ δ' εὐπειθὲς ὁρῶν περιγινόμενον ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἡγεμόνων ῥωμαικώτερον ἔτεμνεν τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ πλείους καθίστατο ταξιάρχους.

577 Aware that the Roman power had grown invincible mainly by their obedience to orders and their constant weapons practice, he knew he could not teach his men to use weapons except by experience, but noting that readiness to obey orders came from the number of their officers, he divided his army more in the Roman manner and appointed many junior officers.

[578] Στρατιωτῶν τε γὰρ ἀπεδείκνυεν διαφοράς, καὶ τούτους μὲν ὑπέτασσεν δεκαδάρχαις καὶ ἑκατοντάρχαις ἔπειτα χιλιάρχοις, κἀπὶ τούτοις ἡγεμόνας ταγμάτων ἁδροτέρων ἀφηγουμένους.

578 He divided his soldiers into various classes, under captains of ten, captains of a hundred and captains of a thousand, and had captains of larger legions.

[579] Ἐδίδασκεν δὲ σημείων παραδόσεις καὶ σάλπιγγος προκλήσεις τε καὶ ἀνακλήσεις προσβολάς τε κεράτων καὶ περιαγωγάς, καὶ πῶς δεῖ πρὸς μὲν τὸ κάμνον ἐπιστρέφειν ἐκ τοῦ περιόντος, ἐν δὲ τῷ πονοῦντι συμπαθεῖν.

579 He taught them to signal to each other and to use trumpets to summon and recall the soldiers, how to spread out the wings of an army and make them wheel about, and when one wing is successful, to turn to the help of those in trouble and to join in defending those hardest hit.

[580] ὅσα τε εἰς παράστασιν ψυχῆς ἢ καρτερίαν συνετέλει σώματος ἀφηγεῖτο: μάλιστα δ' αὐτοὺς ἤσκει πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρ' ἕκαστα τὴν Ῥωμαίων εὐταξίαν διηγούμενος, καὶ ὡς πολεμήσουσιν πρὸς ἄνδρας, οἳ δι' ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα πάσης ὀλίγου δεῖν τῆς οἰκουμένης κρατοῦσιν.

580 He regularly instructed them about bravery of soul and physical toughness and, above all, he exercised them for war, making clear to them the good order of the Romans and that they were to fight with men who had in a sense conquered the whole world by physical strength and mental courage.

[581] Ἔφη δὲ πεῖραν αὐτῶν λήψεσθαι τῆς κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πειθαρχίας καὶ πρὸ παρατάξεως, εἰ τῶν συνήθων ἀδικημάτων ἀπόσχοιντο, κλοπῆς τε καὶ λῃστείας καὶ ἁρπαγῆς τοῦ τε ἐξαπατᾶν τὸ ὁμόφυλον τοῦ τε κέρδος οἰκεῖον ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν βλάβην τῶν συνηθεστάτων:

581 He said that even before battle began he would note their good order and have them abstain from the usual crimes of theft and robbery and looting and wronging their countrymen, and never to reckon any harm done to their own relatives as being good for themselves.

[582] Διοικεῖσθαι γὰρ κάλλιστα τοὺς πολέμους παρ' οἷς ἂν ἀγαθὸν τὸ συνειδὸς ἔχωσιν πάντες οἱ στρατευόμενοι, τοὺς δὲ οἴκοθεν φαύλους οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ἐχθροῖς ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ θεῷ χρῆσθαι πολεμίῳ.

582 For wars are best waged if soldiers keep a good conscience, but those who are evil in private will not only have to reckon with human enemies but with God himself.


[583] Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα παραινῶν διετέλει. Καὶ τὸ μὲν ἕτοιμον εἰς παράταξιν αὐτῷ συνεκεκρότητο πεζῶν μὲν ἓξ μυριάδες, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακόσιοι, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων οἷς ἐπεποίθει μάλιστα μισθοφόροι περὶ τετρακισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους: ἐπιλέκτους δὲ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ἑξακοσίους φύλακας τοῦ σώματος.

583 After admonishing them much in this way, he chose for the war a good-sized army, sixty thousand infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry in whom he had the most trust, with about four thousand five hundred mercenaries, and had six hundred men as his bodyguard.

[584] Ἔτρεφον δὲ πλὴν τῶν μισθοφόρων τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν αἱ πόλεις ῥᾳδίως: τῶν γὰρ καταλεγέντων ἑκάστη τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἐπὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκπέμπουσα τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπὶ συμπορισμὸν αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων κατεῖχον, ὡς τοὺς μὲν εἰς ὅπλα, τοὺς δὲ εἰς ἐργασίαν διῃρῆσθαι, καὶ τοῖς τὰ σῖτα πέμπουσιν ἀντιχορηγεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν.

584 The cities easily maintained all his army except the mercenaries, for each of the cities sent out half their men to the army and kept the other half at home, to provide for them. One group went to war while the other went to work and so those who sent out their corn were paid for it by those under arms, through the security they enjoyed from them in return.

Chapter 21. [vv. 585-646]
Josephus, now a Jewish military leader in Galilee, recovers some cities that had rebelled from him.


[585] Διοικοῦντι δ' οὕτως τῷ Ἰωσήπῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν παρανίσταταί τις ἐπίβουλος ἀνὴρ ἀπὸ Γισχάλων, υἱὸς Ληίου, Ἰωάννης ὄνομα, πανουργότατος μὲν καὶ δολιώτατος τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς πονηρεύμασιν ἁπάντων, πένης δὲ τὰ πρῶτα καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ κώλυμα σχὼν τῆς κακίας τὴν ἀπορίαν,

585 As Josephus was so engaged in administering the affairs of Galilee, up came a treacherous man from Gischala named John, the son of Levi. His character was more cunning and devious than the other notables there and for mischief he had no equal. Coming from poor beginnings, for a long time his needy situation held him back from mischief.

[586] ἕτοιμος μὲν ψεύσασθαι, δεινὸς δ' ἐπιθεῖναι πίστιν τοῖς ἐψευσμένοις, ἀρετὴν ἡγούμενος τὴν ἀπάτην καὶ ταύτῃ κατὰ τῶν φιλτάτων χρώμενος, ὑποκριτὴς φιλανθρωπίας καὶ δι' ἐλπίδα κέρδους φονικώτατος,

586 But he was a ready liar and very good at making his fictions believable, who took delight in deluding people, even those who were dearest to him, pretending to be merciful, but with no fear of bloodshed for profit.

[587] ἀεὶ μὲν ἐπιθυμήσας μεγάλων, τρέφων δὲ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐκ τῶν ταπεινῶν κακουργημάτων: λῃστὴς γὰρ ἦν μονότροπος, ἔπειτα καὶ συνοδίαν εὗρεν τῆς τόλμης τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὀλίγην, προκόπτων δ' ἀεὶ πλείονα.

587 Always aspiring to great things, he pursued his goals with his own brand of low trickery, and being particularly adept at robbery he found some daring companions, just a few at first but ever more numerous as he went along.

[588] Φροντὶς δ' ἦν αὐτῷ μηδένα προσλαμβάνειν εὐάλωτον, ἀλλὰ τοὺς εὐεξίᾳ σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παραστήματι καὶ πολέμων ἐμπειρίᾳ διαφέροντας ἐξελέγετο, μέχρι καὶ τετρακοσίων ἀνδρῶν στῖφος συνεκρότησεν, οἳ τὸ πλέον ἐκ τῆς Τυρίων χώρας καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ κωμῶν φυγάδες ἦσαν:

588 He took care that none of them was easily caught out and chose those of the strongest physique and mental courage and skill in war, until he had gathered a band of four hundred men, mainly from the land of Tyre and escapees from its villages.

[589] Δι' ὧν πᾶσαν ἐλῄζετο τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ μετεώρους ὄντας ἐπὶ τῷ μέλλοντι πολέμῳ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐσπάρασσεν.

589 With these he ransacked all of Galilee and made many fear that war was about to burst upon them.


[590] Ἤδη δ' αὐτὸν στρατηγιῶντα καὶ μειζόνων ἐφιέμενον ἔνδεια χρημάτων κατεῖχεν: Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν Ἰώσηπον ὁρῶν αὐτοῦ [σφόδρα] χαίροντα τῷ δραστηρίῳ πείθει πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῷ πιστεῦσαι τὸ τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομῆσαι τῆς πατρίδος, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν πλουσίων ἐκέρδανεν:

590 Up to now John's lack of money had checked his ambition to rule and his attempts to gain promotion. Then, noting how Josephus was pleased with his initiative, he first persuaded him to entrust him with repairing the ramparts of his native city, for which he got a lot of money from the rich citizens.

[591] ἔπειτα συνθεὶς σκηνὴν πανουργοτάτην, ὡς ἄρα φυλάττοιντο πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν Ἰουδαῖοι ἐλαίῳ χρῆσθαι μὴ δι' ὁμοφύλων ἐγκεχειρισμένῳ, πέμπειν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μεθορίαν ἐξῃτήσατο.

591 Then he played a clever trick. Pretending that the Jews living in Syria were obliged to make use of oil not produced by their own countrymen, he asked leave to send it to them across the border.

[592] Συνωνούμενος δὲ τοῦ Τυρίου νομίσματος, ὃ τέσσαρας Ἀττικὰς δύναται, τέσσαρας ἀμφορεῖς, τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπίπρασκεν τιμῆς ἡμιαμφόριον. Οὔσης δὲ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐλαιοφόρου μάλιστα καὶ τότε εὐφορηκυίας, εἰς σπανίζοντας εἰσπέμπων πολὺ καὶ μόνος ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος συνῆγεν χρημάτων, οἷς εὐθέως ἐχρῆτο κατὰ τοῦ τὴν ἐργασίαν παρασχόντος.

592 With Tyrian money to the value of four Attic drachmae he bought four amphorae and sold each half amphora at the same price. And since Galilee is very productive of oil and peculiarly so at that time, by exporting huge quantities and having the sole privilege of doing so, he made a heap of money which he immediately used against the one who had made it possible.

[593] Καὶ ὑπολαβών, εἰ καταλύσειεν τὸν Ἰώσηπον, αὐτὸς ἡγήσεσθαι τῆς Γαλιλαίας, τοῖς μὲν ὑφ' ἑαυτὸν λῃσταῖς προσέταξεν εὐτονώτερον ἐγχειρεῖν ταῖς ἁρπαγαῖς, ὅπως πολλῶν νεωτεριζομένων κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἢ διαχρήσαιτό που τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκβοηθοῦντα λοχήσας ἢ περιορῶντα τοὺς λῃστὰς διαβάλλοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους.

593 He thought that by getting rid of Josephus he himself could become ruler of Galilee, so he ordered the brigands under his command to pursue their thievery more vigorously so that by stirring up many troubles in the land he could either ambush their general on his way to rescue them, and kill him, or if he ignored the brigands, he could accuse him of neglecting the local people.

[594] Ἔπειτα διεφήμιζεν πόρρωθεν, ὡς ἄρα προδιδοίη τὰ πράγματα Ῥωμαίοις Ἰώσηπος, καὶ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα πρὸς κατάλυσιν τἀνδρὸς ἐπραγματεύετο.

594 He also spread a rumour that Josephus was about to betray the area to the Romans, and devised many such plots to ruin him.


[595] Καθ' ὃν καιρὸν ἀπὸ Δεβαρίθθων κώμης νεανίσκοι τινὲς τῶν ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ καθεζομένων φυλάκων ἐνεδρεύσαντες Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Ἀγρίππα καὶ Βερνίκης ἐπίτροπον ἀφείλοντο πᾶσαν ὅσην ἦγεν ἀποσκευήν, ἐν ᾗ πολυτελεῖς τε ἐσθῆτες οὐκ ὀλίγαι καὶ πλῆθος ἐκπωμάτων ἀργυρῶν χρυσοῖ τε ἦσαν ἑξακόσιοι.

595 Meanwhile some young men of the village of Dabaritta, who were guarding the Great Plain, set an ambush for Ptolemy, the steward of Agrippa and Berenice, and took from him all he had with him, including many costly garments and lots of silver cups and six hundred pieces of gold.

[596] Μὴ δυνάμενοι δὲ διαθέσθαι κρύφα τὴν ἁρπαγὴν πάντα πρὸς Ἰώσηπον εἰς Ταριχέας ἐκόμισαν.

596 But were they unable to conceal what they had stolen, and brought it all to Josephus in Tarichea.

[597] Ὁ δὲ μεμψάμενος αὐτῶν τὸ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλικοὺς βίαιον τίθησιν τὰ κομισθέντα παρὰ τῷ δυνατωτάτῳ τῶν Ταριχεατῶν Ἀνναίῳ, πέμψαι κατὰ καιρὸν τοῖς δεσπόταις προαιρούμενος: ὃ δὴ μέγιστον αὐτῷ κίνδυνον ἐπήγαγεν.

597 However, he blamed them for the crime done to the king and queen and deposited what they brought to him with Annaeas, the most influential man in Tarichea, intending to send the things back to the owners in due time, an act that put him into serious danger.

[598] Οἱ γὰρ ἁρπάσαντες ἅμα μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ μηδεμιᾶς τυχεῖν μερίδος ἐκ τῶν κεκομισμένων ἀγανακτοῦντες, ἅμα δὲ καὶ προσκεψάμενοι τοῦ Ἰωσήπου τὴν διάνοιαν, ὅτι μέλλοι τὸν πόνον αὐτῶν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν χαρίζεσθαι. Νύκτωρ εἰς τὰς κώμας διέδραμον καὶ πᾶσιν ἐνεδείκνυντο τὸν Ἰώσηπον ὡς προδότην: ἐνέπλησαν δὲ καὶ τὰς πλησίον πόλεις ταραχῆς, ὥστε ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω δέκα μυριάδας ὁπλιτῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν συνδραμεῖν.

598 For those who had stolen the things were angry at him, since they got no share of it for themselves and they guessed the intention of Josephus to freely hand back to the king and queen what had cost them so much effort. So they fled by night to their several villages and told all that Josephus was a traitor and filled the neighbouring cities with discontent, so that in the morning a hundred thousand warriors hurried there.

[599] Καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν τῷ κατὰ Ταριχέας ἱπποδρόμῳ συνηθροισμένον πολλὰ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀνεβόα καὶ καταλεύειν οἱ δὲ καίειν τὸν προδότην ἐκεκράγεσαν: παρώξυνεν δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ Ἰωάννης καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς τις υἱὸς Σαπφία, τότε ἄρχων τῆς Τιβεριάδος.

599 This crowd gathered in the hippodrome at Tarichea and raised an angry shout; some cried out to depose the traitor, and others that he should be burned. John stirred up many, as did also Jesus the son of Sapphias, who was then ruler of Tiberias.

[600] Οἱ μὲν οὖν φίλοι καὶ σωματοφύλακες τοῦ Ἰωσήπου καταπλαγέντες τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἔφυγον πλὴν τεσσάρων πάντες, αὐτὸς δὲ κοιμώμενος ἤδη προσφερομένου τοῦ πυρὸς διανίσταται,

600 Then Josephus's friends and bodyguards were so frightened of the people's violence that all but four of them fled and woke him up, just as the people were about to set fire to the house.


[601] Καὶ παραινούντων φεύγειν τῶν τεσσάρων, οἳ παρέμειναν, οὔτε πρὸς τὴν καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἐρημίαν οὔτε πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐφεστώτων καταπλαγεὶς προπηδᾷ, περιρρηξάμενος μὲν τὴν ἐσθῆτα, καταπασάμενος δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς κόνιν, ἀποστρέψας δὲ ὀπίσω τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τὸ ἴδιον ξίφος ἐπιδήσας τῷ τένοντι.

601 The four who stayed with him persuaded him to run away, but he was neither surprised at being abandoned nor at the large crowd coming against him, but hurried out to them with his clothes rent and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him and his sword hanging at his neck.

[602] Πρὸς ταῦτα τῶν μὲν οἰκείως ἐχόντων, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν Ταριχεατῶν, οἶκτος ἦν, οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν πλησίον ὅσοις ἐδόκει φορτικὸς ἐβλασφήμουν, προφέρειν τε τὰ κοινὰ χρήματα θᾶττον ἐκέλευον καὶ τὰς προδοτικὰς συνθήκας ἐξομολογεῖσθαι:

602 At this sight his friends, especially those of Tarichea, were filled with pity, but those who came from the land and those in their neighbourhood, who chafed under his rule, insulted him and ordered him to instantly produce the money which belonged to them all and admit his plans to betray them.

[603] Προειλήφεσαν γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ σχήματος οὐδὲν αὐτὸν ἀρνήσεσθαι τῶν ὑπονοηθέντων, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ συγγνώμης πορισμῷ πάντα πεποιηκέναι τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἔλεον.

603 From the dress he wore they thought he would deny nothing of what they suspected about him and that it was to obtain pardon that he had presented himself in so pitiful a state.

[604] Τῷ δ' ἦν ἡ ταπείνωσις προπαρασκευὴ στρατηγήματος, καὶ τεχνιτεύων τοὺς ἀγανακτοῦντας κατ' αὐτοῦ κατ' ἀλλήλων στασιάσαι, ἐφ' οἷς ὠργίζοντο πάνθ' ὁμολογήσων,

604 But this humble appearance was only the preparation for a ruse, intended to set the men who were so angry at him into conflict about the things they objected to. When he promised to confess all, he was let speak and said,

[605] ἔπειτα δοθὲν αὐτῷ λέγειν, "ἐγὼ ταῦτα, ἔφη, τὰ χρήματα οὔτε ἀναπέμπειν Ἀγρίππᾳ προῃρούμην οὔτε κερδαίνειν αὐτός: μὴ γὰρ ἡγησαίμην ποτὲ ἢ φίλον τὸν ὑμῖν διάφορον ἢ κέρδος τὸ φέρον τῷ κοινῷ βλάβην.

605 "I neither intended to return this money to Agrippa nor to keep it myself, for I never considered anyone my friend who was your enemy, nor desired anything that would be for your disadvantage.

[606] Ὁρῶν δέ, ὦ Ταριχεᾶται, μάλιστα τὴν ὑμετέραν πόλιν ἀσφαλείας δεομένην καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν τείχους χρῄζουσαν ἀργυρίου, δεδοικὼς δὲ τὸν Τιβεριέων δῆμον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ἐφεδρευούσας τοῖς ἡρπαγμένοις, κατασχεῖν ἡσυχῆ τὰ χρήματα προειλόμην, ἵνα ὑμῖν περιβάλωμαι τεῖχος.

606 But, Taricheans, I saw your city in more need of security than others needed money in order to build it a wall. I was also afraid that the people of Tiberias and other cities would plot to take these spoils and so I intended to retain this money secretly, so as to surround you with a wall.

[607] Εἰ μὴ δοκεῖ, προφέρω τὰ κεκομισμένα καὶ παρέχω διαρπάζειν: εἰ μὴ καλῶς ὑμῖν ἐβουλευσάμην, κολάζετε τὸν εὐεργέτην."

607 If you do not want this, I will bring out what was brought to me for you to plunder, but if you disapprove of my plan you may punish your benefactor."

[608] Ἐπὶ τούτοις οἱ Ταριχεῶται μὲν αὐτὸν ἀνευφήμουν, οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τῆς Τιβεριάδος σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐκάκιζον καὶ διηπείλουν: καταλιπόντες δ' ἑκάτεροι τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἀλλήλοις διεφέροντο. Κἀκεῖνος θαρρῶν ἤδη τοῖς ᾠκειωμένοις, ἦσαν δὲ εἰς τετρακισμυρίους Ταριχεᾶται, παντὶ τῷ πλήθει παρρησιαστικώτερον ὡμίλει.

608 At this, the Taricheans loudly praised him, but the Tiberians, with the rest of the company, called him names and made threats against him, so both sides left off criticising Josephus and began quarrelling with each other. Relying on his friends, the Taricheans who numbered about forty thousand, he took courage and spoke more freely to the whole crowd.

[609] Καὶ πολλὰ τὴν προπέτειαν αὐτῶν κατονειδίσας ἐκ μὲν τῶν παρόντων Ταριχέας ἔφη τειχίσειν, ἀσφαλιεῖσθαι δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις: οὐ γὰρ ἀπορήσειν χρημάτων, ἐὰν ὁμονοῶσιν ἐφ' οὓς δεῖ πορίζειν καὶ μὴ παροξύνωνται κατὰ τοῦ πορίζοντος.

609 He blamed them strongly for their rashness, assuring them that with this money he would build walls around Tarichea and secure the other cities. There would be enough money, if they would only agree for whose benefit it was to be held and not let themselves to be stirred up against the one who provided it for them.


[610] Ἔνθα δὴ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος τῶν ἠπατημένων ἀνεχώρει καίτοι διωργισμένον, δισχίλιοι δ' ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὥρμησαν ἔνοπλοι, καὶ φθάσαντος εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον παρελθεῖν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐφεστήκεσαν.

610 At this, the rest of the senseless people retired, still angry, but two thousand of them made an armed attack upon him, as he went to own house, standing outside and threatening him.

[611] Ἐπὶ τούτοις Ἰώσηπος ἀπάτῃ δευτέρᾳ χρῆται: ἀναβὰς γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος καὶ τῇ δεξιᾷ καταστείλας τὸν θόρυβον αὐτῶν ἀγνοεῖν ἔφη τίνων ἀξιοῦσιν τυχεῖν: οὐ γὰρ κατακούειν διὰ τὴν τῆς βοῆς σύγχυσιν: ὅσα δ' ἂν κελεύσωσιν πάντα ποιήσειν, εἰ τοὺς διαλεξομένους ἡσυχῆ πέμψειαν εἴσω πρὸς αὐτόν.

611 Josephus used another ruse to escape them, for he got onto the roof of his house and with his right hand asked for silence and said to them, "I don't know what you want, and cannot hear what you say, with the noise you're making." Then he promised to grant their demands if they sent some of them in to discuss it with him.

[612] Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ γνώριμοι σὺν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν εἰσῄεσαν. Ὁ δὲ σύρας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ μυχαίτατον τῆς οἰκίας καὶ τὴν αὔλειον ἀποκλείσας ἐμαστίγωσεν, μέχρι πάντων τὰ σπλάγχνα γυμνῶσαι: περιειστήκει δὲ τέως τὸ πλῆθος δικαιολογεῖσθαι μακρότερα τοὺς εἰσελθόντας οἰόμενον.

612 When the most notable ringleaders heard this, they came into the house and he brought them to the innermost part of the house and shutting the door had them whipped until all their innards were laid bare. The others stood round the house thinking that he was talking at length about their demands with those who had gone in.

[613] Ὁ δὲ τὰς θύρας ἐξαπίνης ἀνοίξας ᾑμαγμένους ἐξαφῆκεν τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ τοσαύτην τοῖς ἀπειλοῦσιν ἐνειργάσατο κατάπληξιν, ὥστε ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα φεύγειν.

613 Then he had the doors opened and sent the men out all covered in blood, which so terrified those who had threatened him earlier that they dropped their weapons and fled.


[614] Πρὸς ταῦτα Ἰωάννης ἐπέτεινεν τὸν φθόνον καὶ δευτέραν ἤρτυσεν ἐπιβουλὴν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰωσήπου. Σκηψάμενος δὴ νόσον ἱκέτευσεν δι' ἐπιστολῆς τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐπιτρέψαι πρὸς θεραπείαν αὐτῷ χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἐν Τιβεριάδι θερμοῖς ὕδασιν.

614 But John's envy grew worse and he framed a new plot against Josephus. He claimed to be sick and in a letter asked his leave to go to the hot baths in Tiberias for the sake of his health.

[615] Ὁ δέ, οὔπω γὰρ ὑπώπτευεν τὸν ἐπίβουλον, γράφει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὑπάρχοις ξενίαν τε καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια Ἰωάννῃ παρασχεῖν. Ὧν ἀπολαύσας μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας ἐφ' ὃ παρῆν διεπράττετο, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπάταις τοὺς δὲ χρήμασι διαφθείρων ἀνέπειθεν ἀποστῆναι Ἰωσήπου.

615 Still suspecting nothing of John's plots against him, Josephus wrote to the officers of the city to provide John with lodging and food, and two days later, having availed of these, he carried out his plan and lured some by trickery and others by money to revolt from Josephus.

[616] Καὶ γνοὺς ταῦτα Σίλας ὁ φυλάσσειν τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ Ἰωσήπου καθεσταμένος γράφει τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῷ κατὰ τάχος. Ὁ δὲ Ἰώσηπος ὡς ἔλαβεν τὴν ἐπιστολήν, νυκτὸς ὁδεύσας συντόνως ἑωθινὸς παρῆν πρὸς τὴν Τιβεριάδα.

616 Silas, whom Josephus had appointed guardian of the city, immediately wrote, telling of the plot against him and when Josephus received the letter he marched rapidly all night and came early in the morning to Tiberias.

[617] Καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος αὐτῷ ὑπήντα, Ἰωάννης δὲ καίτοι τὴν παρουσίαν ὑποπτεύσας ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὅμως πέμψας τινὰ τῶν γνωρίμων ὑπεκρίνατο τὴν ἀσθένειαν καὶ κλινήρης ὢν ὑστερῆσαι τῆς θεραπείας ἔλεγεν.

617 There the rest of the people met him, but John, who was suspicious of his arrival, sent one of his friends, claiming to be sick and that he could not come, being confined to bed.

[618] Ὡς δὲ εἰς τὸ στάδιον τοὺς Τιβεριεῖς ἀθροίσας ὁ Ἰώσηπος ἐπειρᾶτο διαλέγεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων, ὑποπέμψας ὁπλίτας προσέταξεν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν.

618 Assembling the Tiberians in the stadium, Josephus tried to tell them about the letters he had received, but the other sent warriors secretly with orders to kill him.

[619] Τούτους τὰ ξίφη γυμνοῦντας ὁ δῆμος προιδὼν ἀνεβόησεν: πρὸς δὲ τὴν κραυγὴν ὁ Ἰώσηπος ἐπιστραφεὶς καὶ θεασάμενος ἐπὶ τῆς σφαγῆς ἤδη τὸν σίδηρον ἀπεπήδησεν εἰς τὸν αἰγιαλόν: εἱστήκει δὲ δημηγορῶν ἐπὶ βουνοῦ τινος ἑξαπήχους τὸ ὕψος: καὶ παρορμοῦντος ἐπιπηδήσας σκάφους σὺν δυσὶν σωματοφύλαξιν εἰς μέσην τὴν λίμνην ἀνέφυγεν.

619 When the people saw the warriors drawing their swords, they shouted and Josephus turned round and saw the swords aimed at his throat. He abandoned the speech he was going to make to the people and quickly jumped down from the six-foot high hillock on which he stood, to the lake-shore and then took a boat which lay in the harbour and jumped into it, with two of his guards and fled to the middle of the lake.


[620] Οἱ στρατιῶται δ' αὐτοῦ ταχέως ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα κατὰ τῶν ἐπιβούλων ἐχώρουν. Ἔνθα δείσας ὁ Ἰώσηπος, μὴ πολέμου κινηθέντος ἐμφυλίου δι' ὀλίγων φθόνον παραναλώσῃ τὴν πόλιν, πέμπει τοῖς σφετέροις ἄγγελον μόνης προνοεῖν τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας, μήτε δὲ κτείνειν τινὰ μήτ' ἀπελέγχειν τῶν αἰτίων.

620 The soldiers he had with him quickly took their weapons and marched against the conspirators, but Josephus was afraid that a civil war would break out due to the envy of a few men and bring the city to ruin, so he sent some of his party to tell them to do no more than protect themselves and not kill anyone, or accuse anyone for what had happened.

[621] Καὶ οἱ μὲν τῷ παραγγέλματι πεισθέντες ἠρέμησαν, οἱ δ' ἀνὰ τὴν πέριξ χώραν πυθόμενοι τήν τε ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὸν συσκευάσαντα συνηθροίζοντο κατὰ Ἰωάννου: φθάνει δ' ἐκεῖνος εἰς Γίσχαλα φυγὼν τὴν πατρίδα.

621 They obeyed his orders and kept the peace, but the people of the surrounding area, when told of this plot and of the conspirator, gathered in crowds against John. But he forestalled them and fled to his native city of Gischala.

[622] Συνέρρεον δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἰώσηπον οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι κατὰ πόλεις, καὶ πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὁπλιτῶν γενόμεναι παρεῖναι σφᾶς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην τὸν κοινὸν ἐπίβουλον ἐβόων: συγκαταφλέξειν γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ὑποδεξαμένην πατρίδα.

622 The Galileans hurried to Josephus from their various cities, and as they were now many thousands of warriors, they shouted that they had come against John whose plots harmed all of them and would burn both him and any place that welcomed him.

[623] Ὁ δὲ ἀποδέχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῶν ἔφασκεν τὴν εὔνοιαν, ἀνεῖργεν δὲ τὴν ὁρμήν, χειρώσασθαι συνέσει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μᾶλλον ἢ κτεῖναι προαιρούμενος.

623 Josephus said he was glad of their goodwill but he calmed their fury and wanted to subdue his enemies by prudence rather than by killing them.

[624] Ἐκλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀφ' ἑκάστης πόλεως Ἰωάννῃ συναφεστῶτας κατ' ὄνομα, προθύμως δὲ ἐνεδείκνυντο τοὺς σφετέρους οἱ δημόται, καὶ διὰ κηρύκων ἀπειλήσας ἐντὸς ἡμέρας πέμπτης τῶν μὴ καταλιπόντων Ἰωάννην τάς τε οὐσίας διαρπάσειν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς καταφλέξειν,

624 He got from every city the names of all involved with John in this revolt and proclaimed that he would seize the property of any who did not forsake John within five days and burn their houses and their families.

[625] τρισχιλίους μὲν ἀπέστησεν εὐθέως, οἳ παραγενόμενοι τὰ ὅπλα παρὰ τοῖς ποσὶν ἔρριψαν αὐτοῦ, σὺν δὲ τοῖς καταλειφθεῖσιν, ἦσαν δ' ὅσον εἰς δισχιλίους Σύρων φυγάδες, ἀνέστελλεν Ἰωάννης πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰς λαθραίους ἐπιβουλὰς ἐκ τῶν φανερωτέρων.

625 At this, three thousand of John's party instantly left him, coming to Josephus and throwing their weapons down at his feet. Then John and his two thousand Syrian renegades changed from public to more secret ways of treachery.

[626] Κρύφα γοῦν ἔπεμπεν ἀγγέλους εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα διαβάλλων τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐπὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς δυνάμεως, φάσκων ὅσον οὐδέπω τύραννον ἐλεύσεσθαι τῆς μητροπόλεως, εἰ μὴ προκαταληφθείη.

626 He sent messengers secretly to Jerusalem to accuse Josephus for having too much power and to warn that he would soon come to the capital as a tyrant, unless they forestalled him.

[627] Ταῦθ' ὁ μὲν δῆμος προειδὼς οὐ προσεῖχεν, οἱ δυνατοὶ δὲ κατὰ φθόνον καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων τινὲς λάθρα τῷ Ἰωάννῃ χρήματα πρὸς συλλογὴν μισθοφόρων ἔπεμψαν, ὅπως πολεμῇ πρὸς Ἰώσηπον: ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατηγίας.

627 The people already knew of this accusation, but disregarded it. Out of envy, however, some of the nobles and officers secretly sent money to John, to enable him to gather mercenaries to fight Josephus. They also made a decree to recall him from his position.

[628] Οὐ μὴν ἠξίουν ἀποχρήσειν τὸ δόγμα: δισχιλίους δὲ καὶ πεντακοσίους ὁπλίτας καὶ τέσσαρας τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἄνδρας ἔστειλαν, τόν τε τοῦ Νομικοῦ Ἰώεσδρον καὶ Ἀνανίαν Σαδούκι καὶ Σίμωνα καὶ Ἰούδην Ἰωνάθου, πάντας εἰπεῖν δυνατωτάτους, ἵν' οὗτοι τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ἰώσηπον εὔνοιαν ἀποστρέψωσιν, κἂν μὲν ἑκὼν παραγένηται, λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐᾶν αὐτόν, εἰ δὲ βιάζοιτο μένειν, ὡς πολεμίῳ χρῆσθαι.

628 Not thinking the decree sufficient, they also sent two thousand five hundred warriors and four men of highest rank: Joazar son of Nomicus, Ananias son of Sadduk, Simon and Judas the sons of Jonathan, all very able speakers, to withdraw the people's goodwill from Josephus, and if he gave in, to let him give an account of himself, but if he insisted on continuing to rule, to treat him as an enemy.

[629] Ἰωσήπῳ δὲ παραγίνεσθαι μὲν στρατιὰν ἐπεστάλκεσαν οἱ φίλοι, τὴν δ' αἰτίαν οὐ προεδήλουν ἅτε δὴ λάθρα τῶν ἐχθρῶν βεβουλευμένων. Διὸ καὶ μὴ προφυλαξαμένου τέσσαρες πόλεις εὐθέως πρὸς τοὺς διαφόρους ἀπέστησαν ἐλθόντας, Σέπφωρίς τε καὶ Γάβαρα καὶ Γίσχαλα καὶ Τιβεριάς.

629 Josephus's friends had sent him word that an army was coming, but they gave him no notice of the reason for their coming, which was known only in the secret councils of his enemies, and so four cities rebelled from him immediately, Sepphoris and Gamala and Gischala and Tiberias.

[630] Ταχέως δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσηγάγετο δίχα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ χειρωσάμενος στρατηγήμασιν τοὺς τέσσαρας ἡγεμόνας τῶν τε ὁπλιτῶν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα.

630 But he recovered these cities without war, and when by ploys he had routed those four officers and captured their best warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem.

[631] Πρὸς οὓς ὁ δῆμος οὐ μετρίως ἠγανάκτησεν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ὥρμησεν τοὺς προπέμψαντας ἀνελεῖν, εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες ἀπέδρασαν.

631 The people were furious at them and wanted to kill, not only these forces, but also those who sent them, if they had not forestalled it by running away.


[632] Ἰωάννην δὲ λοιπὸν ἐντὸς τοῦ Γισχάλων τείχους ὁ παρὰ Ἰωσήπου φόβος ἐφρούρει. Καὶ μετ' ὀλίγας ἡμέρας πάλιν ἀπέστη Τιβεριὰς ἐπικαλεσαμένων τῶν ἔνδον Ἀγρίππαν τὸν βασιλέα.

632 John too was detained within the ramparts of Gischala, by his fear of Josephus, but within a few days Tiberias rebelled again, the people within it inviting Agrippa back as their king.

[633] Καὶ τοῦ μὲν μὴ καταντήσαντος ἐφ' ἣν συντέτακτο προθεσμίαν, Ῥωμαικῶν δ' ὀλίγων ἱππέων κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν παραφανέντων, τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐξεκήρυσσον.

633 When he did not come at the appointed time and a few Roman cavalry appeared that day, they expelled Josephus from the city.

[634] Τῶν δ' ἠγγέλη μὲν εἰς Ταριχέας ἡ ἀπόστασις εὐθέως, ἐκπεπομφὼς δὲ πάντας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπὶ σίτου συλλογὴν οὔτε μόνος ἐξορμᾶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀποστάντας οὔτε μένειν ὑπέμενεν, δεδοικὼς μὴ βραδύναντος αὐτοῦ φθάσωσιν οἱ βασιλικοὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν: οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἐνεργὸν ἕξειν ἔμελλεν ἐπέχοντος σαββάτου.


634 News of this revolt was soon heard in Tarichea, and as Josephus had sent out all his soldiers to gather corn, he could neither march out alone against the rebels, or stay where he was, for fear that the king's soldiers might might get into the city and capture him if he delayed, but he did not intend to do anything the next day, as it was the sabbath.

[635] Δόλῳ δὴ περιελθεῖν ἐπενόει τοὺς ἀποστάντας. Καὶ τὰς μὲν πύλας τῶν Ταριχεῶν ἀποκλεῖσαι κελεύσας, ὡς μὴ προεξαγγείλειέ τις τὸ σκέμμα τοῖς ἐπιχειρουμένοις, τὰ δ' ἐπὶ τῆς λίμνης σκάφη πάντα συναθροίσας, τριάκοντα δ' εὑρέθησαν καὶ τριακόσια, καὶ ναῦται τεσσάρων οὐ πλείους ἦσαν ἐν ἑκάστῳ, διὰ τάχους ἐλαύνει πρὸς τὴν Τιβεριάδα.

635 He managed to outwit the rebels by a ruse, and first ordered the gates of Tarichea to be shut so that nobody might go out and inform those for whom it was intended, of his ruse. He then gathered all the ships that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty and in each of them he put no more than four sailors and sailed quickly to Tiberias.

[636] Καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀποσχὼν τῆς πόλεως ἐξ ὅσου συνιδεῖν οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἦν κενὰς τὰς ἁλιάδας μετεώρους σαλεύειν ἐκέλευσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μόνους ἑπτὰ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων ἀνόπλους ἔχων ἔγγιον ὀφθῆναι προσῄει.

636 He kept far enough out from the city that it was hard for the people to see that the vessels were empty and ordered them to be moored, while himself, with just seven of his guards, and they unarmed, went close enough to be seen.

[637] Θεασάμενοι δ' αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἔτι βλασφημοῦντες οἱ διάφοροι καὶ διὰ τὴν ἔκπληξιν πάντα τὰ σκάφη γέμειν ὁπλιτῶν νομίσαντες ἔρριψαν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ κατασείοντες ἱκετηρίας ἐδέοντο φείσασθαι τῆς πόλεως.

637 When his opponents, who were still critical of him, saw him from the ramparts, they were astonished and imagining that all the ships were full of warriors they threw down their weapons and by signs of entreaty begged him to spare the city.


[638] Ὁ δὲ Ἰώσηπος πολλὰ διαπειλησάμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ κατονειδίσας, εἰ πρῶτον μὲν ἀράμενοι τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον εἰς στάσεις ἐμφυλίους προαναλίσκουσιν τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ τὰ εὐκταιότατα δρῶσιν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ἔπειτα τὸν κηδεμόνα τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτῶν ἀναρπάσαι σπεύδουσιν καὶ κλείειν οὐκ αἰδοῦνται τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ τῷ τειχίσαντι, προσδέχεσθαι τοὺς ἀπολογησομένους ἔφασκεν καὶ δι' ὧν βεβαιώσεται τὴν πόλιν.

638 Josephus threatened them terribly and reproached them that after being the first to take up arms against the Romans, they spent their energy in civil strife and doing what the enemy most desired, and then that they so quickly wished to seize him, who had cared for their safety. They had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against the man who built their walls; but he would listen to any mediators who might offer some excuse for them and come to some agreement for the city's security.

[639] Κατέβαινον δ' εὐθέως δέκα τῶν Τιβεριέων οἱ δυνατώτατοι: καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀναλαβὼν μιᾷ τῶν ἁλιάδων ἀνήγαγεν πορρωτέρω, πεντήκοντα δ' ἑτέρους τῆς βουλῆς τοὺς μάλιστα γνωρίμους κελεύει προελθεῖν ὡς καὶ παρ' ἐκείνων πίστιν τινὰ βουλόμενος λαβεῖν.

639 Ten of the influential people of Tiberias soon came down to him and after taking them into one of his vessels, he had them brought a long way from the city and then ordered that fifty others of the most eminent of their council, should come to him, as a security on their behalf.

[640] Ἔπειτα καινοτέρας σκήψεις ἐπινοῶν ἄλλους ἐπ' ἄλλοις ὡς ἐπὶ συνθήκαις προυκαλεῖτο.

640 Afterwards he called others, one by one, under various pretexts, to ratify the agreement.

[641] Τοῖς δὲ κυβερνήταις ἐκέλευσεν τῶν πληρουμένων διὰ τάχους εἰς Ταριχέας ἀναπλεῖν καὶ συγκλείειν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, μέχρι πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν βουλὴν οὖσαν ἑξακοσίων, περὶ δὲ δισχιλίους τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου συλλαβὼν ἀνήγαγεν σκάφεσιν εἰς Ταριχέας.

641 He then ordered the captains of the vessels which he had filled in this way to sail off for Tarichea immediately and keep them in prison there, until he had their whole council, six hundred in all, and about two thousand of the people, and brought them off to Tarichea.


[642] Βοώντων δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν αἴτιον εἶναι μάλιστα τῆς ἀποστάσεως Κλεῖτόν τινα καὶ παρακαλούντων εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀπερείδεσθαι τὴν ὀργήν, ὁ Ἰώσηπος ἀνελεῖν μὲν οὐδένα προῄρητο, Ληουὶν δέ τινα τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φυλάκων ἐκέλευσεν ἐξελθεῖν, ἵνα ἀποκόψῃ τὰς χεῖρας τοῦ Κλείτου.

642 The rest of the people cried aloud that a man called Cleitus had instigated this revolt, and asked him to vent his anger on him. Josephus, who intended to kill nobody, told Levi, one of his guards, to leave the vessel, and go to cut off the hands of Cleitus.

[643] Δείσας δὲ ἐκεῖνος εἰς ἐχθρῶν στῖφος ἀποβήσεσθαι μόνος οὐκ ἔφη. Σχετλιάζοντα δὲ τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐπὶ τοῦ σκάφους ὁ Κλεῖτος ὁρῶν καὶ προθυμούμενον αὐτὸν ἐπιπηδᾶν ἐπὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν ἱκέτευεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκτῆς τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν χειρῶν καταλιπεῖν.

643 Afraid to go alone into such a large group of enemies, he refused to go. When Cleitus saw how Josephus, in the ship, was so enraged that he was ready to jump out of it and personally carry out the punishment, he begged him from the shore to leave him one of his hands.

[644] Κἀκείνου κατανεύσαντος ἐφ' ᾧ τὴν ἑτέραν αὐτὸς ἀποκόψειεν ἑαυτοῦ, σπασάμενος τῇ δεξιᾷ τὸ ξίφος ἀπέκοψεν τὴν λαιάν: εἰς τοσοῦτον δέους ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἰωσήπου προήχθη.

644 When this was accepted, on condition that he cut off the hand himself, he drew his sword and with his right hand cut off his left, so much did he fear Josephus.

[645] Τότε μὲν δὴ κενοῖς σκάφεσιν καὶ δορυφόροις ἑπτὰ τὸν δῆμον αἰχμαλωτισάμενος πάλιν Τιβεριάδα προσηγάγετο, μετὰ δ' ἡμέρας ὀλίγας Σεπφωρίταις συναποστᾶσαν εὑρὼν ἐπέτρεψεν διαρπάσαι τοῖς στρατιώταις.

645 So with empty ships and seven of his bodyguards he captured the people of Tiberias and recovered the city. A few days later he retook Gischala, which had rebelled along with the people of Sepphoris, and he let his soldiers plunder them.

[646] Συναγαγὼν μέντοι πάντα τοῖς δημόταις ἔδωκεν τοῖς τε κατὰ Σέπφωριν ὁμοίως: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους χειρωσάμενος νουθετῆσαι διὰ τῆς ἁρπαγῆς ἠθέλησεν, τῇ δ' ἀποδόσει τῶν χρημάτων πάλιν εἰς εὔνοιαν προσηγάγετο.

646 Gathering all the loot, he restored it to the inhabitants, and for the people of Sepphoris he did likewise. For in subduing those cities, he wished to teach them a good lesson by letting them be looted, but he regained their goodwill by restoring their money to them.


Chapter 22. [vv. 647-654]
Simon the brigand starts looting. High Priest Ananus seeks peace, in vain


[647] Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Γαλιλαίαν ἐπέπαυτο κινήματα, καὶ τῶν ἐμφυλίων παυσάμενοι θορύβων ἐπὶ τὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐτράποντο παρασκευάς:

647 So were the disturbances of Galilee calmed, when after ceasing their civil strife they set themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans.

[648] ἐν δὲ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις Ἄνανός τε ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ τῶν δυνατῶν ὅσοι μὴ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐφρόνουν τό τε τεῖχος ἐπεσκεύαζον καὶ πολλὰ τῶν πολεμιστηρίων ὀργάνων.

648 Now in Jerusalem the high priest Ananus those of the influential people who were not on the side of the Romans, repaired the ramparts and made instruments of war.

[649] Καὶ διὰ πάσης μὲν τῆς πόλεως ἐχαλκεύετο βέλη καὶ πανοπλία, πρὸς ἀτάκτοις δὲ γυμνασίαις τὸ τῶν νέων πλῆθος ἦν, καὶ μεστὰ πάντα θορύβου, δεινὴ δὲ κατήφεια τῶν μετρίων, καὶ πολλοὶ τὰς μελλούσας προορώμενοι συμφορὰς ἀπωλοφύροντο.

649 All round the city spears and all sorts of armour were upon the anvil and many young men were engaged in haphazard exercises, and everywhere was full of noise. The more balanced people were sad, however, and many deeply regretted the troubles they foresaw.

[650] Θειασμοί τε τοῖς εἰρήνην ἀγαπῶσιν δύσφημοι, τοῖς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξάψασιν ἐσχεδιάζοντο πρὸς ἡδονήν, καὶ τὸ κατάστημα τῆς πόλεως πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν Ῥωμαίους ἦν οἷον ἀπολουμένης.

650 Omens were observed that were understood by those who loved peace as presaging disaster, but were interpreted by those who kindled the war so as to suit their own inclinations, so that even before the Romans came against it, and the state of the city was that of one doomed to destruction.

[651] Ἀνάνῳ γε μὴν φροντὶς ἦν κατὰ μικρὸν ἀφισταμένῳ τῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευῶν κάμψαι πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τούς τε στασιαστὰς καὶ τὴν τῶν κληθέντων ζηλωτῶν ἀφροσύνην, ἡττήθη δὲ τῆς βίας, κἀν τοῖς ἑξῆς οἵου τέλους ἔτυχεν δηλώσομεν.

651 Ananus's plan was to gradually lay aside the preparations for war and persuade the rebels to consult their own interest and to restrain the madness of the ones called the Zealots. But their violence was too much for him and we shall later relate how he met his end.


[652] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀκραβετηνὴν τοπαρχίαν ὁ Γιώρα Σίμων πολλοὺς τῶν νεωτεριζόντων συστησάμενος ἐφ' ἁρπαγὰς ἐτράπετο καὶ οὐ μόνον τὰς οἰκίας ἐσπάρασσεν τῶν πλουσίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σώματα κατῃκίζετο δῆλός τε ἦν ἤδη πόρρωθεν ἀρχόμενος τυραννεῖν.

652 In the district of Acrabatene, Simon son of Gioras gathered many of the men who were in favour of revolt and went on to ravage the territory. Not only did he ransack the houses of the rich, but he physically maltreated them and already showed the beginning of his tyranny.

[653] Πεμφθείσης δ' ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπ' Ἀνάνου καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων στρατιᾶς πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Μασάδᾳ λῃστὰς μεθ' ὧν εἶχεν κατέφυγεν, κἀκεῖ μέχρι τῆς Ἀνάνου καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ἐχθρῶν ἀναιρέσεως μένων συνελῄζετο τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν:

653 When an army was sent against him by Ananus and the other officers, he and his gang retired to join the brigands in Masada and stayed there and looted the district of Idumaea with them, until both Ananus and his other opponents were killed.

[654] ὥστε τοὺς ἄρχοντας τοῦ ἔθνους διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν φονευομένων καὶ τὰς συνεχεῖς ἁρπαγὰς στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντας ἐμφρούρους τὰς κώμας ἔχειν. Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

654 Then because of the many murders and the continual raiding, the leaders of the area raised an army and garrisoned the villages. This was the state of affairs in Judea at that time.