From death of Judas Maccabeus to death of Queen Alexandra
1. Jonathan and Simon help carry on the war against Bacchides
2. Alexander Bala makes Jonathan high priest; the death of Demetrius
3. Onias befriends Ptolemy Philometor. New Temple planned for Egypt
4. Alexander reighs in Syria and honours Jonathan, as does Demetrius II
5. Tryphon wins Syria for Antiochus. The envoys of Jonathan
6. After Jonathan, Simon becomes general and high priest. War on Tryphon
7. Simon is treacherously murdered by his son-in-law, Ptolemy
8. High priest Hyrcanus ejects Ptolemy; allies with Antiochus, after a war
9. Hyrcanus' expedition against Syria. He makes a pact with the Romans
10. Hyrcanus demolishes Samaria; changes from Sadducee to Pharisee
11. Aristobulus & his mother and brothers; kills Antigonus; his death
12. New king, Alexander, angers Ptolemy by double-dealing with Cleopatra
13. Alexander destroys Gaza and kills many Jews in rebellion
14. Progress & retreat of Demetrius. How many Jews Alexander killed
15. Antiochus and Aretas raid Judea. Alexander's last advice to Alexandra
16. Gaining the Pharisees' goodwill, Alexandra rules Judea for 9 years
Chapter 1. [001-034]
Jonathan takes over the leadership. Continues war against Bacchides, with Simon's help
1.
[1] Τίνα μὲν οὖν τρόπον τὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος καταδουλωσαμένων αὐτὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνεκτήσατο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ δι' ὅσων καὶ πηλίκων ἀγώνων ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτῶν ἐλθὼν Ἰούδας ἀπέθανεν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν μαχόμενος, ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βίβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν. [2] μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τὴν Ἰούδου πᾶν ὅσον ἦν ἔτι τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ παραβεβηκότων τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν ἐπεφύη τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις καὶ πανταχόθεν αὐτοὺς ἀκμάζον ἐκάκου. [3] συνελάμβανε δὲ τῇ τούτων πονηρίᾳ καὶ λιμὸς τὴν χώραν καταλαβών, ὡς πολλοὺς διὰ τὴν σπάνιν τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι τοῖς παρ' ἀμφοτέρων ἀπό τε τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν δεινοῖς ἀντέχειν αὐτομολῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς Μακεδόνας. [4] Βακχίδης δὲ τῶν Ἰουδαίων τοὺς ἀποστάντας τῆς πατρίου συνηθείας καὶ τὸν κοινὸν βίον προῃρημένους συναθροίσας τούτοις ἐνεχείρισεν τὴν τῆς χώρας ἐπιμέλειαν, οἳ καὶ συλλαμβάνοντες τοὺς Ἰούδου φίλους καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντας τῷ Βακχίδῃ παρέδοσαν: ὁ δὲ βασανίζων πρῶτον αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν αἰκιζόμενος ἔπειθ' οὕτως διέφθειρεν. [5] ταύτης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τηλικαύτης γενομένης, ἡλίκης οὐκ ἦσαν πεπειραμένοι μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἐπάνοδον, οἱ περιλειφθέντες τῶν ἑταίρων τῶν Ἰούδου βλέποντες ἀπολλύμενον οἰκτρῶς τὸ ἔθνος προσελθόντες αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀδελφῷ Ἰωνάθῃ μιμεῖσθαι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου περὶ τῶν ὁμοφύλων πρόνοιαν ἠξίουν ἀποθανόντος ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων ἐλευθερίας, καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν ἀπροστάτητον τὸ ἔθνος μηδ' ἐν οἷς φθείρεται. [6] ὁ δ' Ἰωνάθης φήσας ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἀποθνήσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν καὶ νομισθεὶς κατὰ μηδὲν εἶναι χείρων τἀδελφοῦ στρατηγὸς ἀποδείκνυται τῶν Ἰουδαίων.
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001 In the previous volume we showed how the Jewish nation regained its freedom after being enslaved by the Macedonians, and how their general, Judas, died fighting on their behalf after undergoing many struggles and battles. 002 After his death, all the wicked who transgressed their ancestral ways sprang up again in Judea and troubled them on every side. 003 A famine that afflicted the country added to their wickedness, for many who were unable to endure the hardships both of hunger and their opponents, went over to the Macedonians. 004 Bacchides gathered the Jews who had apostatized from their old ancestral lifestyle and adopted the new ways, and handed over to them the government of the country. Then these laid hold of the friends of Judas and his partisans and gave them over to Bacchides, and after torturing and tormenting them at his pleasure, he finally put them to death. 005 When this plight of the Jews became worse than anything they had known since the return from Babylon, the remnants of Judas's companions, seeing the nation about to be so miserably destroyed, went to his brother Jonathan and asked him to care for his countrymen just like his brother, who had died for their freedom, and not to leave the nation leaderless, to perish like this. 006 When Jonathan declared that he was ready to die for them and was seen as no less than his brother, he was appointed general of the Jews.
2.
[7] Ὁ δὲ Βακχίδης ἀκούσας καὶ φοβηθείς, μὴ παράσχῃ πράγματα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ὁ Ἰωνάθης, ὡς καὶ πρότερον Ἰούδας, ἀποκτεῖναι δόλῳ τοῦτον ἐζήτει. [8] ταύτην δὲ ἔχων τὴν προαίρεσιν οὐκ ἔλαθεν τὸν Ἰωνάθην οὐδὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα, ἀλλὰ γὰρ μαθόντες οὗτοι καὶ παραλαβόντες τοὺς ἑταίρους ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν τὴν ἔγγιστα τῆς πόλεως τὸ τάχος ἔφυγον, καὶ παραγενόμενοι ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ καλούμενον λάκκου Ἀσφὰρ αὐτόθι διῆγον. [9] ὁ δὲ Βακχίδης αἰσθόμενος αὐτοὺς ἀπηρκότας καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ τόπῳ τυγχάνοντας ὥρμησεν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἀνελάμβανε τὴν δύναμιν. [10] Ἰωνάθης δὲ γνοὺς τὸν Βακχίδην ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἥκοντα πέμπει τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰωάννην τὸν καὶ Γάδδειν λεγόμενον πρὸς τοὺς Ναβαταίους Ἄραβας, ἵνα παρ' αὐτοῖς ἀποθῆται τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἕως οὗ πολεμήσουσι πρὸς Βακχίδην: ἦσαν γὰρ φίλοι. [11] τὸν δὲ Ἰωάννην ἀπιόντα πρὸς τοὺς Ναβαταίους ἐνεδρεύσαντες ἐκ Μηδάβας πόλεως οἱ Ἀμαραίου παῖδες αὐτόν τε συλλαμβάνουσι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ, καὶ διαρπάσαντες ὅσα ἐπεκομίζετο κτείνουσι τὸν Ἰωάννην καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους αὐτοῦ πάντας. δίκην μέντοι γε τούτων ὑπέσχον τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀξίαν, ἣν μετ' οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν.
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007 Hearing of this Bacchides was afraid that Jonathan might pose a problem for the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had done before him, so he sought a way to kill him by treachery. 008 But his intentions were not unknown to Jonathan and his brother Simon, and alerted to it, they quickly took all their companions and fled into the wilderness nearest to the city, and when they had come to the waters called lake Asphar, they stayed there. 009 Bacchides knew that they had left and were in that place, and hurried to attack them with all his forces and camping beyond the Jordan, he gathered his forces. 010 Knowing that Bacchides was marching on him, Jonathan sent his brother John, also known as Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, to leave his baggage with them until after the battle with Bacchides, for they were his friends. 011 As John was going to the Nabateans, the sons of Ambri ambushed him from the city of Medaba and looted all that they had with them and killed John and all his companions. But they were well punished by John's brothers for what they did, as we shall soon relate.
3.
[12] Ὁ δὲ Βακχίδης γνοὺς τὸν Ἰωνάθην ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσι τοῦ Ἰορδάνου κατεστρατοπεδευμένον παραφυλάξας τὴν τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἧκεν ὡς οὐ μαχούμενον ἐκείνῃ διὰ τὸν νόμον. [13] ὁ δὲ παρορμήσας τοὺς ἑταίρους καὶ περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὸν κίνδυνον εἰπὼν μέσοις ἀπειλημμένοις τοῦ τε ποταμοῦ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ὡς φυγὴν οὐκ ἔχουσιν, οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔμπροσθεν ἐπῄεσαν ὁ ποταμὸς δ' ἦν κατόπιν αὐτῶν, εὐξάμενος δὲ καὶ τῷ θεῷ νίκην αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν συνάπτει τοῖς πολεμίοις. [14] ὧν πολλοὺς καταβαλὼν ἐπεὶ τολμηρῶς εἶδεν ἐπερχόμενον αὐτῷ τὸν Βακχίδην, ἐξέτεινε τὴν δεξιὰν ὡς πλήξων αὐτόν. τοῦ δὲ προιδομένου καὶ τὴν πληγὴν ἐκκλίναντος ἀποπηδήσας μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν διενήξατο, καὶ τοῦτον διασώζονται τὸν τρόπον εἰς τὸ πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου, τῶν πολεμίων οὐκέτι τὸν ποταμὸν ἀντιδιαβάντων ὑποστρέψαντος εὐθὺς τοῦ Βακχίδου εἰς τὴν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἄκραν. [15] ἀπέβαλεν δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὡς περὶ δισχιλίους. πολλὰς δὲ τῆς Ἰουδαίας καταλαβόμενος πόλεις ὁ Βακχίδης ὠχύρωσεν, καὶ τὴν Ἱεριχοῦντα καὶ Ἀμμαοῦν καὶ Βαιθωροῦν καὶ Βέθηλα καὶ Θαμναθὰ καὶ Φαραθὼ καὶ Τοχόαν καὶ Γάζαρα, [16] καὶ πύργους ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν πόλεων οἰκοδομήσας καὶ τείχη περιβαλὼν αὐταῖς καρτερὰ καὶ τῷ μεγέθει διαφέροντα δύναμιν εἰς αὐτὰς κατέστησεν, ὅπως κακοῦν ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμώμενοι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἔχωσιν. [17] μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἄκραν ὠχύρωσεν. λαβὼν δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν πρώτων τῆς Ἰουδαίας παῖδας ὁμήρους εἰς τὴν ἄκραν αὐτοὺς ἐνέκλεισεν καὶ τοῦτον ἐφύλαττεν τὸν τρόπον.
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012 As Bacchides knew that Jonathan encamped among the lakes of the Jordan, he waited until the sabbath day and then attacked, not expecting him to fight on that day because of the law. 013 But he urged on his companions, saying that their lives were at stake as they were between the river and by their foes, with no way to escape, with enemies in front of them and the river at their back; and praying to God for victory, he tackled the enemy. 014 Many of them he destroyed, and when he saw Bacchides boldly coming at him, he stretched out his hand to strike him, but the other foresaw and avoided the stroke. Then Jonathan and his companions jumped into the river and swam over it and so escaped beyond the Jordan while the enemies did not cross the river, and Bacchides immediately returned to the citadel in Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army. 015 Bacchides took and fortified many cities of Judea, and Jericho and Emmaus and Bethoron and Bethel and Timna and Pharatho and Tochoa and Gazara. 016 He built towers in each of these cities and surrounded them with strong, high walls, and put garrisons in them, who could sally out and harass the Jews. 017 He fortified especially the citadel in Jerusalem and took the sons of the chiefs of Judea as hostages and shut them in the citadel and secured it in that way.
4.
[18] Ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ καιρὸν παραγενόμενός τις πρὸς Ἰωνάθην καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα τοὺς Ἀμαραίου παῖδας ἀπήγγειλεν αὐτοῖς γάμον ἐπιτελοῦντας καὶ τὴν νύμφην ἄγοντας ἀπὸ Ναβαθὰ πόλεως θυγατέρα τινὸς οὖσαν τῶν ἐπιφανῶν παρὰ τοῖς Ἄραψιν, μέλλειν δὲ γίνεσθαι παραπομπὴν τῆς κόρης λαμπρὰν καὶ πολυτελῆ. [19] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην καὶ Σίμωνα καιρὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον εἰς τὴν ἐκδικίαν τἀδελφοῦ νομίσαντες αὐτοῖς παραφανῆναι, καὶ λήψεσθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ Ἰωάννου δίκην παρ' αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πολλῆς ἐξουσίας ὑπολαβόντες ἐξώρμησαν εἰς τὰ Μήδαβα καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐν τῷ ὄρει λοχῶντες ἔμενον. [20] ὡς δ' εἶδον αὐτοὺς ἄγοντας τὴν παρθένον καὶ τὸν νυμφίον καὶ φίλων σὺν αὐτοῖς οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν γάμοις ὄχλον, ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ἀπέκτειναν ἅπαντας καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὅση τότε εἵπετο λεία τοῖς ἀνθρώποις λαβόντες ὑπέστρεψαν. [21] καὶ τιμωρίαν μὲν ὑπὲρ Ἰωάννου τἀδελφοῦ παρὰ τῶν υἱῶν Ἀμαραίου τοιαύτην ἀπέλαβον: αὐτοί τε γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ οἱ συνεπόμενοι τούτοις φίλοι καὶ γυναῖκες αὐτῶν καὶ τέκνα διεφθάρησαν ὄντες τετρακόσιοι.
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018 About that time someone came to Jonathan and his brother Simon to tell them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage and bringing the bride, the daughter of a famous man among the Arabs, from the city of Gabatha, and that the girl was to be conducted with pomp and great splendor. 019 Thinking this a good chance to avenge their brother's death and that they had enough forces to do it, Jonathan and Simon hurried to Medaba and hid in the mountains until their enemies arrived. 020 When they saw them conducting the virgin and her bridegroom and the usual large company of their friends at such a wedding, they rushed out from ambush and killed them all and took their ornaments and all the goods those people had and so returned. 021 This was the punishment they dealt to the sons of Ambri for their brother John, for the sons themselves died along with their friends and wives and children, numbering about four hundred.
5.
[22] Σίμων μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἰωνάθης εἰς τὰ ἕλη τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὑποστρέψαντες αὐτόθι κατέμενον. Βακχίδης δὲ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἅπασαν φρουραῖς ἀσφαλισάμενος ὑπέστρεψεν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπ' ἔτη δύο τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἠρέμησεν πράγματα. [23] οἱ δὲ φυγάδες καὶ οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ὁρῶντες τὸν Ἰωνάθην καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀδείας ἐνδιατρίβοντας τῇ χώρᾳ διὰ τὴν εἰρήνην πέμπουσιν πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν βασιλέα, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποστεῖλαι Βακχίδην ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνάθου σύλληψιν: ἐδήλουν γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀπόνως ἐσομένην, καὶ νυκτὶ μιᾷ μὴ προσδοκῶσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσόντες ἀποκτενεῖν ἅπαντας. [24] τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐκπέμψαντος τὸν Βακχίδην, γενόμενος οὗτος ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ πᾶσιν ἔγραψεν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ Ἰουδαίοις καὶ συμμάχοις συλλαβεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἰωνάθην. [25] σπουδαζόντων δὲ πάντων καὶ μὴ δυναμένων κρατῆσαι τοῦ Ἰωνάθου, ἐφυλάσσετο γὰρ σφόδρα τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ᾐσθημένος, ὁ Βακχίδης ὀργισθεὶς τοῖς φυγάσιν ὡς ψευσαμένοις αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα πεντήκοντα αὐτῶν τοὺς ἡγουμένους συλλαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. [26] ὁ δὲ Ἰωνάθης σὺν τἀδελφῷ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις εἰς Βηθαλαγὰν ἀναχωρεῖ κώμην οὖσαν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ φοβηθεὶς τὸν Βακχίδην, καὶ οἰκοδομήσας πύργους καὶ τείχη περιβαλόμενος αὑτὸν ἔσχεν ἀσφαλῶς πεφρουρημένον. [27] Βακχίδης δὲ ταῦτ' ἀκούσας τήν τε μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ στρατιὰν ἄγων καὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων τοὺς συμμάχους παραλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην ἧκεν, καὶ προσβαλὼν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ὀχυρώμασιν ἐπὶ πολλὰς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας ἐπολιόρκει. [28] ὁ δὲ πρὸς τὴν σπουδὴν τῆς πολιορκίας οὐκ ἐνδίδωσιν, ἀλλὰ καρτερῶς ἀντιστὰς Σίμωνα μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλείπει τῷ Βακχίδῃ πολεμήσοντα, λάθρα δ' αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐξελθὼν καὶ συναγαγὼν χεῖρα πολλὴν παρὰ τῶν τὰ αὐτοῦ φρονούντων νυκτὸς ἐπιπίπτει τῷ τοῦ Βακχίδου στρατοπέδῳ καὶ συχνοὺς αὐτῶν διαφθείρας φανερὸς καὶ τἀδελφῷ Σίμωνι γίνεται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπιπεσών. [29] καὶ γὰρ οὗτος αἰσθόμενος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κτεινομένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέξεισιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τά τε μηχανήματα τὰ πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν ἐνέπρησε τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ φόνον αὐτῶν ἱκανὸν εἰργάσατο. [30] θεασάμενος δ' αὑτὸν ὁ Βακχίδης ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπειλημμένον καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν τοὺς δ' ὄπισθεν προσκειμένους, εἰς ἀθυμίαν ἅμα καὶ ταραχὴν τῆς διανοίας ἐνέπεσεν τῷ παρ' ἐλπίδας ἀποβάντι τῆς πολιορκίας συγχυθείς. [31] τὸν μέντοι γε ὑπὲρ τούτων θυμὸν εἰς τοὺς φυγάδας, οἳ μετεπέμψαντο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτόν, ἀπέσκηψεν ὡς ἐξηπατηκότας, ἐβούλετο δὲ τελευτήσας τὴν πολιορκίαν, εἰ δυνατόν, εὐπρεπῶς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ὑποστρέψαι.
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022 Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river and stayed there; but Bacchides had secured all Judea with his garrisons, and returned to the king, and then the affairs of the Jews were at peace for two years. 023 When the deserters and the wicked saw Jonathan and his companions living calmly in the country because of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius and roused him to send Bacchides to seize Jonathan, which they said could be done without easily in a single night, for if they attacked them unawares, they could kill them all. 024 So the king sent Bacchides and arriving in Judea he wrote to all his friends, both Jews and allies to bring Jonathan to him. 025 Despite all their efforts they were unable to capture Jonathan, for he knew of their traps and carefully guarded against them, and Bacchides was angry at the renegades for having misled him and the king, so he took and killed fifty of their ringofficers. 026 Then for fear of Bacchides, Jonathan with his brother and his companions retreated to Bethalaga, a village in the wilderness, and built towers in it and surrounded it with walls so it was safely guarded. 027 Hearing of this, Bacchides led his own army and some Jewish allies against Jonathan and attacked his fortifications and besieged him for many days. 028 And still, despite the zeal of the besiegers, he did not give in but fought back bravely. Then leaving his brother Simon in the city to fight Bacchides, he himself went out secretly into the country and gathered a large group of men of his own party and attacked Bacchides's camp at night and killed many of them; and his brother Simon knew of this attack, for he saw the enemies being killed. 029 So he too made sorties out at the enemy and burned the machines the Macedonians used for the siege and caused great slaughter among them. 030 When Bacchides saw himself surrounded by his enemies with some of them in front of him and some behind, he fell into despair and dejection of mind, shaken by the unexpected failure of this siege. 031 He vented his anger at this on those deserters who sent to the king for him, for having misled him, and wanted to finish this siege properly if he could and then to return home.
6.
[32] Μαθὼν δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν Ἰωνάθης πρεσβεύεται πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, ὅπως ἀποδῶσιν ἀλλήλοις οὓς εἰλήφασιν αἰχμαλώτους ἑκάτεροι. [33] νομίσας δὲ ταύτην εὐπρεπεστάτην ὁ Βακχίδης τὴν ἀναχώρησιν σπένδεται πρὸς τὸν Ἰωνάθην φιλίαν, καὶ ὤμοσαν μὴ στρατεύσειν ἔτι κατ' ἀλλήλων, καὶ τούς τε αἰχμαλώτους ἀποδοὺς καὶ τοὺς οἰκείους κομισάμενος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἀναχώρησιν οὐκέτι εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἐνέβαλεν. [34] ὁ δὲ Ἰωνάθης ταύτης τῆς ἀδείας λαβόμενος καὶ ποιούμενος ἐν Μαχμᾶ πόλει τὴν δίαιταν αὐτόθι τοῖς ὄχλοις διεῖπε τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοὺς πονηροὺς καὶ ἀσεβεῖς κολάζων ἐκάθηρεν οὕτως ἀπὸ τούτων τὸ ἔθνος.
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032 When Jonathan learned of his intentions, he sent envoys to him about friendship and military alliance and a return of prisoners on both sides. 033 Bacchides thought this a decent way out of the situation and made a pact of friendship with Jonathan, where they swore to make no more war on each other; and returning the prisoners he took his men with him and returned to the king in Antioch, and after his departure, never came into Judea again. 034 Jonathan availed of the peace and went to live in the city of Machma, and there ruled the affairs of the people and punished the wicked and ungodly and so purged the nation of them.
Chapter 2. [035-061]
Alexander Bala appoints Jonathan high priest, though Demetrius also tries to have his ally. Demetrius' death
1.
[35] Ἔτει δ' ἑξηκοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ τὸν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἐπιφανοῦς υἱὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀναβάντα εἰς Συρίαν συνέβη καταλαβέσθαι Πτολεμαίδα ἐκ προδοσίας τῶν ἔνδον στρατιωτῶν: ἀπεχθῶς γὰρ εἶχον πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον διὰ τὴν ὑπερηφανίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ δυσέντευκτον. [36] ἀποκλείσας γὰρ αὑτὸν εἰς τετραπύργιόν τι βασίλειον, ὃ κατεσκεύασεν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἄπωθεν τῆς Ἀντιοχείας, οὐδένα προσίετο, ἀλλὰ περὶ τὰ πράγματα ῥάθυμος ἦν καὶ ὀλίγωρος, ὅθεν αὐτῷ καὶ μᾶλλον τὸ παρὰ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων μῖσος ἐξήφθη, καθὼς ἤδη καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν. [37] γενόμενον οὖν ἐν Πτολεμαίδι τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀκούσας ὁ Δημήτριος ἦγεν ἅπασαν ἀναλαβὼν ἐπ' αὐτὸν τὴν δύναμιν. ἔπεμψεν δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ἰωνάθην πρέσβεις περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ εὐνοίας: φθάσαι γὰρ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον διέγνω, μὴ προδιαλεχθεὶς ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ σχῇ τὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ βοήθειαν. [38] τοῦτο δ' ἐποίει φοβηθείς, μὴ μνησικακήσας ὁ Ἰωνάθης αὐτῷ τῆς ἔχθρας συνεπιθῆται. προσέταξεν οὖν αὐτῷ συναθροίζειν δύναμιν καὶ κατασκευάζειν ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους, οὓς τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐνέκλεισε Βακχίδης ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων, ἀπολαβεῖν. [39] τοιούτων οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν παρὰ Δημητρίου προσπεσόντων ὁ Ἰωνάθης παραγενόμενος εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀνέγνω τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκουόντων τοῦ τε λαοῦ καὶ τῶν φρουρούντων τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. [40] ἀναγνωσθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ φυγάδες οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως λίαν ἔδεισαν ἐπιτετροφότος Ἰωνάθῃ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιὰν συλλέγειν καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀπολαβεῖν. ὁ δὲ τοῖς γονεῦσιν ἑκάστῳ τὸν ἴδιον ἀπέδωκεν. [41] καὶ οὕτως μὲν Ἰωνάθης ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις τὴν μονὴν ἐποιεῖτο καινίζων τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ βούλησιν κατασκευάζων ἕκαστον. ἐκέλευσε γὰρ οἰκοδομηθῆναι καὶ τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἐκ λίθων τετραγώνων, ὡς ἂν ᾖ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους ἀσφαλέστερα. [42] ταῦτα δ' ὁρῶντες οἱ τῶν φρουρίων τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ φύλακες ἐκλιπόντες αὐτὰ πάντες ἔφυγον εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν πάρεξ τῶν ἐν Βαιθσούρᾳ πόλει καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων: οὗτοι γὰρ ἡ πλείων μοῖρα τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ πεφευγότων Ἰουδαίων ἦσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὰς φρουρὰς οὐκ ἐγκατέλιπον.
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035 In the hundred and sixtieth year, Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, came up into Syria and took Ptolemais. The soldiers inside betrayed it to him in their disaffection from Demetrius for his contempt and surliness. 036 He had shut himself up in a palace with four towers which he had built for himself near Antioch, and admitted nobody, and was slothful and negligent about the public affairs, all of which brought on him the hatred of his subjects, as we have already reported elsewhere. 037 When Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army and led it against him, also sending envoys to Jonathan about a pact of alliance and friendship, for he decided to forestall Alexander in case the other should treat with him first and become his ally. 038 This he did for fear that Jonathan might remember how badly he had treated him before, and take sides against him. So he gave orders that Jonathan be let raise an army and have weapons made and receive back the Jewish hostages whom Bacchides had shut up in the citadel in Jerusalem. 039 When these concessions offered by Demetrius were told to Jonathan he came to Jerusalem and read the king's letter in the hearing of the people and of the garrison in the citadel. 040 When it was read, the rogues and fugitives in the citadel were alarmed by the king's permission to Jonathan to raise an army and to get back the hostages; and he restored all of them to their own parents. 041 In this way Jonathan came to live in Jerusalem, reviving the city and restoring the buildings as he pleased, for he ordered that the walls of the city be rebuilt with square stones, to be more secure from their enemies. 042 When those who held the strongholds in Judea saw this, they all left them and fled to Antioch, except those in the city of Bethsura and in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these were rogue Jews and deserters, unwilling to surrender their strongholds.
2.
[43] Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος τάς τε ὑποσχέσεις, ἃς ἐποιήσατο Δημήτριος πρὸς Ἰωνάθην, καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁπόσα διέθηκεν πολεμῶν τοὺς Μακεδόνας καὶ πάλιν οἷα πεπονθὼς αὐτὸς εἴη ὑπὸ Δημητρίου καὶ Βακχίδου τοῦ Δημητρίου στρατηγοῦ, σύμμαχον οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν Ἰωνάθου ἀμείνω πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἔλεγεν ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ, ὃς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους ἐστὶν ἀνδρεῖος, καὶ μῖσος οἰκεῖον ἔχει πρὸς Δημήτριον πολλὰ πεπονθὼς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κακὰ καὶ πεποιηκώς. [44] εἰ τοιγαροῦν δοκεῖ φίλον ποιεῖσθαι αὐτὸν κατὰ Δημητρίου, νῦν ἐστιν οὐκ ἄλλοτε χρησιμώτερον παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν." δόξαν οὖν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν Ἰωνάθην γράφει τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν: [45] "βασιλεὺς Ἀλέξανδρος Ἰωνάθῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. τὴν μὲν ἀνδρείαν σου καὶ πίστιν ἀκηκόαμεν πάλαι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πεπόμφαμεν πρὸς σὲ περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας. χειροτονοῦμεν δέ σε σήμερον ἀρχιερέα τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ φίλον ἐμὸν καλεῖσθαι. ἀπέσταλκά σοι καὶ δωρεὰς στολὴν πορφυρᾶν καὶ στέφανον χρύσεον καὶ παρακαλῶ τιμηθέντα ὑφ' ἡμῶν ὅμοιον γίνεσθαι περὶ ἡμᾶς."
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043 When Alexander learned of the promises Demetrius had made to Jonathan and of his courage and all he had done in the war against the Macedonians and the hardships he had endured from Demetrius and his general Bacchides, he told his friends that he could not at present find any braver ally in war than Jonathan, who deeply hated Demetrius for all he had suffered from him and the wrongs done by him. 044 "So if we decide to make him our friend against Demetrius, there is no better time than now to invite him into alliance." When he and his friends decided to send to Jonathan, he wrote him this letter: 045 "King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greetings. We have already heard of your courage and your fidelity and so we send to you to make a pact of friendship and military alliance with you. We therefore appoint you this day as high priest of the Jews with the right to be called my friend. I have also sent you gifts of a purple robe and a golden crown and hope that as you are honoured by us, you will likewise respect us too."
3.
[46] Δεξάμενος δὲ ὁ Ἰωνάθης τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνδύεται μὲν τὴν ἱερατικὴν στολὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἐνστάσης μετὰ ἔτη τέσσαρα ἢ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Ἰούδαν ἀποθανεῖν: καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἀρχιερεύς τις ἐγεγόνει: συνάγει δὲ δύναμιν πολλὴν καὶ πλῆθος ὅπλων ἐχάλκευεν. [47] Δημήτριον δὲ σφόδρα ταῦτ' ἐλύπησεν μαθόντα καὶ τῆς βραδυτῆτος ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησεν αἰτιᾶσθαι, ὅτι μὴ προλαβὼν Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτὸς ἐφιλανθρωπεύσατο τὸν Ἰωνάθην, ἀλλ' ἐκείνῳ καταλίποι καιρὸν εἰς τοῦτο. γράφει τοίνυν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιστολὴν τῷ Ἰωνάθῃ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δηλοῦσαν τάδε: [48] "βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος Ἰωνάθῃ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν Ἰουδαίων χαίρειν. ἐπειδὴ διετηρήσατε τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ πειράσασιν ὑμᾶς τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς οὐ προσέθεσθε, καὶ ταύτην μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαινῶ τὴν πίστιν καὶ παρακαλῶ δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐμμένειν ἀποληψομένους ἀμοιβὰς παρ' ἡμῶν καὶ χάριτας. [49] τοὺς γὰρ πλείστους ὑμῶν ἀνήσω τῶν φόρων καὶ τῶν συντάξεων, ἃς ἐτελεῖτε τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῦσιν καὶ ἐμοί, νῦν τε ὑμῖν ἀφίημι τοὺς φόρους, οὓς ἀεὶ παρέχετε. πρὸς τούτοις καὶ τὴν τιμὴν ὑμῖν χαρίζομαι τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τῶν στεφάνων, οὓς προσεφέρετε ἡμῖν, καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν τρίτων τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ τοῦ ἡμίσους τοῦ ξυλίνου καρποῦ τὸ γινόμενον ἐμοὶ μέρος ὑμῖν ἀφίημι ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας. [50] καὶ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἑκάστης ὃ ἔδει μοι δίδοσθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ κατοικούντων καὶ τῶν τριῶν τοπαρχιῶν τῶν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ προσκειμένων Σαμαρείας καὶ Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας, τούτους παραχωρῶ ὑμῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον. [51] καὶ τὴν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον εἶναι βούλομαι καὶ ἐλευθέραν ἕως τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἀπὸ τῆς δεκάτης καὶ τῶν τελῶν. τὴν δὲ ἄκραν ἐπιτρέπω τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ὑμῶν Ἰωνάθῃ, οὓς δ' ἂν αὐτὸς δοκιμάσῃ πιστοὺς καὶ φίλους τούτους ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς καταστῆσαι, ἵνα φυλάσσωσιν ἡμῖν αὐτήν. [52] καὶ Ἰουδαίων δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας καὶ δουλεύοντας ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἀφίημι ἐλευθέρους. κελεύω δὲ μηδὲ ἀγγαρεύεσθαι τὰ Ἰουδαίων ὑποζύγια: τὰ δὲ σάββατα καὶ ἑορτὴν ἅπασαν καὶ τρεῖς καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέρας ἔστωσαν ἀτελεῖς. [53] τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ κατοικοῦντας Ἰουδαίους ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀνεπηρεάστους ἀφίημι, καὶ τοῖς στρατεύεσθαι μετ' ἐμοῦ βουλομένοις ἐπιτρέπω καὶ μέχρις τρισμυρίων ἐξέστω τοῦτο: τῶν δ' αὐτῶν, ὅποι ἂν ἀπίωσι, τεύξονται ὧν καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν στράτευμα μεταλαμβάνει. καταστήσω δ' αὐτῶν οὓς μὲν εἰς τὰ φρούρια, τινὰς δὲ περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τοὐμοῦ σώματος, καὶ ἡγεμόνας δὲ ποιήσω τῶν περὶ τὴν ἐμὴν αὐλήν. [54] ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ τοῖς πατρῴοις χρῆσθαι νόμοις καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν, καὶ τοῖς τρισὶν τοῖς προσκειμένοις τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ νομοῖς ὑποτάσσεσθαι βούλομαι, καὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ δὲ ἐπιμελὲς εἶναι, ἵνα μηδὲ εἷς Ἰουδαῖος ἄλλο ἔχῃ ἱερὸν προσκυνεῖν ἢ μόνον τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις. [55] δίδωμι δ' ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν καὶ εἰς τὴν δαπάνην τῶν θυσιῶν κατ' ἔτος μυριάδας πεντεκαίδεκα, τὰ δὲ περισσεύοντα τῶν χρημάτων ὑμέτερα εἶναι βούλομαι: τὰς δὲ μυρίας δραχμάς, ἃς ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ οἱ βασιλεῖς, ὑμῖν ἀφίημι διὰ τὸ προσήκειν αὐτὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν τοῖς λειτουργοῦσιν τῷ ἱερῷ. [56] καὶ ὅσοι δ' ἂν φύγωσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ εἰς τὰ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ χρηματίζοντα ἢ βασιλικὰ ὀφείλοντες χρήματα ἢ δι' ἄλλην αἰτίαν, ἀπολελύσθωσαν οὗτοι καὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα αὐτοῖς σῶα ἔστω. [57] ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ ἀνακαινίζειν τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ οἰκοδομεῖν τῆς εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνης ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν γινομένης, καὶ τὰ τείχη δὲ συγχωρῶ τὰ τῆς πόλεως οἰκοδομεῖσθαι καὶ πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐγείρειν καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀνιστᾶν πάντα. εἰ δέ τι καὶ φρούριόν ἐστιν, ὃ συμφέρει τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ Ἰουδαίων ὀχυρὸν εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτ' ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν κατασκευασθήτω."
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046 On receipt od this letter, Jonathan donned the priestly robe at the time of the feast of tents, four years after the death of his brother Judas, for since that time no high priest had been appointed, and he raised a large force and had much armour forged. 047 Demetrius was greatly saddened to hear of it and blamed himself for his slowness, for not forestalling Alexander and winning Jonathan's goodwill, but leaving the other time to do so. But he too wrote a letter to Jonathan and the people, as follows. 048 "King Demetrius to Jonathan and the Jewish nation, greetings. Since you have preserved your friendship with us and did not yield to temptation from our enemies to ally with them, I commend you for your fidelity and urge you to continue in the same spirit, for which you will be repaid and rewarded by us. 049 I will exempt you from most of the tributes and taxes that you formerly paid to my royal predecessors and myself, and I now set you free from the age-old tributes you have paid. Besides, I exempt you the salt tax and the crowns which you used to present to me and from this day on I relinquish my right to a third of your produce and the half of the fruits of your trees. 050 I also relinquish now and for all time to come the poll-tax due to me from the people of Judea and the three regions adjoining Judea, Samaria and Galilee and Perea. 051 I also intend to leave the city of Jerusalem out to its furthest boundaries holy and inviolable and free from the tithe and the taxes. I also cede my right to the citadel, and allow your high priest Jonathan to occupy it and place there a garrison that he considers faithful and loyal to himself, and guard it for us. 052 I set free all Jews who were prisoners and slaves in our kingdom and I order that the beasts of the Jews may not be commandeered and that their sabbaths and all their festivals and three days before each of them, be undisturbed. 053 Likewise I set free the Jewish inhabitants of my kingdom and order that no harm be done to them and permit any of them who wish to do so to join my army, up to the number of thirty thousand. Wherever they go, these Jewish soldiers shall have the same pay as my own army and some of them I will place in my garrisons and some in my own bodyguard and as officers in my court. 054 I also permit them to follow and keep their ancestral laws and I will that they have power over the three areas that are added to Judea, and it shall be in the power of the high priest to see that no Jew shall have any other temple to worship in except that in Jerusalem. 055 From my own revenues I grant you one hundred and fifty thousand yearly, towards the costs of the sacrifices, and if any of this money is left over shall be yours too. I also exempt you of the ten thousand drachmae which the kings used to receive from the temple, as they belong to the priests ministering in that temple. 056 Further, whoever takes refuge in the Jerusalem temple, or any place belonging to it, due to money owed to the king, or on any other account, let them be set free and let their goods be secure. 057 Further, I permit you to repair and rebuild your temple, all of it to be done at my expense, and you may build the walls of your city and raise high towers also at my expense. And if there be any fortress which it would benefit the land of the Jews to have strengthened, let it be done at my expense."
4.
[58] Ταῦτα μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ χαριζόμενος ἔγραψεν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις Δημήτριος. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς δύναμιν μεγάλην συναγαγὼν μισθοφόρων καὶ τῶν προσθεμένων ἐκ τῆς Συρίας αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐστράτευσεν. [59] καὶ μάχης γενομένης τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον κέρας τοῦ Δημητρίου τρέπεται τοὺς ἐναντίους εἰς φυγὴν καὶ ἐδίωξεν ἄχρι πολλοῦ κτείνει τε συχνοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ διαρπάζει τὸ στρατόπεδον, τὸ δὲ δεξιόν, οὗ συνέβαινεν εἶναι τὸν Δημήτριον, ἡττᾶται. [60] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφυγον, Δημήτριος δὲ γενναίως μαχόμενος οὐκ ὀλίγους μὲν ἀναιρεῖ τῶν πολεμίων, διώκων δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐλαύνει τὸν ἵππον εἰς τέλμα βαθὺ καὶ δυσεκπόρευτον, ἔνθα συνέβη πεσόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἵππου μὴ δυνάμενον διαφυγεῖν ἀναιρεθῆναι. [61] τὸ γὰρ συμβεβηκὸς περὶ αὐτὸν ἰδόντες οἱ πολέμιοι ἀνέστρεψαν καὶ κυκλωσάμενοι τὸν Δημήτριον πάντες ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἠκόντιζον. ὁ δὲ πεζὸς ὢν γενναίως ἀπεμάχετο, καὶ τελευταῖον τραύματα λαβὼν πολλὰ καὶ μηκέτ' ἀντέχειν δυνάμενος κατέπεσεν. καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον τὸν Δημήτριον κατέλαβεν ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα ἕνδεκα, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.
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058 These were the promises that Demetrius conceded to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a large army of mercenaries and men who deserted to him from Syria and marched against Demetrius. 059 In the battle, the left wing of Demetrius put their opponents to flight and after a long pursuit killed many of them and spoiled their camp, but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was defeated. 060 All the rest fled but Demetrius fought bravely on and killed many of the enemy, but as he was following the others his horse carried him into a deep, impassable bog, and there, once his horse fell, he could not avoid being killed. 061 For when his enemies saw what had happened to him, they turned and surrounded Demetrius and all cast spears at him. Being now on foot, he fought bravely but finally received so many wounds that he could no longer fight, but fell. This is the end of Demetrius after he had ruled for eleven years, as we have said elsewhere.
Chapter 3. [062-079]
Onias befriends Ptolemy Philometor. New Temple planned for Egypt
1.
[62] Ὁ δὲ Ὀνίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ὁμώνυμος δὲ ὢν τῷ πατρί, ὃς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ φυγὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον Φιλομήτορα διῆγεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἰδὼν τὴν Ἰουδαίαν κακουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν, [63] βουλόμενος αὑτῷ δόξαν καὶ μνήμην αἰώνιον κατασκευάσαι, διέγνω πέμψας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν βασίλισσαν Κλεοπάτραν αἰτήσασθαι παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως οἰκοδομήσειεν ναὸν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ Λευίτας καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου γένους καταστήσῃ. [64] τοῦτο δ' ἐβούλετο θαρρῶν μάλιστα τῷ προφήτῃ Ἡσαίᾳ, ὃς ἔμπροσθεν ἔτεσιν ἑξακοσίοις πλέον γεγονὼς προεῖπεν, ὡς δεῖ πάντως ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκοδομηθῆναι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς Ἰουδαίου. διὰ ταῦτα οὖν ἐπηρμένος Ὀνίας γράφει Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν: [65] "πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑμῖν χρείας τετελεκὼς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργοις μετὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας, καὶ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ, καὶ εἰς Λεόντων δὲ πόλιν τοῦ Ἡλιοπολίτου σὺν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις καὶ εἰς ἄλλους τόπους ἀφικόμενος τοῦ ἔθνους, [66] καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις συμβέβηκεν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμόδοξον, ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως ὀχυρώματι βρύοντα ποικίλης ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν, [67] δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκὸς οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ἵν' ἔχωσιν οἱ τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατοικοῦντες Ἰουδαῖοι εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις: [68] καὶ γὰρ Ἡσαίας ὁ προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν: ἔσται θυσιαστήριον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ: καὶ πολλὰ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον."
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062 But then the son of Onias the high priest, of the same name as his father, fled to king Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor, and now lived in Alexandria, as already said. When he saw how Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 063 wanting to win a name and eternal fame for himself he decided to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, asking their permission to build a temple in Egypt like that in Jerusalem and to appoint levites and priests from their own race. 064 He wanted to do so, especially relying on the prophet Isaias, who had foretold more than six hundred years earlier that by all means there would be a temple built in Egypt to Almighty God by a Jewish man. Buoyed up by this prediction Onias wrote the following letter to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 065 "Having by God's help done you many great services in in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia during the war, I finally came with the Jews to Heliopolis, the city of lions, and to other places of your nation. 066 There I found that most of your people have unsuitable sanctuaries and for this reason are hostile to each other, which affects the Egyptians because of the number of their temples and their differening opinions about worship. Now I have found a most suitable place in a stronghold that is named after the district of Bubastis, a place rich in many kinds of materials and abounding in sacred animals. 067 I beg ask you to allow me to purge this holy place, which belongs to nobody and is in disrepair, and build there a temple to Almighty God, modelled on the one in Jerusalem and of the same size, for the sake of yourself and your wife and children, that the Jews living in Egypt may have a place to come and meet together in mutual harmony with each other and be at your service. 068 For the prophet Isaias foretold that there would be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God, and he prophesied many other such things about this place."
2.
[69] Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Ὀνίας τῷ βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ γράφει. κατανοήσειε δ' ἄν τις αὐτοῦ τὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναικὸς ἐξ ἧς ἀντέγραψαν ἐπιστολῆς: τὴν γὰρ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ νόμου παράβασιν εἰς τὴν Ὀνίου κεφαλὴν ἀνέθεσαν: [70] ἀντέγραψαν γὰρ οὕτως: "βασιλεὺς Πτολεμαῖος καὶ βασίλισσα Κλεοπάτρα Ὀνίᾳ χαίρειν. ἀνέγνωμέν σου τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀξιοῦντος ἐπιτραπῆναί σοι τὸ ἐν Λεόντων πόλει τοῦ Ἡλιοπολίτου ἱερὸν συμπεπτωκὸς ἀνακαθᾶραι, προσαγορευόμενον δὲ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως. διὸ καὶ θαυμάζομεν, εἰ ἔσται τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον τὸ καθιδρυσόμενον ἱερὸν ἐν ἀσελγεῖ τόπῳ καὶ πλήρει ζῴων ἱερῶν. [71] ἐπεὶ δὲ σὺ φῂς Ἡσαίαν τὸν προφήτην ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῦτο προειρηκέναι, συγχωροῦμέν σοι, εἰ μέλλει τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον: ὥστε μηδὲν ἡμᾶς δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξημαρτηκέναι."
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069 This was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. We can see his piety and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by the letter they wrote in reply, for they laid on the head of Onias the blame for the transgression of the law. 070 This was their reply: "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, greetings. We have read your petition, asking to be granted permission to re-purify the broken-down temple in the City of Lions in Heliopolis, which is named after the district of Bubastis, but we are amazed that it pleases God to have a temple built in a place so unclean and so full of sacred animals. 071 But since you say that Isaias the prophet foretold this long ago, we give you leave to do it, if it can be done according to your law, so that we may not seem to offend God in any way in this matter."
3.
[72] Λαβὼν οὖν τὸν τόπον ὁ Ὀνίας κατεσκεύασεν ἱερὸν καὶ βωμὸν τῷ θεῷ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις, μικρότερον δὲ καὶ πενιχρότερον. τὰ δὲ μέτρα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ σκεύη νῦν οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι δηλοῦν: ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ μου βίβλῳ τῶν Ἰουδαικῶν ἀναγέγραπται. [73] εὗρεν δὲ Ὀνίας καὶ Ἰουδαίους τινὰς ὁμοίους αὐτῷ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευίτας τοὺς ἐκεῖ θρησκεύσοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τούτου ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.
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072 So Onias took the place and erected a temple and an altar to God, similar to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think I need here describe its dimensions or its vessels, which are already described in my seventh book of the Judaic Wars. 073 Then Onias found some like-minded Jews and priests and levites to worship God there. But we have said enough about this temple.
4.
[74] Τοὺς δ' ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ Ἰουδαίους καὶ Σαμαρεῖς, οἳ τὸ ἐν Γαριζεὶν προσεκύνουν ἱερόν, κατὰ τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου χρόνους συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίου διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν Ἰουδαίων λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους ᾠκοδομῆσθαι τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις, τῶν δὲ Σαμαρέων τὸ ἐν Γαριζείν. [75] παρεκάλεσάν τε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καθίσαντα τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἀκοῦσαι λόγους καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν Σαμαρέων λόγον Σαββαῖος ἐποιήσατο καὶ Θεοδόσιος, τοὺς δ' ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν καὶ Ἰουδαίων Ἀνδρόνικος ὁ Μεσαλάμου. [76] ὤμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἦ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὅπως ὃν ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβουλίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόντων. [77] οἱ δ' ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ τυγχάνοντες Ἰουδαῖοι σφόδρα ἠγωνίων περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἀγανακτεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις συνέβαινεν ἱεροῦ: χαλεπῶς γὰρ ἔφερον, εἰ τοῦτό τινες καταλύσουσιν οὕτως ἀρχαῖον καὶ διασημότατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπάρχον. [78] τοῦ δὲ Σαββαίου καὶ Θεοδοσίου συγχωρησάντων τῷ Ἀνδρονίκῳ πρώτῳ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους, ἤρξατο τῶν ἀποδείξεων ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν διαδοχῶν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, ὡς ἕκαστος παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν τιμὴν ἐκδεξάμενος ἦρξε τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πάντες οἱ τῆς Ἀσίας βασιλεῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτίμησαν ἀναθήμασιν καὶ λαμπροτάταις δωρεαῖς, τοῦ δ' ἐν Γαριζεὶν ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος οὐδεὶς λόγον οὐδ' ἐπιστροφὴν ἐποιήσατο. [79] ταῦτα λέγων Ἀνδρόνικος καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια πείθει τὸν βασιλέα κρῖναι μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἱερόν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σαββαῖον καὶ Θεοδόσιον. καὶ τὰ μὲν γενόμενα τοῖς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ Ἰουδαίοις κατὰ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλομήτορα ταῦτα ἦν.
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074 The Alexandrian Jews and the Samaritans who worshipped in the temple that was built at Mount Garizim in the days of Alexander, now came into conflict with each other and disputed about their temples in Ptolemy's presence, the Jews saying that according to the Mosaic lAws, the temple was to be built in Jerusalem, and the Samaritans saying it was to be built at Garizim. 075 They asked the king in session with his friends to hear the debates about these matters and to punish the losers with death. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans and Andronicus, son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem. 076 They swore on oath before God and the king to offer proofs according to the law, requesting Ptolemy to put to death anyone he found breaking these oaths. The king took many of his friends into the conference and sat to listen to the speakers. 077 The Jews in Alexandria were very anxious about the men who would argue in defence of the temple in Jerusalem and would be badly offended if anyone sullied the reputation of so ancient a temple, celebrated all over the world. 078 When Sabbeus and Theodosius allowed Andronicus to speak first, he set out to prove from the law and the successions of the high priests, each of the had received that dignity from his father and governed the temple, and how all the kings of Asia had honoured that temple with the splendid gifts they dedicated to it, while making no mention of the one in Garizim, as if it had never existed. 079 By this speech and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to decide that the temple in Jerusalem was built according to the Mosaic laws, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. These things happened to the Jews in Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.
Chapter 4. [080-130]
Alexander reigns in Syria and honours Jonathan. Honoured too, by Demetrius the younger
1.
[80] Δημητρίου δ' ἀποθανόντος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, καθὼς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν, Ἀλέξανδρος τὴν τῆς Συρίας παραλαβὼν βασιλείαν γράφει τῷ Φιλομήτορι Πτολεμαίῳ μνηστευόμενος αὐτοῦ πρὸς γάμον τὴν θυγατέρα, δίκαιον εἶναι λέγων τῷ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν κομισαμένῳ καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν εἰς αὐτὴν προαχθέντι καὶ κρατήσαντι Δημητρίου καὶ μηδὲ τἆλλα ἐσομένῳ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν οἰκειότητος ἀναξίῳ συνάψαι συγγένειαν. [81] Πτολεμαῖος δὲ προσδεξάμενος ἡδέως τὴν μνηστείαν ἀντιγράφει χαίρειν τε λέγων ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ πατρῴαν οὖσαν ἀπειληφέναι, καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται, ἀπαντᾶν δ' αὐτὸν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα τὴν θυγατέρα μέλλοντι ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν: αὐτὸς γὰρ αὐτὴν μέχρι ταύτης παραπέμψειν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου κἀκεῖ συνοικίσειν αὐτῷ τὴν παῖδα. [82] καὶ Πτολεμαῖος μὲν ταῦτα γράψας παραγίνεται μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰς Πτολεμαίδα καὶ Κλεοπάτραν ἄγων τὴν θυγατέρα. εὑρὼν δ' ἐκεῖ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον καθὼς ἐπέστειλεν προαπηντηκότα δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν παῖδα καὶ φερνὴν ἄργυρόν τε καὶ χρυσὸν ὅσον εἰκὸς ἦν δοῦναι βασιλέα.
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080 When Demetrius was killed in battle as we have said above, Alexander took over the kingdom of Syria, and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor asking for his daughter in marriage, and saying it was only right for him to be related to one who had now inherited the realm of his ancestors, promoted to it by God's providence, after defeating Demetrius, and in other respects was not unworthy of being related to him. 081 Ptolemy gladly received this proposal of marriage, and wrote in reply, saluting him for winning the realm of his ancestors, and promising to give him his daughter in marriage, assuring him that he would come to meet him at Ptolemais, where he asked him to meet him, as he would lead her up to there from Egypt, and would hold the girl's marriage there. 082 After writing this, Ptolemy came quickly to Ptolemais brining with him his daughter Cleopatra and finding Alexander there before him, as he had requested, he gave him the girl in marriage and gave her a dowry of as much silver and gold as was fit for such a king.
2.
[83] Τῶν δὲ γάμων ἐπιτελουμένων Ἀλέξανδρος Ἰωνάθῃ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ γράψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἥκειν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα. παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας καὶ δωρησάμενος αὐτοὺς λαμπρᾶς τῆς παρ' ἀμφοτέρων ἀπέλαυσε τιμῆς. [84] Ἀλέξανδρος δ' αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασεν καὶ ἀποδυσάμενον τὴν οἰκείαν ἐσθῆτα λαβεῖν πορφύραν, καὶ συγκαθεσθῆναι ποιήσας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος προσέταξεν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας εἰς μέσην μετ' αὐτοῦ προελθόντας τὴν πόλιν κηρῦξαι, μηδενὶ κατ' αὐτοῦ λέγειν ἐφεῖσθαι μηδὲ παρέχειν αὐτῷ πράγματα. [85] τοῦτο δὲ ποιησάντων τῶν ἡγεμόνων ὁρῶντες τὴν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως κεκηρυγμένην Ἰωνάθῃ τιμὴν οἱ κατηγορεῖν παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες ἀπέδρασαν, μὴ καὶ προσλάβωσίν τι κακὸν δεδιότες. τοσαύτῃ δὲ σπουδῇ περὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐχρῆτο, ὥστ' αὐτὸν καὶ πρῶτον ἀναγράψαι τῶν φίλων.
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083 After the wedding, Alexander wrote to the high priest Jonathan with instructions to come to Ptolemais. When he came to the kings he gave them magnificent gifts and was honoured by them both. 084 Alexander also made him set aside his own garment and put on a purple garment and made him sit alongside him on the dais, and ordered his officers to go with him into the city centre and proclaim that no one was permitted to speak against him, or disturb him any way. 085 When the officers had done so, and those who hated Jonathan and were preparing to accuse him saw the honour shown to him by proclamation by order of the king, they ran away, fearful that they would come to some harm. And indeed king Alexander showed such favour to Jonathan that he set him up as the first of his friends.
3.
[86] Ἔτει δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ ἑξηκοστῷ πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν Δημήτριος ὁ Δημητρίου μετὰ πολλῶν μισθοφόρων, οὓς παρέσχεν αὐτῷ Λασθένης ὁ Κρής, ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς Κρήτης κατέπλευσεν εἰς Κιλικίαν. [87] τοῦτο δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον ἀκούσαντα εἰς ἀγωνίαν καὶ ταραχὴν ἐνέβαλεν καὶ παραχρῆμα ἐκ τῆς Φοινίκης εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἔσπευσεν, ἵνα τὰ ἐκεῖ πρὶν ἢ Δημήτριον ἐλθεῖν ἀσφαλῶς θῆται. [88] κατέλιπεν δὲ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας Ἀπολλώνιον τὸν Τάον ἡγεμόνα, ὃς μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Ἰάμνειαν ἐλθὼν ἔπεμψε πρὸς Ἰωνάθην τὸν ἀρχιερέα, λέγων ἄδικον εἶναι μόνον αὐτὸν ἐπ' ἀδείας ζῆν καὶ μετὰ ἐξουσίας οὐχ ὑποτασσόμενον τῷ βασιλεῖ: τοῦτο δ' αὐτῷ παρὰ πάντων ὄνειδος φέρειν, ὅτι μὴ ὑποτάξειεν αὐτὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ. [89] μὴ τοίνυν σαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν καθήμενος ἐξαπάτα νομίζων ἰσχὺν ἔχειν, ἀλλ' εἰ θαρρεῖς τῇ σαυτοῦ δυνάμει καταβὰς εἰς τὸ πεδίον τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ στρατιᾷ συγκρίθητι, καὶ τὸ τέλος τῆς νίκης ἐπιδείξει τὸν ἀνδρειότατον. [90] ἴσθι μέντοι γε τοὺς ἀρίστους ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως ἐμοὶ συστρατεύεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ δὴ τοὺς σοὺς προγόνους οἱ ἀεὶ νικῶντές εἰσιν οὗτοι. ποιήσῃ δὲ τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀγῶνα ἐν τοιαύτῃ γῇ, ἐν ᾗ λίθοις οὐκ ἔστιν ἀλλ' ὅπλοις ἀμύνασθαι οὐδὲ τόπος εἰς ὃν ἡττώμενος φεύξῃ."
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086 But then, on the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with many mercenaries paid for by Lasthenes, the Cretian, and sailed to Cilicia. 087 When he heard it, Alexander was thrown into anxiety and confusion and he hurried from Phoenicia to Antioch immediately, to secure it before Demetrius arrived. 088 As ruler of Coele-Syria he left Apollonius Taos, who came with a large force to Jamneia and sent to the high priest Jonathan declaring that it was not right that he alone should live peacefully, with independent authority and not be subject to the king, and that he was mocked by everybody for not yet making him subject to the king. 089 "So do not deceive yourself and sit quietly among your mountains thinking yourself strong, but if you trust in your strength, come down to the plain and let our armies come to judgment and the outcome of the battle will show which of us is bravest. 090 Note that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, the very ones who have always defeated your ancestors, but let us have the battle in a part of the country where we can fight with weapons and not with stones and there is nowhere for the defeated to escape."
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[91] Παροξυνθεὶς δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ Ἰωνάθης μυρίους ἐπιλεξάμενος στρατιώτας ὥρμησεν ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων μετὰ καὶ Σίμωνος τἀδελφοῦ, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν Ἰόππῃ στρατοπεδεύεται τῆς πόλεως ἔξω τῶν Ἰοππηνῶν ἀποκλεισάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας: φρουρὰν γὰρ ἔνδον εἶχον ὑπὸ Ἀπολλωνίου κατασταθεῖσαν. [92] τοῦ δὲ Ἰωνάθου πρὸς πολιορκίαν αὐτῶν παρασκευαζομένου, φοβηθέντες μὴ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἐξέλῃ κατὰ κράτος ἀνοίγουσιν αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας. ὁ δὲ Ἀπολλώνιος ἀκούσας τὴν Ἰόππην κατειλημμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἰωνάθου τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς παραλαβὼν καὶ πεζοὺς ὀκτακισχιλίους εἰς Ἄζωτον ἦλθεν κἀκεῖθεν ἄρας ἠρέμα καὶ βάδην ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν, ἐλθὼν δ' εἰς τὴν Ἰόππην ἀναχωρῶν ἕλκει τὸν Ἰωνάθην εἰς τὸ πεδίον τῇ ἵππῳ καταφρονῶν καὶ τὰς τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδας ἔχων ἐν αὐτῇ. [93] προελθὼν δ' Ἰωνάθης ἐδίωκεν εἰς Ἄζωτον τὸν Ἀπολλώνιον. ὁ δ', ὡς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸν πολέμιον, ὑποστρέψας εἰς μάχην αὐτῷ συνέβαλεν. [94] τοῦ δ' Ἀπολλωνίου χιλίους ἱππεῖς καθίσαντος εἰς ἐνέδραν ἔν τινι χειμάρρῳ, ὡς ἂν κατόπιν ἐπιφανεῖεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, αἰσθόμενος ὁ Ἰωνάθης οὐ κατεπλάγη: τάξας δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐν πλινθίῳ κατ' ἀμφότερα τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνασθαι παρεσκευάσατο, καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ τοῖς ὄπισθεν ἐπελευσομένοις αὑτὸν ἀντιτάξας. [95] τῆς δὲ μάχης ἕως ἑσπέρας προβαινούσης, δοὺς Σίμωνι τἀδελφῷ μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως τοῦτον μὲν ἐκέλευσε συμβαλεῖν τῇ φάλαγγι τῶν ἐχθρῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ προσέταξεν φραξαμένους τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀποδέχεσθαι τὰ βέλη τὰ παρὰ τῶν ἱππέων. [96] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐποίησαν τὸ κελευσθέν, οἱ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἀφέντες τὰ βέλη μέχρι καὶ ἐξεκενώθησαν οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ἔβλαπτον: οὐ γὰρ διικνεῖτο τῶν σωμάτων τὰ βαλλόμενα, συμπεφραγμένοις δὲ ταῖς ἀσπίσιν συνηνωμέναις ὑπὸ πυκνότητος ἐπαφιέμενα ῥᾳδίως ἐκρατεῖτο καὶ ἄπρακτα ἐφέρετο. [97] ὡς δὲ παρείθησαν ἀπὸ πρωὶ μέχρι δείλης ὀψίας ἀκοντίζοντες εἰς αὐτοὺς οἱ πολέμιοι, νοήσας Σίμων κεκμηκότας αὐτοὺς συμβάλλει τῇ φάλαγγι, καὶ προθυμίᾳ χρησαμένων πολλῇ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ τρέπει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εἰς φυγήν. [98] θεασάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πεζοὺς φεύγοντας οἱ ἱππεῖς οὐδ' αὐτοὶ μένουσιν, ἀλλὰ πάρετοι μὲν ὄντες αὐτοὶ διὰ τὸ μέχρι δείλης μάχεσθαι, τῆς δὲ παρὰ τῶν πεζῶν ἐλπίδος αὐτοῖς ἀπολωλυίας, ἀκόσμως καὶ συγκεχυμένως ἔφευγον, ὡς διασχισθέντας αὐτοὺς διὰ παντὸς σκορπισθῆναι τοῦ πεδίου. [99] διώκων δ' αὐτοὺς Ἰωνάθης μέχρι τῆς Ἀζώτου καὶ πολλοὺς ἀναιρῶν ἀπογνόντας τῆς σωτηρίας ἠνάγκασεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Δαγῶνος ναὸν καταφυγεῖν, ὃς ἦν ἐν Ἀζώτῳ. λαβὼν δ' ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς Ἰωνάθης τὴν πόλιν αὐτήν τε ἐνέπρησεν καὶ τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν κώμας. [100] ἀπέσχετο δ' οὐδὲ τοῦ Δαγῶνος ἱεροῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτ' ἐνέπρησεν καὶ τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸ συμφυγόντας διέφθειρεν. τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος τῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεσόντων καὶ καταφλεγέντων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἦσαν ὀκτακισχίλιοι. [101] κρατήσας οὖν τοσαύτης δυνάμεως ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀζώτου εἰς Ἀσκάλωνα παραγίνεται, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσαντος ἔξω τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ προῆλθον εἰς ἀπάντησιν αὐτῷ οἱ Ἀσκαλωνῖται ξένια προσφέροντες αὐτῷ καὶ τιμῶντες. ὁ δὲ ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς προαιρέσεως ἀνέστρεψεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος λείαν, ἣν ἔλαβεν νικήσας τοὺς πολεμίους. [102] Ἀλέξανδρος δ' ἀκούσας ἡττημένον τὸν αὐτοῦ στρατηγὸν Ἀπολλώνιον προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν, ὅτι παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνώμην Ἰωνάθῃ συνέβαλεν φίλῳ ὄντι καὶ συμμάχῳ, καὶ πέμπει πρὸς Ἰωνάθην μαρτυρῶν αὐτῷ καὶ γέρα καὶ τιμὰς διδοὺς πόρπην χρυσέαν, ὡς ἔστιν ἔθος δίδοσθαι τοῖς τῶν βασιλέων συγγενέσιν, καὶ τὴν Ἀκκάρωνα καὶ τὴν τοπαρχίαν αὐτῆς εἰς κληρουχίαν ἐπιτρέπει.
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091 Jonathan was furious at this and selecting ten thousand of his soldiers quickly left Jerusalem with his brother Simon and came to Joppa and encamped outside the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for Apollonius had placed a garrison in the city. 092 As Jonathan prepared to besiege them they feared he would take them by force and so they opened the gates to him. But hearing that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, Apollonius took three thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry and went to Azotus, and from there he travelled on silently and slowly. Reaching Joppa, he made as though to withdraw from the place and so drew Jonathan into the plain, confident of his cavalry and setting his hopes of victory mainly on them. 093 Jonathan sallied out and pursued Apollonius to Azotus, and as soon as Apollonius saw his enemy out in the plain, he turned around and gave him battle. 094 Apollonius had set a thousand cavalry in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies when they turned around. Noting this, Jonathan showed no alarm but ordered his army into a solid formation and told them to attack the enemy on both sides and set them to face those who attacked them both from front and rear. 095 When the fight lasted until evening, he assigned part of his forces to his brother Simon with orders to attack the enemy, and instructed his own companions to cover themselves with their armour and face the missiles of the cavalry. 096 They did as ordered, so that the enemy's cavalry did them no harm although they threw all the spears they had, for the missiles did not reach their bodies, as they were caught by the united shields that were joined together, whose compactness easily overcame the force of the spears so that they flew by with no effect. 097 When the enemy grew tired of throwing at them from morning until late evening, Simon noted their weariness and attacked the phalanx before him, and with his soldiers showing great spirit he put the enemy to flight. 098 Seeing the infantry running away, the cavalry did no stay either, as they were weary having fought until evening and since any hope based on the infantry was gone, they fled in cowardice and confusion were separated and scattered all over the plain. 099 Jonathan pursued them as far as Azotus and killed many of them and forced the rest, in despair of escaping, to retreat to the temple of Dagon in Azotus. Then Jonathan took the city on the first onset and burned it and the villages round about it. 100 He did not spare even the temple of Dagon but burned it also and killed those who had fled to it. The enemy numbers that fell in the battle and were burned in the temple were eight thousand. 101 When Jonathan had defeated this large army, he moved on from Azotus to Askalon, and when he had encamped outside the city the people of Askalon came out to meet him with gifts and honoured him. He accepted their good intentions and returned to Jerusalem with a large amount of booty, which he had taken from the defeat of his enemies. 102 When Alexander heard that his general Apollonius had been defeated, he pretended to be glad and that it was contrary to his orders that he had fought against his friend and ally Jonathan; and he sent to Jonathan, praising his bravery and awarding him as a mark of honour a golden button, which it is customary to give to the king's relatives and assigning him Akkaron and its district as an inheritance.
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[103] Ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν καὶ βασιλεὺς Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλομήτωρ ἐπικληθεὶς ναυτικὴν ἄγων δύναμιν καὶ πεζὴν εἰς Συρίαν ἧκεν συμμαχήσων Ἀλεξάνδρῳ: γαμβρὸς γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ. [104] καὶ πᾶσαι προθύμως αὐτὸν αἱ πόλεις Ἀλεξάνδρου κελεύσαντος ἐκδεχόμεναι παρέπεμπον ἕως Ἀζώτου πόλεως, ἔνθα πάντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἐμπεπρησμένου ἱεροῦ αὐτῶν Δαγῶνος κατηγοροῦντες Ἰωνάθου τοῦτο ἀφανίσαντος καὶ τὴν χώραν πυρπολήσαντος καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείναντος. [105] καὶ Πτολεμαῖος μὲν ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ἡσύχασεν, Ἰωνάθης δὲ εἰς Ἰόππην ἀπαντήσας Πτολεμαίῳ ξενίων τε λαμπρῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ τυγχάνει καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης, ἔπειτα προπέμψας αὐτὸν ἕως τοῦ Ἐλευθέρου καλουμένου ποταμοῦ πάλιν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα.
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103 About this time king Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor, led an army by sea and land to Syria, to the help of his son-in-law, Alexander. 104 At Alexander's orders all the cities received him willingly and conducted him as far as Azotus, where they all loudly complained about the burning of the temple of Dagon, and accused Jonathan of ravaging it and destroying the adjoining country with fire and killing many people. 105 Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Then Jonathan went as far as Joppa to meet Ptolemy and from him received gifts of glorious quality, with every of esteem and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem.
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[106] Γενόμενος δ' ἐν Πτολεμαίδι παρὰ πᾶσαν προσδοκίαν μικροῦ διεφθάρη Πτολεμαῖος ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου δι' Ἀμμωνίου, ὃς ἐτύγχανεν αὐτῷ φίλος ὤν. [107] φανερᾶς δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς γενομένης Πτολεμαῖος γράφει τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πρὸς κόλασιν ἐξαιτῶν τὸν Ἀμμώνιον, ἐπιβουλευθῆναι λέγων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ δίκην διὰ τοῦτ' αὐτὸν ὑποσχεῖν ἀξιῶν. οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος δὲ τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου συνεὶς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον εἶναι τὸν ἐπιβουλεύσαντα χαλεπῶς διετέθη πρὸς αὐτόν. [108] τοῖς δὲ Ἀντιοχεῦσιν καὶ πρότερον ἦν προσκεκρουκὼς Ἀλέξανδρος διὰ τὸν Ἀμμώνιον: πολλὰ γὰρ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πεπόνθεισαν κακά. τιμωρίαν μέντοι τῶν τετολμημένων Ἀμμώνιος ὑπέσχεν κατασφαγεὶς αἰσχρῶς ὡς γυνή, κρύπτειν ἑαυτὸν σπουδάσας στολῇ γυναικείῳ, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.
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106 While Ptolemy was in Ptolemais, he had a very near escape from death, for Alexander, through his friend Ammanius, made a treacherous plot against his life. 107 When the plot was uncovered Ptolemy wrote to Alexander demanding that Ammanius be suitably punished, saying how he had plotted against him. When Alexander did not comply, he realised that the man himself was behind the plot and he was very angry at him. 108 Alexander had previously been on bad terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered much through Ammanius. But Ammanius was punished as he deserved, for he was killed ingloriously as a woman, while trying to hide in feminine dress, as we have elsewhere reported.
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[109] Πτολεμαῖος δὲ μεμψάμενος αὑτὸν τοῦ τε συνοικίσαι τὴν θυγατέρα Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῆς τε συμμαχίας τῆς κατὰ Δημητρίου διαλύεται τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγένειαν: [110] ἀποσπάσας γὰρ τὴν θυγατέρα πέμπει πρὸς Δημήτριον εὐθὺς περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας συντιθέμενος, τήν τε θυγατέρα δώσειν αὐτῷ ὑπισχνούμενος γυναῖκα καὶ καταστήσειν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἡσθεὶς τοῖς πεπρεσβευμένοις δέχεται τὴν συμμαχίαν καὶ τὸν γάμον. [111] ἓν δ' ἔτι Πτολεμαίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀγώνισμα ὑπελείπετο πεῖσαι τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς δέξασθαι Δημήτριον ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ Δημήτριος εἰς αὐτοὺς παρηνόμησεν. κατεπράξατο δὲ καὶ τοῦτο: [112] μισοῦντες γὰρ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον οἱ Ἀντιοχεῖς διὰ τὸν Ἀμμώνιον, ὡς δεδηλώκαμεν, ῥᾳδίως αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐξέβαλον. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκπεσὼν τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἦλθεν εἰς Κιλικίαν. [113] ἐλθὼν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς Πτολεμαῖος βασιλεὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἀναδείκνυται καὶ ἀναγκασθεὶς δύο περιτίθεται διαδήματα, ἓν μὲν τὸ τῆς Ἀσίας, ἕτερον δὲ τὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου. [114] χρηστὸς δὲ ὢν φύσει καὶ δίκαιος καὶ τῶν λαμπρῶν οὐκ ἐφιέμενος πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ λογίσασθαι τὰ μέλλοντα συνετός, φείσασθαι τοῦ μὴ δόξαι εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπίφθονος ἔκρινεν, καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν πείθει δέξασθαι τὸν Δημήτριον αὐτούς, [115] λέγων οὐδενὸς μνησικακήσειν αὐτοῖς περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτὸν εὐεργετηθέντα, διδάσκαλός τε ἀγαθῶν καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἔσεσθαι αὐτῷ διωμολογήσατο καὶ φαύλοις ἐγχειροῦντι πράγμασιν οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν ὑπέσχετο. αὐτῷ δ' ἔφασκεν ἀρκεῖν τὴν τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασιλείαν. ταῦτ' εἰπὼν πείθει τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς δέξασθαι τὸν Δημήτριον.
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109 Ptolemy blamed himself for leting his daughter marry Alexander and for his alliance with him against Demetrius. 110 So he dissolved his relationship with him and took his daughter from him and immediately sent to Demetrius about an alliance and friendship with him and promised him his daughter in marriage and to restore him to the kingdom of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with the envoys and accepted the alliance and the marriage with his daughter. 111 Ptolemy had another difficult task, to persuade the people of Antioch to welcome Demetrius, as they were averse to him due to the wrongs done them by his father Demetrius. 112 But as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on account of Ammanius, as we have said, they were easily persuaded to expel him from Antioch, and thrown out of Antioch, he came into Cilicia. 113 Ptolemy then came to Antioch and was made king by its inhabitants and the army, so that he had to wear two crowns, one of Asia and the other of Egypt. 114 Being of a good and a righteous nature and not eager for splendour and also being wise in looking to the future, he decided to avoid the envy of the Romans, so he called the people of Antioch to a meeting and persuaded them to receive Demetrius. 115 He assured them that he would forget what they had done to his father if they now did him this favour, and promised to be a good guide and monitor to him and that he would not allow him to attempt any foolish actions, while for his own part, he was content to rule the kingdom of Egypt. With these words he persuaded the people of Antioch to accept Demetrius.
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[116] Τοῦ δ' Ἀλεξάνδρου σὺν στρατεύματι πολλῷ καὶ μεγάλῃ παρασκευῇ ὁρμήσαντος ἐκ τῆς Κιλικίας εἰς τὴν Συρίαν καὶ τὴν Ἀντιοχέων γῆν ἐμπρήσαντος καὶ διαρπάσαντος Πτολεμαῖος ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐξεστράτευσεν μετὰ τοῦ γαμβροῦ Δημητρίου: ἤδη γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς γάμον ἐδεδώκει τὴν θυγατέρα: καὶ νικήσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτρέψαντο τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. [117] οὗτος μὲν οὖν εἰς Ἀραβίαν φεύγει. συνέβη δὲ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τὸν ἵππον τὸν Πτολεμαίου φωνῆς ἀκούσαντα ἐλέφαντος ταραχθῆναι καὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀποσεισάμενον καταβαλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους ἰδόντας ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι καὶ τραύματα πολλὰ δόντας αὐτῷ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς εἰς κίνδυνον τὸν περὶ θανάτου καταστῆσαι: τῶν γὰρ σωματοφυλάκων αὐτὸν ἐξαρπασάντων χαλεπῶς οὕτως εἶχεν, ὡς ἐφ' ἡμέρας τέσσαρας μήτε συνεῖναί τι μήτε φθέγξασθαι δυνηθῆναι. [118] τοῦ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν κεφαλὴν ὁ τῶν Ἀράβων δυνάστης ἀποτεμὼν Ζάβειλος ἀπέστειλεν Πτολεμαίῳ, ὃς τῇ πέμπτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνενεγκὼν ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων καὶ φρονήσας ἥδιστον ἄκουσμα καὶ θέαμα τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τελευτὴν ἅμα καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀκούει καὶ θεᾶται. [119] καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ πλησθεὶς τῆς ἐπ' Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τεθνηκότι χαρᾶς καὶ αὐτὸς κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. ἐβασίλευσεν δὲ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Βάλας ἐπιλεγόμενος ἔτη πέντε, καθὼς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.
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116 Alexander now hurried from Cilicia into Syria with a large army and ample supplies and burned the district of Antioch and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy and his son-in-law Demetrius brought their army against him, for he had given him his daughter in marriage, and beat Alexander and routed him so that he fled into Arabia. 117 During the battle Ptolemy' horse, hearing the noise of an elephant, reared up and threw him to the ground; and seeing it his enemies attacked him and gave him many wounds on the head and put him in danger of death, for when his bodyguards snatched him away he was so ill that for four days he was unable to think or to speak. 118 Zabeilos, an Arab prince, cut off Alexander's head and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovering from his wounds and returning to consciousness on the fifth day, gladly heard of Alexander's death and saw his head. 119 But soon after being filled with joy by the death of Alexander, he too departed this life. Now Alexander, who was surnamed Balas, ruled over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere reported.
9.
[120] Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Δημήτριος ὁ Νικάτωρ ἐπιλεγόμενος ὑπὸ πονηρίας ἤρξατο διαφθείρειν τὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου στρατεύματα, τῆς τε πρὸς αὐτὸν συμμαχίας ἐκλαθόμενος καὶ ὅτι πενθερὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τὸν τῆς Κλεοπάτρας γάμον συγγενής. οἱ μὲν οὖν στρατιῶται φεύγουσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν πεῖραν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, τῶν δ' ἐλεφάντων Δημήτριος ἐγκρατὴς γίνεται. [121] Ἰωνάθης δ' ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς Ἰουδαίας στρατιὰν συναγαγὼν προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἄκραν ἔχουσαν Μακεδονικὴν φρουρὰν καὶ τῶν ἀσεβῶν τινας καὶ πεφευγότων τὴν πάτριον συνήθειαν. [122] οὗτοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κατεφρόνουν ὧν Ἰωνάθης ἐμηχανᾶτο περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν πεπιστευκότες τῇ ὀχυρότητι τοῦ χωρίου, νυκτὸς δέ τινες τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ πονηρῶν ἐξελθόντες ἧκον πρὸς Δημήτριον καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν αὐτῷ τῆς ἄκρας ἐμήνυσαν. [123] ὁ δὲ τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις παροξυνθείς, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην. γενόμενος δὲ ἐν Πτολεμαίδι γράφει κελεύων αὐτὸν σπεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα. [124] ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν πολιορκίαν οὐκ ἔπαυσεν, τοὺς δὲ πρεσβυτέρους τοῦ λαοῦ παραλαβὼν καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ πλῆθος ξενίων κομίζων ἧκεν πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον, καὶ τούτοις δωρησάμενος αὐτὸν θεραπεύει τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τιμηθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λαμβάνει βεβαίαν ἔχειν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, καθὼς καὶ παρὰ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων ἐκέκτητο. [125] κατηγορούντων δὲ αὐτοῦ τῶν φυγάδων ὁ Δημήτριος οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρακαλέσαντος αὐτόν, ὅπως ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἁπάσης καὶ τῶν τριῶν τοπαρχιῶν Σαμαρείας καὶ Ἰόππης καὶ Γαλιλαίας τριακόσια τελῇ τάλαντα, δίδωσιν καὶ περὶ πάντων ἐπιστολάς, αἳ περιεῖχον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον: [126] "βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος Ἰωνάθῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν Ἰουδαίων χαίρειν. τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἧς ἔγραψα Λασθένει τῷ συγγενεῖ ἡμῶν ἀπεστάλκαμεν ὑμῖν, ἵνα εἰδῆτε. [127] βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος Λασθένει τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. τῷ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνει ὄντι φίλῳ καὶ τὰ δίκαια τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φυλάττοντι τῆς εὐνοίας ἔκρινα χάριν παρασχεῖν. καὶ τοὺς τρεῖς νομοὺς Ἀφαίρεμα καὶ Λύδδα καὶ Ῥαμαθαιν, οἳ τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ προσετέθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, καὶ τὰ προσκυροῦντα τούτοις, [128] ἔτι τε ὅσα παρὰ τῶν θυόντων ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐλάμβανον οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῖς, καὶ ὅσα ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν τῆς γῆς καὶ τῶν φυτῶν, καὶ τἆλλα τὰ προσήκοντα ἡμῖν, καὶ τὰς λίμνας τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τοὺς κομιζομένους ἡμῖν στεφάνους ἀφίημι αὐτοῖς, καὶ οὐδὲν παραβιβασθήσεται τούτων ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν οὐδὲ εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον. φρόντισον οὖν, ἵνα τούτων ἀντίγραφον γένηται καὶ δοθῇ Ἰω [129] νάθῃ καὶ ἐν ἐπισήμῳ τόπῳ τοῦ ἁγίου ἱεροῦ τεθῇ." τὰ μὲν δὴ γραφέντα ταῦτα ἦν. ὁρῶν δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος εἰρήνην οὖσαν καὶ μηδένα κίνδυνον μηδὲ πολέμου φόβον ὑπάρχοντα διέλυσε τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν ἐμείωσεν, καὶ μόνοις τοῦτον ἐχορήγει τοῖς ξενολογηθεῖσιν, οἳ συνανέβησαν ἐκ Κρήτης αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων νήσων. [130] ἔχθρα τοιγαροῦν αὐτῷ καὶ μῖσος ἐκ τούτου γίνεται παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, οἷς αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδὲν οὐκέτι παρεῖχεν, οἱ δὲ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἐπ' εἰρήνης χορηγοῦντες αὐτοῖς ὁμοίως διετέλουν, ἵν' εὐνοοῦντας ἔχωσιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀγῶσιν εἰ δεήσειέν ποτε προθύμους.
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120 When Demetrius, who was surnamed Nicator, became king, he wickedly began to massacre Ptolemy's soldiers, forgetful of the pact of alliance between them, or that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra's marriage to him, so the soldiers fled to Alexandria from his assault, but Demetrius got control of the elephants. 121 The the high priest Jonathan levied an army from all Judea and attacked and besieged the citadel in Jerusalem, which was held by a garrison of Macedonians and by some of the godless Jews who had deserted their ancestral customs. 122 Confident of the strength of the place, these at first made light of Jonathan's attempts to take it, but some of those rogues went out by night and reached Demetrius and told him about the siege of the citadel. 123 Furious at the news, he took his army and came from Antioch against Jonathan. When he reached Ptolemais, he wrote to him ordering him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais. 124 Without abandoning the siege, Jonathan took with him the elders of the people and the priests and brought gold and silver and clothing and many tokens of friendship and came to Demetrius and presented them to him. Having thereby pacified the king's anger he was honoured by him and received from him the confirmation of the high priesthood he had received from his royal predecessors. 125 When the fugitives accused him, Demetrius ignored them and asked him for only three hundred talents for the government of all Judea and the three toparchies of Samaria and Perea and Galilee, and gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows: 126 "King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother and to the Jewish nation, greetings. We have sent you a copy of that letter which we have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know its contents. 127 "King Demetrus to Lasthenes our father, greetings. In thanks for the loyalty of the Jewish nation in our regard I have decided to transfer to them, from Samaria to Judea, the three prefectures, Aphairema and Lydda and Ramathain, along with their dependencies. 128 and I exempt them from whatever my royal predecessors received from those who offered sacrifices in Jerusalem and the taxes on the fruits of the earth and of the trees and whatever else belongs to us; with the salt-pits and the crowns customarily presented to us, nor shall they be forced to pay any of those taxes from this time onward. Take care to have a copy of this letter made and given to Jonathan and prominently displayed in their holy temple." Such were the contents of this writing. 129 When Demetrius saw that there was peace everywhere and that there was no danger or fear of war, he disbanded most of his army and lessened their pay and only paid the foreigners who came with him from Crete and from the other islands. 130 This provoked the ill-will and hatred of the soldiers, to whom he gave nothing at this time, while the kings before him used also to pay them in time of peace, so as to have their goodwill and keep them ready to bear the ordeals of war, when the need arose.
Chapter 5. [131-186]
Tryphon wins Syria for Antiochus, son of Alexander. The envoys of Jonathan
1.
[131] Ἀμέλει ταύτην νοήσας τὴν δύσνοιαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς Δημήτριον Ἀλεξάνδρου τις στρατηγὸς Ἀπαμεὺς τὸ γένος Διόδοτος ὁ καὶ Τρύφων ἐπικληθείς, παραγίνεται πρὸς Μάλχον τὸν Ἄραβα, ὃς ἔτρεφε τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου υἱὸν Ἀντίοχον, καὶ δηλώσας αὐτῷ τὴν δυσμένειαν τὴν τῶν στρατευμάτων πρὸς Δημήτριον ἔπειθεν αὐτῷ δοῦναι τὸν Ἀντίοχον: βασιλέα γὰρ αὐτὸν ποιήσειν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποκαταστήσειν. [132] ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντεῖχεν ὑπ' ἀπιστίας, ὕστερον δὲ πολλῷ χρόνῳ προσλιπαρήσαντος τοῦ Τρύφωνος νικᾶται τὴν προαίρεσιν εἰς ἃ Τρύφων παρεκάλει. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τούτου τἀνδρὸς ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν.
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131 The ill-will of the soldiers towards Demetrius was noted by one of Alexander's generals, an Apamean by birth, named Diodotus who was surnamed Tryphon, who went to Malichus the Arabian, who had reared Alexander's son Antiochus, and told him how displeased the troops were with Demetrius and persuaded him to hand over Antiochus to him, for he would make him king and restore to him his father's kingdom. 132 At first he opposed this, distrusting him, but when Tryphon kept at it for a long time, he persuaded him to go with his project. This was the man's current state.
2.
[133] Ὁ δ' ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰωνάθης ἐξελθεῖν βουλόμενος τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ τοὺς Ἰουδαίων φυγάδας καὶ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ χώρᾳ φρουρούς, πέμψας πρὸς Δημήτριον δῶρα καὶ πρεσβευτὰς παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὀχυρώμασι τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἐκβαλεῖν. [134] ὁ δ' οὐ ταῦτα μόνον αὐτῷ παρέξειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μείζω τούτων ὑπισχνεῖται μετὰ τὸν ἐν χερσὶ πόλεμον: τούτῳ γὰρ νῦν εὐσχολεῖν. ἠξίου δ' αὐτὸν καὶ συμμαχίαν πέμψαι δηλῶν ἀποστῆναι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ. καὶ Ἰωνάθης μὲν τρισχιλίους ἐπιλεξάμενος στρατιώτας ἔπεμψεν.
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133 But Jonathan the high priest, wanting to be rid of those in the citadel of Jerusalem and the Jewish fugitives and rogues as well and all the garrisons in the country, sent gifts and envoys to Demetrius imploring him to remove his soldiers from the strongholds of Judea. 134 He replied promising to grant him not only that but more, after the current war was over, and asking him to send some help now that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose three thousand of his soldiers and sent them to Demetrius.
3.
[135] Ἀντιοχεῖς δὲ μισοῦντες τὸν Δημήτριον ὑπὲρ ὧν πεπόνθεισαν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κακῶς, ἀπεχθανόμενοι δ' αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ τὸν πατέρα Δημήτριον πολλὰ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξαμαρτόντα, καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν λαβεῖν καθ' ὃν ἐπιθοῖντο αὐτῷ. [136] νοήσαντες δὲ συμμαχίαν παροῦσαν παρὰ Ἰωνάθου τῷ Δημητρίῳ καὶ συμφρονήσαντες, ὅτι πολλὴν ἀθροίσει δύναμιν, εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες προκαταλάβοιεν αὐτόν, ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ περιστάντες τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ πολιορκίας καὶ τὰς ἐξόδους διαλαβόντες ἐζήτουν χειρώσασθαι τὸν βασιλέα. [137] ὁ δὲ τὸν δῆμον ὁρῶν τὸν τῶν Ἀντιοχέων ἐκπεπολεμωμένον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις ὄντα, παραλαβὼν τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπὸ Ἰωνάθου Ἰουδαίους συμβάλλει τοῖς Ἀντιοχεῦσιν καὶ βιασθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτῶν, πολλαὶ γὰρ ἦσαν μυριάδες, ἡττᾶται. [138] βλέποντες δὲ τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς κρατοῦντας οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἐπὶ τὰς στέγας τῶν βασιλείων ἀναβάντες ἐκεῖθεν ἔβαλλον τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αὐτοί τι πάσχειν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ὄντες πορρωτάτω διὰ τὸ ὕψος, ποιοῦντες δ' αὐτοὺς κακῶς διὰ τὸ ἄνωθεν μάχεσθαι τῶν σύνεγγυς αὐτοὺς οἰκιῶν ἀπώσαντο. [139] καὶ ταύταις μὲν εὐθὺς πῦρ ἐνῆκαν, ἡ δὲ φλὸξ ἐφ' ὅλην διατείνουσα τὴν πόλιν πυκνῶν τῶν οἰκιῶν οὐσῶν καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα ἐκ ξύλων ᾠκοδομημένων πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἐνέμετο. [140] οἱ δ' Ἀντιοχεῖς μὴ δυνάμενοι βοηθῆσαι μηδὲ κρατῆσαι τοῦ πυρὸς εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν. τῶν δὲ Ἰουδαίων ἀπὸ δώματος ἐπὶ δῶμα διαπηδώντων καὶ τοῦτον αὐτοὺς διωκόντων τὸν τρόπον παράδοξον συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν δίωξιν. [141] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁρῶν τοὺς Ἀντιοχεῖς σῶσαι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἐσπουδακότας καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μηκέτι μαχομένους δι' ἄλλων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτίθεται στενωπῶν, καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, ὡς ἀναγκασθῆναι ῥῖψαι τὰς πανοπλίας καὶ παραδοῦναι αὑτοὺς τῷ Δημητρίῳ. [142] συγγνοὺς δ' αὐτοῖς τῶν τετολμημένων καταπαύει τὴν στάσιν. δωρησάμενος δὲ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τὰς ἐκ τῶν σκύλων ὠφελείας καὶ ὡς αἰτιωτάτοις τῆς νίκης αὐτῷ γεγενημένοις εὐχαριστήσας ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα πρὸς Ἰωνάθην μαρτυρῶν αὐτῷ τῆς συμμαχίας. [143] ὕστερον δὲ πονηρὸς εἰς αὐτὸν ἐγένετο καὶ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις διεψεύσατο καὶ πόλεμον ἠπείλησεν, εἰ μὴ τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ πάντας ἀποδώσει, οὓς ὤφειλεν τὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων βασιλέων. καὶ ταῦτ' ἐποίησεν ἄν, εἰ μὴ Τρύφων αὐτὸν ἐπέσχεν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην αὐτοῦ παρασκευὴν ἀντιμετέσπασεν εἰς τὰς περὶ αὐτοῦ φροντίδας. [144] ὑποστρέψας γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἀραβίας εἰς τὴν Συρίαν μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς Ἀντιόχου, μειράκιον δ' ἦν οὗτος τὴν ἡλικίαν, περιτίθησιν αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα. καὶ προσχωρήσαντος τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ παντός, ὃ καταλελοίπει τὸν Δημήτριον διὰ τὸ μὴ τυγχάνειν μισθῶν, πόλεμον ἐκφέρει πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον, καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτῷ κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τούς τε ἐλέφαντας καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλιν λαμβάνει.
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135 The people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both for the harm he himself had done them and their resentment towards his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them, so they looked for an opportunity to attack him. 136 When they learned of the help coming to Demetrius from Jonathan and at the same time knowing that he would raise a large army unless they got there first and captured him, they immediately took their weapons and surrounded his palace like a siege and blocking all the exits sought to subdue their king. 137 When he saw that the people of Antioch had become his bitter enemies and were so up in arms, he attacked the Antiochians with his mercenary soldiers and the Jews sent by Jonathan, but was overpowered and defeated by them, for they were many thousands. 138 When the Jews saw the Antiochians winning, they went up to the roof of the palace and from there shot at them, and because of their height, they suffered no losses on their side. Fighting from above, they did great damage to the others and drove them from the adjoining houses. 139 These they immediately set on fire, and it spread over the whole city and as the houses were close together and were mainly of wood, it consumed it all. 140 So the Antiochians, unable to help themselves or to stop the fire, were put to flight, and as the Jews jumped from the top of one house to another and in that way pursued them, it was an odd pursuit. 141 When the king saw the Antiochians busy in saving their children and their wives and so no longer fighting, he attacked them in the narrow passages and fought and killed many of them, until finally they were forced to throw down their arms and to surrender to Demetrius. 142 So he pardoned their rash behaviour and put an end to the rebellion, and when he had given rewards to the Jews from the rich spoils he had taken and thanked them as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, as a sign of their alliance. 143 Later he proved unfaithful to him and broke his promises and threatened to make war on him unless he paid all the tax the Jewish nation had paid to previous kings. This he would have done, if Tryphon had not hindered him and sidetracked his preparations against Jonathan into a concern for his own safety. 144 For now he returned from Arabia into Syria with the boy Antiochus, still only a youth, and put the crown on his head, and made war on Demetrius with the support of all the soldiers who had left Demetrius for not being paid, and overcame him in battle and took from him both his elephants and the city of Antioch.
4.
[145] Δημήτριος μὲν οὖν ἡττηθεὶς ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Κιλικίαν, ὁ δὲ παῖς Ἀντίοχος πέμψας πρὸς Ἰωνάθην πρεσβευτὰς καὶ γράμματα φίλον τε καὶ σύμμαχον αὐτὸν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐβεβαίου καὶ τῶν τεσσάρων παρεχώρει νομῶν, οἳ τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν Ἰουδαίων προσετέθησαν. [146] ἔτι γε μὴν σκεύη χρυσᾶ καὶ ἐκπώματα καὶ πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα χρῆσθαι τούτοις ἐπιτρέπων ἀπέστειλεν καὶ πόρπῃ δ' αὐτὸν δωρεῖται χρυσέᾳ καὶ τῶν πρώτων αὐτοῦ καλεῖσθαι φίλων. τὸν ἀδελφὸν δ' αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα στρατηγὸν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπὸ κλίμακος τῆς Τυρίων ἕως Αἰγύπτου καθίστησιν. [147] Ἰωνάθης δ' ἐπὶ τοῖς παρ' Ἀντιόχου γεγενημένοις εἰς αὐτὸν ἡσθεὶς πέμψας πρὸς αὐτόν τε καὶ Τρύφωνα πρεσβευτὰς εἶναί τε φίλος ὡμολόγει καὶ σύμμαχος καὶ πολεμήσειν σὺν αὐτῷ πρὸς Δημήτριον, διδάσκων ὡς οὐδ' αὐτῷ χάριτας ἀποδοίη πολλῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ χρηστῶν ἐν οἷς ἐδεῖτο τυχών, ἀλλὰ προσαδικήσειεν ἀνθ' ὧν εὖ πάθοι.
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145 Defeated, Demetrius retreated to Cilicia. Then, sending envoys and a letter to Jonathan, young Antiochus made him his friend and ally and confirmed him in the high priesthood and granted him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea. 146 He also sent him vessels and cups of gold and a purple garment which he was entitled to wear, and presented him with a golden button and styled him one of his principal friends and appointed his brother Simon as general of the army from the Ladder of Tyre to Egypt. 147 Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus, that he sent envoys to him and Tryphon declaring himself their friend and ally and promising to be his ally in the war against Demetrius, saying that he had made not properly returned the many marks of favour he had received from him in his time of need, but had repaid such good turns with further wrongs.
5.
[148] Συγχωρήσαντος οὖν Ἀντιόχου δύναμιν αὐτῷ συναγαγόντι πολλὴν ἔκ τε Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης τοῖς Δημητρίου πολεμῆσαι στρατηγοῖς εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν εἰς τὰς πόλεις. αἱ δὲ λαμπρῶς μὲν ἐξεδέξαντο, στρατιὰν δ' οὐκ ἔδοσαν. [149] παραγενόμενος δ' ἐκεῖθεν πρὸς Ἀσκάλωνα πόλιν καὶ τῶν Ἀσκαλωνιτῶν φιλοτίμως αὐτῷ μετὰ δώρων ἀπαντησάντων, αὐτούς τε τούτους παρεκάλει καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεων ἑκάστην ἀποστᾶσαν Δημητρίου προσθέσθαι μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ, σὺν αὐτῷ δὲ πολεμούσας πειρᾶσθαι παρὰ Δημητρίου δίκην λαμβάνειν ὧν ἁμάρτοι ποτ' εἰς αὐτάς: εἶναι δ' αὐταῖς βουλομέναις ταῦτα φρονεῖν πολλὰς αἰτίας. [150] πείσας δ' ὁμολογῆσαι πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον συμμαχεῖν τὰς πόλεις εἰς Γάζαν παρεγένετο προσαξόμενος καὶ τὴν παρὰ τούτων εὔνοιαν Ἀντιόχῳ. πολὺ δ' εὗρεν τῆς προσδοκίας τοὺς Γαζαίους ἀλλοτριώτερον ἔχοντας: ἀπέκλεισαν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας καὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐγκαταλιπόντες οὐκ ἔγνωσαν Ἀντιόχῳ προσχωρῆσαι. [151] τοῦτο παρώξυνεν εἰς πολιορκίαν τὸν Ἰωνάθην καὶ τῆς χώρας τὴν κάκωσιν: μέρος γὰρ τῆς στρατιᾶς περικαθίσας τῇ Γάζῃ τῷ λοιπῷ τὴν γῆν αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν διέφθειρεν καὶ ἐνεπίμπρα. ταῦτα δὲ πάσχοντας ἑαυτοὺς ὁρῶντες οἱ Γαζῖται καὶ μηδεμίαν ἀπὸ Δημητρίου βοήθειαν αὐτοῖς γινομένην, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν λυποῦν ἤδη παρόν, τὸ δ' ὠφελῆσον μακρὰν ἔτι καὶ ἄδηλον εἰ παραγένοιτο, σῶφρον ἔκριναν εἶναι τοῦτ' ἀφέντες παραμένειν ἐκεῖνο θεραπεύειν. [152] πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὸν Ἰωνάθην φιλίαν τε ὡμολόγουν καὶ συμμαχίαν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸ πείρας τῶν δεινῶν οὐ συνιᾶσιν τὸ συμφέρον, ἀλλ' ὅταν ἔν τινι κακῷ γενόμενοι τύχωσιν, τότε γνωσιμαχήσαντες ἃ μηδ' ὅλως βλαβέντας ἄμεινον ἦν ποιεῖν ταῦθ' ὕστερον ζημιωθέντες αἱροῦνται. [153] ὁ δὲ συνθέμενος πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίαν καὶ λαβὼν ὁμήρους τούτους μὲν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν ἐπῆλθεν ἄχρι Δαμασκοῦ.
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148 As Antiochus allowed him raise a large force from Syria and Phoenicia to make war against Demetrius's generals; he went quickly to the various cities which received him splendidly, but gave him no soldiers. 149 When he reached Askalon and the Askalonites came out to meet him splendidly with gifts he urged them and all the cities of Coele-Syria to forsake Demetrius and join Antiochus, and help him to punish Demetrius for his offenses against them, and gave them many reasons in favour of this. 150 After persuading those cities into an alliance with Antiochus, he came to Gaza, to win them also to Antiochus' side, but he found the people of Gaza much more averse to him than expected, for they shut their gates against him, and though they had abandoned Demetrius, they had not resolved to join Antiochus. 151 This provoked Jonathan to besiege them and damage their district, and setting part of his army around Gaza itself, with the rest he overran their land and despoiled and burned it. When the people of Gaza saw their plight, with no help coming from Demetrius, troubles close at hand and assistance far away and uncertain to come, they thought it prudent to cease one alliance and to cultivate the other. 152 So they sent to Jonathan offering friendship and military alliance. Such is the temper of men, that until they experience hardships they do not know what is good for them, but after enduring evils they change their minds and choose what they should have done before suffering such harm. 153 He made a pact of friendship with them and took hostages and sent them to Jerusalem, while he himself overran the whole region, as far as Damascus.
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[154] Τῶν δὲ Δημητρίου στρατηγῶν ἀκουσθέντων αὐτῷ προελθεῖν εἰς Κέδασαν σὺν πολλῇ στρατιᾷ, μεταξὺ δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς τε Τυρίων γῆς καὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας: ἀπάξειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Συρίας ὑπέλαβον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Γαλιλαίων συμμαχίαν: τῆς γὰρ Γαλιλαίας ὄντας αὐτοὺς οὐ περιόψεσθαι πολεμουμένους: ὑπήντησεν αὐτοῖς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Σίμωνα καταλιπὼν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ, [155] ὃς στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας συναγαγὼν ὡς ἐνῆν ἱκανώτατον τὴν Βεθσούραν πολιορκῶν προσεκάθητο χωρίον τῆς Ἰουδαίας ὀχυρώτατον: κατεῖχεν γὰρ αὐτὸ φρουρὰ Δημητρίου. δεδήλωται δ' ἡμῖν τοῦτο καὶ πρότερον. [156] ὡς δὲ χώματα μὲν ἐγείραντος τοῦ Σίμωνος, μηχανήματα δ' ἱστάντος καὶ πολλῇ σπουδῇ χρωμένου περὶ τὴν τῆς Βεθσούρου πολιορκίαν ἔδεισαν οἱ φρουροί, μὴ κατὰ κράτος ἐξαιρεθέντος τοῦ χωρίου διαφθαρῶσιν, πέμψαντες πρὸς τὸν Σίμωνα ἠξίουν ὅρκους λαβόντες, ὥστε μηδὲν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ παθεῖν, καταλιπεῖν τὸ χωρίον καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον ἀπελθεῖν. [157] ὁ δὲ δοὺς ταύτας αὐτοῖς τὰς πίστεις ἐκβάλλει μὲν ἐκείνους ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, αὐτὸς δὲ φρουρὰν καθίστησιν ἰδίαν.
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154 Then he heard that Demetrius's generals had come with a large army to the city of Cadesh, between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee, for they thought to draw him out of Syria in order to save Galilee and that he would not neglect the people of Galilee when war was made on them, 155 He went to meet them, leaving Simon in Judea, who raised from the country as great an army as he could and then set to besiege Bethsura, the strongest place in all Judea, held, as we have said, by a garrison belonging to Demetrius. 156 But as Simon was raising earthworks and bringing his machines of war against Bethsura and pressing on with the siege, the garrison feared that he would take the place by storm and they be put to the sword, so they sent to Simon requesting his sworn guarantee not to harm them but let them leave the place and go off to Demetrius. 157 He gave them his oath and expelled them from the city and put in it a garrison of his own.
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[158] Ἰωνάθης δὲ ἄρας ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀπὸ τῶν ὑδάτων τῶν Γενησάρων λεγομένων, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ἐστρατοπεδευκώς, εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Ἀσὼρ πεδίον προῆλθεν οὐκ εἰδὼς ὄντας ἐν αὐτῇ τοὺς πολεμίους. [159] μαθόντες δὲ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας οἱ τοῦ Δημητρίου μέλλειν Ἰωνάθην ἐπ' αὐτοὺς βαδίζειν ἐνέδραν αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς λοχήσοντας ἐν τῷ ὄρει καθίσαντες αὐτοὶ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπήντων εἰς τὸ πεδίον: οὓς ἰδὼν ὁ Ἰωνάθης ἑτοίμους πρὸς μάχην παρεσκευάζετο καὶ αὐτὸς τοὺς ἰδίους στρατιώτας πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα, ὡς ἠδύνατο. [160] τῶν δὲ εἰς τὴν ἐνέδραν ὑπὸ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατηγῶν κατασταθέντων κατὰ νώτου τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις γενομένων, δείσαντες μὴ μέσοι ληφθέντες ἀπόλωνται, φεύγειν ὥρμησαν. [161] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες τὸν Ἰωνάθην κατέλιπον, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες ὡς περὶ πεντήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπέμειναν, καὶ Ματθίας ὁ Ἀψαλώμου καὶ Ἰούδας ὁ Χαψέου τῆς ἁπάσης δυνάμεως ἡγεμόνες ὄντες: τολμηρῶς δὲ καὶ μετὰ ἀπογνώσεως εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ὠσάμενοι τῷ τε θάρσει κατέπληξαν αὐτοὺς καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀπέστρεψαν εἰς φυγήν. [162] οἱ δ' ἀναχωρήσαντες τῶν Ἰωνάθου στρατιωτῶν ὡς εἶδον τοὺς πολεμίους τραπέντας, ἐπισυλλεγέντες ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς ὥρμησαν αὐτοὺς διώκειν καὶ τοῦτ' ἐποίησαν μέχρι Κεδάσων, οὗ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἦν τοῖς πολεμίοις.
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158 Jonathan moved from Galilee, from the waters known as Gennesar, where he had been camped, and came into the plain called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there. 159 When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day in advance that Jonathan was coming against them, they set an ambush on the mountainside, while they themselves met him with an army in the plain. And when Jonathan saw them ready to engage him, he also prepared his own soldiers as best he could for the battle. 160 But when the Jews saw behind them the ambush set by Demetrius's generals, they feared being caught in the middle and killed so they quickly fled away. 161 Almost all of them abandoned Jonathan, but about fifty remained with him including Mattathias, son of Absalom and Judas, son of Chapseus, officers of the army. These marched boldly and desperately against the enemy and pushed them so hard that they alarmed them by their courage and brandishing their weapons put them to flight. 162 When Jonathan's soldiers who had retreated saw the enemy giving way, they turned from their flight and vigorously pursued them as far as Cadesh, where the enemy camp lay.
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[163] Κρατήσας οὖν Ἰωνάθης τῇ μάχῃ λαμπρῶς καὶ δισχιλίους τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀποκτείνας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. ὁρῶν οὖν, ὅτι πάντ' αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν προνοίᾳ θεοῦ χωρεῖ, πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλεν, ἀνανεώσασθαι βουλόμενος τὴν γενομένην τῷ ἔθνει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔμπροσθεν φιλίαν. [164] τοῖς δ' αὐτοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐπέστειλεν ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης ἀναστρέφουσιν πρὸς τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἀφικέσθαι καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπομνῆσαι φιλίαν καὶ συγγένειαν. οἱ δ' ὡς ἦλθον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην παρελθόντες εἰς τὴν βουλὴν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ παρὰ Ἰωνάθου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως εἰπόντες, ὡς πέμψειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς συμμαχίας βεβαιώσει, [165] τῆς βουλῆς ἐπικυρωσάσης τὰ πρότερον αὐτῇ περὶ τῆς Ἰουδαίων φιλίας ἐγνωσμένα καὶ δούσης ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς ἅπαντας τοὺς βασιλεῖς τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ Εὐρώπης καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἄρχοντας αὐτοῖς κομίζειν, ὅπως ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν κομιδῆς δι' αὐτῶν τύχωσιν, ἀναστρέφοντες εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην παρεγένοντο καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολάς, ἃς ἔλαβον παρὰ Ἰωνάθου, αὐτοῖς ἀπέδοσαν. [166] τὸ δ' ἀντίγραφον ἦν τόδε: "ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰωνάθης τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ ἡ γερουσία καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἱερέων Λακεδαιμονίων ἐφόροις καὶ γερουσίᾳ καὶ δήμῳ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς χαίρειν. εἰ ἐρρωμένοις ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια χωρεῖ κατὰ νοῦν, οὕτως ἂν ἔχοι ὡς βουλόμεθα, ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς. [167] ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις κομισθείσης Ὀνίᾳ τῷ γενομένῳ ἀρχιερεῖ παρ' ἡμῖν παρὰ Ἀρέως τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὑμῶν ἐπιστολῆς διὰ Δημοτέλους περὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ὑμῖν πρὸς ἡμᾶς συγγενείας, ἧς ὑποτέτακται τὸ ἀντίγραφον, τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν ἐδεξάμεθα προθύμως καὶ τῷ Δημοτέλει καὶ τῷ Ἀρεῖ εὐνοικῶς διετέθημεν, οὐ δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἀποδείξεως διὰ τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἡμῶν πεπιστεῦσθαι γραμμάτων, [168] τὸ μὲν προκατάρχειν τῆς ἀναγνωρίσεως οὐδὲ δοκιμάζομεν μὴ καὶ προαρπάζειν δοκῶμεν τὴν παρ' ὑμῶν διδομένην δόξαν, πολλῶν δὲ χρόνων διαγενομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναποληθείσης ἡμῖν οἰκειότητος ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς καὶ ἐπωνύμοις ἡμέραις θυσίας τῷ θεῷ προσφέροντες καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας σωτηρίας τε καὶ νίκης αὐτὸν παρακαλοῦμεν. [169] πολλῶν δ' ἡμᾶς πολέμων περιστάντων διὰ τὴν τῶν γειτνιώντων πλεονεξίαν οὔθ' ὑμῖν οὔτ' ἄλλῳ τῶν προσηκόντων ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν ἐκρίναμεν. καταγωνισάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους πέμποντες πρὸς Ῥωμαίους Νουμήνιον τὸν Ἀντιόχου καὶ Ἀντίπατρον τὸν Ἰάσονος τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς γερουσίας ὄντων παρ' ἡμῖν ἐν τιμῇ, ἐδώκαμεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστολάς, ὅπως ἀνανεώσωνται τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἡμῖν συγγένειαν. [170] καλῶς οὖν ποιήσετε καὶ αὐτοὶ γράφοντες ἡμῖν καὶ περὶ ὧν ἂν δέησθε ἐπιστέλλοντες, ὡς εἰς ἅπαντα προθυμησομένοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας προαιρέσεως." οἱ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι τούς τε πρεσβευτὰς φιλοφρόνως ὑπεδέξαντο καὶ ψήφισμα ποιησάμενοι περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπέστειλαν.
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163 After winning a glorious victory and killing two thousand of the enemy, Jonathan returned to Jerusalem, and seeing all of his affairs prospering as he hoped, by the providence of God, he sent envoys to the Romans, being eager to renew their nation's former friendship with them. 164 He told those envoys, that on their return they should go to the Spartans and remind them of the friendship and family ties between them. When the envoys came to Rome, they went into the Senate and said as the high priest Jonathan had directed, that they were sent to confirm their alliance. 165 The Senate confirmed what had been formerly decreed about their friendship with the Jews and gave them letters to take to all the kings of Asia and Europe and to the officers of the cities, to provide them with safe conduct to their homeland. On their return journey they went to Sparta and delivered to them the letter they had received from Jonathan, 166 Here is a copy of it: "Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation and the elders and community of the priests, to our brothers the Ephoroi and senate and people of the Spartans, greetings. If you are well and your public and private affairs flourish as you desire, it is our desire too. And we are also well. 167 When in times past a letter was brought by Demoteles to Onias, our then high priest, from Areus, who was your king, about the bond of kinship between us and you, a copy of which is attached, we received the letter joyfully and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we needed no such proof, since the sacred writings assured us of it. 168 Still, we do not think fit to begin to claim this bond with you lest we should seem too quick to assume the glory with which you now honour us. It is a long time since our bond with you has been renewed, and when on holy festival days, we offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your safety and victory. 169 For ourselves, though many wars have surrounded us through the greed of our neighbours, we did not want to trouble you or others related to us, but now that we have defeated our enemies and have occasion to send to Rome honoured men of our senate, Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, we also gave them this letter to you, to renew our mutual friendship. 170 It would be fine if you yourselves were to write us an account of what you may need from us, as we are in all things disposed to act according to your wishes." The Spartans received the envoys kindly and made a decree of friendship and military alliance and sent it to them.
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[171] Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τρεῖς αἱρέσεις τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἦσαν, αἳ περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων διαφόρως ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ἡ μὲν Φαρισαίων ἐλέγετο, ἡ δὲ Σαδδουκαίων, ἡ τρίτη δὲ Ἐσσηνῶν. [172] οἱ μὲν οὖν Φαρισαῖοι τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσιν, τινὰ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν τε καὶ μὴ γίνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἐσσηνῶν γένος πάντων τὴν εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ' ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾶν. [173] Σαδδουκαῖοι δὲ τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην ἀναιροῦσιν οὐδὲν εἶναι ταύτην ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὰ ἀνθρώπινα τέλος λαμβάνειν, ἅπαντα δὲ ἐφ' ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν αἰτίους ἡμᾶς γινομένους καὶ τὰ χείρω παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀβουλίαν λαμβάνοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀκριβεστέραν πεποίημαι δήλωσιν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τῆς Ἰουδαικῆς πραγματείας.
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171 Meanwhile there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions about human actions; the first was of the Pharisees, the second of the Sadducees and the third of the Essenes. 172 The Pharisees say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate while some of them are in our own power and are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm that fate governs all things and that nothing befalls men except at its decree. 173 The Sadducees deny fate and say there is no such thing and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal, but that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good and receive what is evil from our own foolishness. But I have given a more detailed account of these opinions in the second book of the Judaic War.
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[174] Οἱ δὲ τοῦ Δημητρίου στρατηγοὶ τὴν γεγενημένην ἧτταν ἀναμαχέσασθαι βουλόμενοι, πλείω τῆς προτέρας δύναμιν συναγαγόντες ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην. ὁ δὲ ἐπιόντας πυθόμενος ὀξέως ἀπήντησεν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν Ἀμαθῖτιν: οὐ γὰρ ἔγνω σχολὴν αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν, ὥστ' εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἐμβαλεῖν. [175] στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ἄπωθεν σταδίοις πεντήκοντα πέμπει τοὺς κατοψομένους αὐτῶν τὴν παρεμβολὴν καὶ πῶς εἶεν ἐστρατοπεδευκότες. τῶν δὲ κατασκόπων πάντ' αὐτῷ φρασάντων καί τινας συλλαβόντων νυκτός, οἳ αὐτοῖς μέλλειν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμήνυον, προγνοὺς ἠσφαλίσατο, [176] προφυλακάς τε ποιησάμενος ἔξω τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τὴν δύναμιν δι' ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἔχων ἅπασαν καὶ παρηγγελκὼς αὐτοῖς τὰς ψυχὰς ἐρρωμένους εἶναι καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις οὕτως ἔχειν, ὡς καὶ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς εἰ δεήσειε μαχεσομένους, ὥστε μὴ λαθεῖν αὐτῶν τὴν προαίρεσιν. [177] οἱ δὲ τοῦ Δημητρίου στρατηγοὶ πυθόμενοι τὸν Ἰωνάθην ἐγνωκότα οὐκέτι τὴν γνώμην ἦσαν ὑγιεῖς, ἀλλ' ἐτάραττεν αὐτοὺς τὸ καταφώρους τοῖς ἐχθροῖς γεγονέναι καὶ μηδενὶ προσδοκᾶν αὐτῶν ἐπικρατήσειν ἑτέρῳ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς διημαρτημένης: ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ φανεροῦ διακινδυνεύοντες οὐκ ἐνόμιζον εἶναι τοῖς Ἰωνάθου ἀξιόμαχοι. [178] φυγὴν οὖν ἐβουλεύσαντο, καὶ πυρὰ καύσαντες πολλά, ὡς ὁρῶντες οἱ πολέμιοι μένειν αὐτοὺς ὑπολάβοιεν, ἀνεχώρησαν. ὁ δὲ Ἰωνάθης ἕωθεν προσμίξας αὐτῶν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ καταλαβὼν ἔρημον αὐτό, συνεὶς ὅτι πεφεύγασιν ἐδίωκεν. [179] οὐ μέντοι φθάνει καταλαβεῖν: ἤδη γὰρ τὸν Ἐλεύθερον ποταμὸν διαβεβηκότες ἦσαν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ. ποιησάμενος οὖν ἐκεῖθεν τὴν ὑποστροφὴν εἰς τὴν Ἀραβίαν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς Ναβατηνοὺς καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν λείαν ἀπελάσας καὶ λαβὼν αἰχμαλώτους ἐλθὼν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἐκεῖ πάντα ἀπέδοτο. [180] ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ Σίμων ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἅπασαν ἐπελθὼν καὶ τὴν Παλαιστίνην ἕως Ἀσκάλωνος ἠσφαλίσατο φρουρίοις, καὶ ποιήσας ταῦτα καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ὀχυρώτατα καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἦλθεν εἰς Ἰόππην καὶ καταλαβόμενος αὐτὴν εἰσήγαγεν μεγάλην φρουράν: ἤκουσε γὰρ τοὺς Ἰοππηνοὺς βουλομένους τοῖς Δημητρίου στρατηγοῖς παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν.
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174 The generals of Demetrius being wanting to recover from their defeat, gathered a greater army than before and came against Jonathan, but hearing of their coming he went quickly to Hamathitis to meet them, intending not to give them time to come into Judea. 175 He encamped fifty furlongs' away from the enemy and sent out spies to view their enclosure and see how they were encamped. When his spies had given him full information and had taken some prisoners at night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, with this advance knowledge he kept guard 176 and placed watchmen outside his camp and kept his forces armed all night, and rallied their spirits to be prepared to fight by night, if they had to, in case their enemy had a secret plan. 177 When Demetrius's officers were told that Jonathan knew what they intended, their plans went awry and they were alarmed to find that the enemy knew of their intentions. They had no other hopes of defeating them now that their traps had failed, for they did not think they could match Jonathan's army if they risked an open battle/ 178 They decided to flee, and retreated after lighting many fires so that when the enemy saw them they would think they were still there. When in the morning Jonathan came to fight them in their camp and found it deserted and saw that they had fled, he set off in pursuit. 179 He could not overtake them, however, for they had already crossed the river Eleutherus and were out of danger. Returning from there, he went into Arabia and fought against the Nabateans and drove away a large amount of their booty and took prisoners and came to Damascus and there sold off what he had taken. 180 About the same time his brother Simon went through all of Judea and Palestine, as far as Askalon and fortified the strongholds. When he had fortified them both with buildings and the garrisons placed within them, he came to Joppa, and after taking it brought a large garrison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to hand over the city to Demetrius's generals.
11.
[181] Ταῦτ' οὖν διοικησάμενοι ὅ τε Σίμων καὶ Ἰωνάθης ἦλθον εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. συναγαγὼν δὲ τὸν λαὸν ἅπαντα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν Ἰωνάθης συνεβουλεύετο τά τε τείχη τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν ἐπισκευάσαι καὶ τὸ καθῃρημένον τοῦ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν περιβόλου πάλιν ἀναστῆσαι καὶ πύργοις ὑψηλοῖς ἐξοχυρῶσαι τὰ περὶ αὐτό, [182] πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ μέσον τῆς πόλεως ἄλλο τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομησαμένους ἀποφράξαι τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροῖς τὴν πόλιν καὶ τῆς εὐπορίας αὐτοὺς τῶν σιτίων τοῦτον ἀποκλεῖσαι τὸν τρόπον, ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ φρούρια ποιῆσαι πολὺ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλείας ὀχυρώτερα. [183] τῆς δὲ γνώμης καὶ τῷ πλήθει δοκιμασθείσης καλῶς ἔχειν αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ᾠκοδόμει, Σίμωνα δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐξέπεμψεν ἀσφαλισόμενον. [184] ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος διαβὰς εἰς τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν ἧκεν ταύτην τε βουλόμενος καὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνα κατασχεῖν, [185] καὶ τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐντεῦθεν ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ὅλης τῆς βασιλείας ἀφορμάς: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ταύτῃ κατοικοῦντες Ἕλληνες καὶ Μακεδόνες συνεχῶς ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀφίκοιτο, παραδώσειν μὲν αὑτοὺς ὑπισχνούμενοι, συγκαταπολεμήσειν δὲ Ἀρσάκην τὸν Πάρθων βασιλέα. [186] ταύταις ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὥρμησεν πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰ καταστρέψαιτο τοὺς Πάρθους καὶ γένοιτ' αὐτῷ δύναμις, τὸν Τρύφωνα πολεμῆσαι διεγνωκὼς καὶ τῆς Συρίας ἐκβαλεῖν. δεξαμένων δὲ αὐτὸν προθύμως τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, συναγαγὼν δύναμιν ἐπολέμησεν πρὸς τὸν Ἀρσάκην, καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν πᾶσαν ἀποβαλὼν αὐτὸς ζῶν ἐλήφθη, καθὼς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.
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181 When Simon and Jonathan had finished these matters, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem and to rebuild the wall surrounding the temple, which had been thrown down, and to strengthen the area around it with very high towers. 182 Besides he would build another wall in the middle of the city, to divide the public square from the garrison in the citadel and so deprive them of provisions. Moreover, he would make the fortresses out in the country much stronger and more defensible than they were before. 183 When this plan was approved by the people, Jonathan took care of the building relating to the city and sent Simon away to secure the fortresses in the country better than before. 184 But Demetrius crossed into Mesopotamia, wishing to retain that country as well as Babylon, 185 and after taking hold of the upper satrapies to lay the foundation for recovering his entire kingdom, for those Greeks and Macedonians who lived there often sent envoys to him promising to come to his side if he would come to them, and to help him in fighting Arsaces, the king of the Parthians. 186 Buoyed up by these hopes he hurried to them, so that once he had destroyed the Parthians and had an army of his own, he would make war on Tryphon and expel him from Syria. The local people eagerly received him and he raised forces with which he fought Arsaces; but he lost all his army and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere reported.
Chapter 6. [187-217]
On Jonathan's death, Simon becomes general and high priest. War against Tryphon
1.
[187] Τρύφων δ' ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἔγνω τοιοῦτο λαβόντα τέλος οὐκέτ' ἦν Ἀντιόχῳ βέβαιος, ἀλλ' ἐπεβούλευεν ὥστ' αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνας τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτὸς κατασχεῖν. ἐνεπόδιζέ γε μὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν προαίρεσιν ταύτην ὁ παρὰ Ἰωνάθου φόβος φίλου τυγχάνοντος Ἀντιόχῳ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ' ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν Ἰωνάθην πρῶτον ἔγνω καὶ τότε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐγχειρεῖν. [188] ἀπάτῃ δ' αὐτὸν καὶ δόλῳ κρίνας ἀνελεῖν εἰς Βαιθσὰν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας παραγίνεται τὴν καλουμένην ὑφ' Ἑλλήνων Σκυθόπολιν, εἰς ἣν μετὰ τεσσάρων αὐτῷ μυριάδων Ἰωνάθης ἀπήντησεν ἐπιλέκτου στρατοῦ: πολεμήσοντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ἥκειν ὑπελάμβανεν. [189] ὁ δ' ἕτοιμον εἰς μάχην γνοὺς τὸν Ἰωνάθην ὑπέρχεται δώροις αὐτὸν καὶ φιλοφρονήσει, καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ πειθαρχεῖν Ἰωνάθῃ προσέταξεν, τούτοις πιστώσασθαι βουλόμενος εὔνοιαν καὶ πᾶσαν ὑπόνοιαν ἐξελεῖν εἰς τὸ καταφρονήσαντα λαβεῖν ἀφύλακτον οὐδὲν προορώμενον. [190] τήν τε στρατιὰν συνεβούλευεν ἀπολῦσαι: καὶ γὰρ νῦν οὐ δεόντως αὐτὴν ἐπάγεσθαι, πολέμου μὲν οὐκ ὄντος, εἰρήνης δὲ ἐχούσης τὰ πράγματα: κατασχόντα μέντοι γε περὶ αὐτὸν ὀλίγους εἰς Πτολεμαίδα συνελθεῖν παρεκάλει: παραδώσειν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν τά τε ἄλλα πάνθ' ὅσα κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐστὶν ὀχυρώματα ποιήσειν ἐπ' αὐτῷ: καὶ γὰρ τούτων ἕνεκα παρεῖναι.
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187 Knowing what had happened to Demetrius, Tryphon no longer firmly sided with Antiochus, but plotted to kill him and take over his kingdom, but this plan was thwarted by his fear of Jonathan, who was a friend to Antiochus, so he decided to remove Jonathan first and then make his attempt on Antiochus. 188 Thinking to remove him by deceit and treachery, he came from Antioch to Bethsan, which the Greeks call Scythopolis, where thinking that he had come to fight him, Jonathan met him with forty thousand elite troops. 189 But when he saw Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted to win him over by gifts and signs of friendship and ordered his officers to defer to him, seeking in this way to give assurance of his goodwill and banish all his suspicions, to make him careless and capture him unguarded. 190 He suggested that he disband the army, for there was no need to have it with him as there was no war and peace reigned, and just to keep a few men around him and accompany him to Ptolemais, where he would surrender the city to him and bring all the strongholds in the country to submit to him saying that this was why he had come.
2.
[191] Ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἰωνάθης οὐδὲν τούτων ὑπονοήσας, ἀλλ' ὑπ' εὐνοίας καὶ γνώμης ἀληθοῦς τὸν Τρύφωνα συμβουλεῦσαι ταῦτα πιστεύσας τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν ἀπέλυσεν, τρισχιλίους δὲ κατασχὼν μόνους τοὺς μὲν δισχιλίους ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ κατέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν χιλίων ἧκεν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα σὺν Τρύφωνι. [192] τῶν δ' ἐν τῇ Πτολεμαίδι κλεισάντων τὰς πύλας, τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Τρύφωνος προστεταγμένον, Ἰωνάθην ἐζώγρησεν, τοὺς δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν. ἔπεμψεν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ καταλειφθέντας δισχιλίους, ὅπως ἂν καὶ τούτους ἀπολέσωσιν: [193] ἀλλ' οὗτοι μὲν ὑπὸ φήμης τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην συμβεβηκότων ἔφθησαν πρὶν ἢ τοὺς ὑπὸ Τρύφωνος ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφικέσθαι φραξάμενοι τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπελθεῖν. οἱ δ' ἐπ' αὐτοὺς πεμφθέντες ἰδόντες ἑτοίμους ὑπὲρ τῶν ψυχῶν ἀγωνίζεσθαι μηδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐνοχλήσαντες πρὸς τὸν Τρύφωνα ὑπέστρεψαν.
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191 Having no suspicions about this and trusting that Tryphon's advice came from goodwill and in good faith, Jonathan dismissed his army except for three thousand of them, leaving two thousand in Galilee while with one thousand, he went personally with Tryphon into Ptolemais. 192 When the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as ordered by Tryphon, he took Jonathan alive but killed all who were with him, and sent soldiers to do away with the two thousand that were left in Galilee. 193 But hearing what had happened to Jonathan, these men forestalled the arrival of those sent by Tryphon, and took their weapons and fled from the country. When those sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they did not trouble them but returned to Tryphon.
3.
[194] Οἱ δ' ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀκούσαντες τὴν Ἰωνάθου σύλληψιν καὶ τὴν τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλειαν αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν ὠλοφύροντο καὶ δεινὴ τἀνδρὸς ἐπιζήτησις παρὰ πᾶσιν ἦν, [195] δέος τε μέγα καὶ κατὰ λόγον αὐτοῖς ἐμπεσὸν ἐλύπει, μὴ τῆς Ἰωνάθου ἀνδρείας ἅμα καὶ προνοίας ἀφῃρημένων τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη χαλεπῶς ἔχοντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ διὰ Ἰωνάθην ἠρεμοῦντα νῦν αὐτοῖς ἐπισυστῇ καὶ πολεμοῦντες εἰς τοὺς περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνους ἀναγκάζωνται καθίστασθαι. [196] καὶ δὴ τοῦτ' αὐτοῖς ὡς ὑπενόουν συνέπεσεν: τὸν γὰρ Ἰωνάθου ἀκούσαντες θάνατον οἱ ἐκ τῶν ἐθνῶν πολεμεῖν ἤρξαντο τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ὡς ἀποροῦντας ἡγεμόνος. αὐτὸς δ' ὁ Τρύφων δύναμιν συναγαγὼν γνώμην εἶχεν ἀναβὰς εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν πολεμεῖν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ. [197] Σίμων δ' ὁρῶν πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς Ἱεροσολυμίτας καταπεπληγότας, βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὑποστῆναι προθύμως ἐπιόντα τὸν Τρύφωνα θαρραλεωτέρους ποιῆσαι τῷ λόγῳ, συγκαλέσας τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτοὺς παρακαλεῖν ἤρξατο: [198] "τὸ μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐλευθερίας, ὁμόφυλοι, μετὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγώ τε καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοί μου ὡς ἐτολμήσαμεν ἀσμένως ἀποθανεῖν οὐκέτ' ἀγνοεῖτε. παραδειγμάτων δὲ τοιούτων εὐποροῦντός μου κἀκ τοῦ θνήσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς θρησκείας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκίας γενομένους ἡγησαμένου φόβος οὐδὲ εἷς ἔσται τηλικοῦτος, ὃς ταύτην ἡμῶν τὴν διάνοιαν ἐκβαλεῖ τῆς ψυχῆς, ἀντεισάξει δ' εἰς αὐτὴν φιλοζωίαν καὶ δόξης καταφρόνησιν. [199] ὅθεν ὡς οὐκ ἀποροῦντες ἡγεμόνος οἵου τε καὶ πάσχειν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τὰ μέγιστα καὶ δρᾶν ἕπεσθέ μοι προθύμως ἐφ' οὓς ἂν ἡγῶμαι: οὔτε γὰρ κρείττων ἐγὼ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἐμῶν, ἵνα φείδωμαι τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχῆς, οὔτε χείρων, ἵν' ὃ κάλλιστον ἐκείνοις ἔδοξεν τὸ τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας ὑμῶν τοῦτ' ἐγὼ φύγω καὶ καταλίπω. [200] οἷς δέ με δεῖ γνήσιον ἐκείνων ἀδελφὸν φανῆναι τούτοις ἀδελφὸν ἐμαυτὸν ἐπιδείξω: θαρρῶ γὰρ ὡς καὶ δίκην ληψόμενος παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πάντας ὑμᾶς μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὕβρεως ῥυσόμενος καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπόρθητον μετὰ τοῦ θεοῦ διαφυλάξων: τὰ γὰρ ἔθνη βλέπω καταφρονήσαντα ὑμῶν ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ἡγεμόνα πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν ὡρμημένα."
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194 When the people of Jerusalem heard of the capture of Jonathan and of the massacre of the soldiers who were with him, they deplored their sad fate, and all were anxiously inquiring about him. 195 They were greatly fearful and sad lest, deprived of Jonathan's courage and leadership, the nations around them who resented them but had previously stayed at peace on account of Jonathan might now rise up and make war on them, putting them in an extremely dangerous position. 196 What they suspected happened in fact, for when those nations heard of Jonathan's death they began a war against the Jews who were now without a ruler and Tryphon himself gathered an army intending to go up to Judea and make war on its inhabitants. 197 When Simon saw the people of Jerusalem terrified at the circumstances at this he wanted to speak to them and rouse their courage to oppose the attack of Tryphon, so calling the people together into the temple he began to exhort them: 198 "My countrymen, you are aware that my father, I myself and my brothers, have willingly risked our lives for the sake of your freedom. Inspired by such examples from within our family we have decided to risk death for our laws and our form of worship, and no terror shall be able to banish this resolve from our souls, or replace it with a love for life and scorn for glory. 199 You are not, therefore, without a leader willing to suffer and to do the greatest things for you, so follow me willingly wherever I lead you, for I am neither better than my brothers so that I should spare my own life, nor worse than they so that I would avoid or refuse what they thought the most honourable thing of all, I mean, to die for our laws and for the worship of God which is special to you. 200 I will therefore prove myself their brother, and I dare to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies and save you all with your wives and children from any insult from them, and with God's help, to preserve your temple from destruction. For I see that these nations hold you in contempt while you are leaderless and so are encouraged to assault you with war."
4.
[201] Τούτους ποιησαμένου τοῦ Σίμωνος τοὺς λόγους ἀνεθάρσησεν τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐνδεδωκὸς ὑπὸ δειλίας ἀνηγέρθη πρὸς τὴν ἀμείνω καὶ ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα, ὡς ἀθρόως πάντα τὸν λαὸν ἐκβοῆσαι τὸν Σίμωνα αὐτῶν ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ ἀντὶ Ἰούδου καὶ Ἰωνάθου τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ τὴν προστασίαν ἔχειν: ἔσεσθαι γὰρ πρὸς ὅ τι κελεύσαι πειθηνίους. [202] συναθροίσας δ' εὐθὺς πᾶν ὅσον ἦν τὸ πολεμικὸν τῆς οἰκείας ἰσχύος ἔσπευδε τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἀνοικοδομῆσαι, καὶ πύργοις αὐτὴν ὑψηλοτάτοις καὶ καρτεροῖς ἀσφαλισάμενος ἀπέστειλεν μὲν Ἰωνάθην τινὰ φίλον Ἀψαλώμου παῖδα μετὰ στρατιᾶς εἰς Ἰόππην προστάξας αὐτῷ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἐκβαλεῖν: ἐδεδίει γάρ, μὴ παραδῶσιν οὗτοι τὴν πόλιν τῷ Τρύφωνι. αὐτὸς δ' ὑπομείνας ἐφύλαττε τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα.
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201 By doing this Simon inspired the crowd, and as before their spirits had been downcast with fear, they were now raised to a better hope so that the whole mass of the people at once cried out for Simon to be their leader and govern them in place of his brothers Judas and Jonathan; and they promised to obey whatever commands he gave. 202 Immediately he gathered the military strength of the nation and hurried to rebuild the walls of the city and strengthened them with towers that were very high and strong, and sent a friend of his, Jonathan the son of Absalom, to Joppa with orders to expel the inhabitants from the city, for he feared they would surrender the city to Tryphon, but he himself stayed to guard Jerusalem.
5.
[203] Ὁ δὲ Τρύφων ἄρας ἐκ Πτολεμαίδος μετὰ στρατιᾶς πολλῆς εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν παραγίνεται καὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην δέσμιον ἄγων. ἀπήντησε δ' αὐτῷ καὶ Σίμων μετὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως εἰς Ἄδδιδα πόλιν, ἥτις ἐπ' ὄρους κειμένη τυγχάνει, ὑφ' ἧς ὑπόκειται τὰ τῆς Ἰουδαίας πεδία. [204] γνοὺς δὲ Τρύφων ἡγεμόνα τὸν Σίμωνα ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων καθεσταμένον ἔπεμψεν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦτον ἀπάτῃ καὶ δόλῳ περιελθεῖν βουλόμενος, κελεύων αὐτόν, εἰ θέλει λυθῆναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰωνάθην, πέμψαι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου καὶ δύο τῶν παίδων τῶν Ἰωνάθου ὁμήρους, ὅπως μὴ ἀφεθεὶς ἀποστήσῃ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν βασιλέως: ἄρτι γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ ἀργύριον, ὃ τῷ βασιλεῖ χρησάμενος ὤφειλε, φυλάττεσθαι δεδεμένον. [205] ὁ δὲ Σίμων τὴν τέχνην τὴν τοῦ Τρύφωνος οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ἀλλὰ συνεὶς ὅτι καὶ τὸ ἀργύριον ἀπολέσει δοὺς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐ λύσει, μετ' αὐτοῦ δὲ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐκδώσει τῷ πολεμίῳ, φοβούμενος δέ, μὴ διαβληθῇ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ὡς αἴτιος αὐτὸς τἀδελφῷ θανάτου γενόμενος, ὅτι μήτε τὰ χρήματα μήτε τοὺς υἱοὺς ἔδωκεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, συναγαγὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῇ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Τρύφωνος, [206] εἰπὼν ὅτι ταῦτα καὶ ἐνέδραν καὶ ἐπιβουλὴν ἔχει: ὅμως αἱρετώτερον εἶναι πέμψαι τὰ χρήματ' αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς ἢ τοῖς ὑπὸ Τρύφωνος προβαλλομένοις μὴ ὑπακούσαντα λαβεῖν αἰτίαν ὡς τὸν ἀδελφὸν σῶσαι μὴ θελήσας. καὶ Σίμων μὲν τούς τε Ἰωνάθου παῖδας ἐξέπεμψεν καὶ τὰ χρήματα. [207] λαβὼν δὲ ὁ Τρύφων οὐκ ἐτήρησεν τὴν πίστιν οὐδὲ ἀπέλυσε τὸν Ἰωνάθην, ἀλλὰ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκπεριῆλθε τὴν χώραν καὶ διὰ τῆς Ἰδουμαίας ἀναβαίνειν διεγνώκει τὸ λοιπὸν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ παραγενόμενος ἧκεν εἰς Ἄδωρα πόλιν τῆς Ἰδουμαίας. ἀντιπαρῆγεν δ' ὁ Σίμων μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀεὶ καταστρατοπεδευόμενος ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ.
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203 Tryphon then moved from Ptolemais with a large army and came into Judea, bringing Jonathan with him in chains, and Simon with his army met him at Addida, a city upon a hill overlooking the plains of Judea. 204 When Tryphon learned that the Jews had chosen Simon as their leader, he sent to him seeking to deceive and trick him, and saying that if he wanted to have his brother Jonathan released, he should send him a hundred talents of silver and two of Jonathan's sons as hostages, so that after his release he would not make Judea revolt from the king, and that he was kept in chains at present on account of money he had borrowed from the king not returned. 205 But Simon knew about Tryphon's craftiness and though he knew that if he gave him the money he would lose it and that Tryphon would not free his brother and would hand over Jonathan's sons to the enemy, yet because he feared calumny being raised among the people against him as the cause of his brother's death if he neither gave the money nor sent Jonathan's sons, he gathered his army and told them of Tryphon's offers, adding that the offers were a plot and a snare, 206 but that it was preferable to send the money and the sons, rather than risk the blame of not listening to Tryphon's offers and refusing to save his brother; so Simon sent Jonathan's sons, and the money. 207 When Tryphon received them however, he did not keep his promise or set Jonathan free, but took his army and went about all the region intending to go later to Jerusalem by way of Idumaea, and on the way arrived at the city of Ador in Idumea, while Simon and his army kept pace with him and regularly pitched camp opposite his.
6.
[208] Τῶν δ' ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ πεμψάντων πρὸς Τρύφωνα καὶ παρακαλούντων σπεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τροφὰς αὐτοῖς πέμψαι, παρεσκεύασε τὴν ἵππον ὡς διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐσόμενος. ἀλλὰ χιὼν διὰ νυκτὸς πολλὴ πεσοῦσα καὶ τάς τε ὁδοὺς καλύψασα καὶ ἄπορον ἵπποις μάλιστα πεζεύειν ὑπὸ βάθους τὴν πορείαν παρασχοῦσα διεκώλυσεν αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα. [209] διόπερ ἐκεῖθεν ἄρας ὁ Τρύφων εἰς τὴν κοίλην ἀφικνεῖται Συρίαν, σπουδῇ τε εἰς τὴν Γαλαδῖτιν ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε Ἰωνάθην ἀποκτείνας αὐτόθι καὶ ταφῆναι κελεύσας αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν ὑπέστρεψεν. [210] ὁ δὲ Σίμων πέμψας εἰς Βασκὰ πόλιν μετακομίζει τὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ὀστᾶ, καὶ κηδεύει μὲν ταῦτα ἐν Μωδεεῖ τῇ πατρίδι, πένθος δ' ἐπ' αὐτῷ μέγα πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἐποιήσατο. [211] Σίμων δὲ καὶ μνημεῖον μέγιστον ᾠκοδόμησεν τῷ τε πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ καὶ ἀνεξεσμένου. εἰς πολὺ δ' αὐτὸ καὶ περίοπτον ἀναγαγὼν ὕψος στοὰς περὶ αὐτὸ βάλλεται καὶ στύλους μονολίθους θαυμαστὸν ἰδεῖν χρῆμα ἀνίστησιν, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ πυραμίδας ἑπτὰ τοῖς τε γονεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἑκάστῳ μίαν ᾠκοδόμησεν εἰς ἔκπληξιν μεγέθους τε ἕνεκα καὶ κάλλους πεποιημένας, αἳ καὶ μέχρι δεῦρο σώζονται. [212] καὶ περὶ μὲν τῆς Ἰωνάθου ταφῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν μνημείων οἰκοδομίας τοῖς οἰκείοις Σίμωνος τοσαύτην σπουδὴν οἴδαμεν γενομένην. ἀπέθανεν δὲ Ἰωνάθης ἀρχιερατεύων ἔτη τέσσαρα προστὰς τοῦ γένους. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῆς τούτου τελευτῆς ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
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208 When the men in the citadel sent to Tryphon imploring him to hurry to them and send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry intending to be in Jerusalem that very night, but so much snow fell in the night that it covered the roads and made them impassable especially for the cavalry, which stopped him from coming to Jerusalem. 209 Tryphon therefore moved on from there and came into Coele-Syria and suddenly attacking Galaditis, he killed Jonathan there, and after giving orders for his burial, returned himself to Antioch. 210 Simon, however, sent some to the city of Baska to remove his brother's bones and buried them in their own city of Modin, and all the people greatly lamented him. 211 And Simon built a large monument of white, polished stone for his father and his brothers. He raised it to a great height so as to be visible a long way off and made porticoes around it and set up monolithic pillars, which were wonderful to see. He also built for his parents and his brothers seven pyramids, one for each, remarkable for size and beauty, which survive to this day. 212 We know that it was Simon who gave such care to the burial of Jonathan and the building of these monuments for his relatives. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest and ruler of the nation for four years, and those were the circumstances of his death.
7.
[213] Σίμων δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἀρχιερεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἔτει τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσι δουλείας τὸν λαὸν ἠλευθέρωσεν ὡς μηκέτι φόρους αὐτοῖς τελεῖν: ἡ δὲ ἐλευθερία καὶ τὸ ἀνείσφορον τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις μετὰ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔτη τῶν Συρίας βασιλέων ἐξ οὗ χρόνου Σέλευκος ὁ Νικάτωρ ἐπικληθεὶς κατέσχεν Συρίαν ὑπῆρξεν. [214] τοσαύτη δ' ἦν ἡ τοῦ πλήθους περὶ τὸν Σίμωνα φιλοτιμία, ὥστ' ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους συμβολαίοις καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν ἐπὶ πρώτου ἔτους γράφειν Σίμωνος καὶ εὐεργέτου Ἰουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχου: εὐτύχησαν γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτοῦ σφόδρα καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῶν περιοίκων ἐκράτησαν. [215] κατεστρέψατο γὰρ Σίμων Γάζαρά τε πόλιν καὶ Ἰόππην καὶ Ἰάμνειαν, ἐκπολιορκήσας δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἄκραν εἰς ἔδαφος αὐτὴν καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁρμητήριον ᾖ καταλαμβανομένοις αὐτὴν τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν, ὡς καὶ τότε. καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας ἄριστον ἐδόκει καὶ συμφέρον καὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐφ' οὗ τὴν ἄκραν εἶναι συνέβαινεν καθελεῖν, ὅπως ὑψηλότερον ᾖ τὸ ἱερόν. [216] καὶ δὴ τοῦτ' ἔπειθεν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καλέσας τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι, ὧν τε ἔπαθον ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρῶν καὶ τῶν φυγάδων Ἰουδαίων ὑπομιμνήσκων, ἅ τε πάθοιεν ἄν, εἰ πάλιν κατάσχοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀλλόφυλος φρουρᾶς ἐν αὐτῇ κατασταθείσης. [217] ταῦτα λέγων πείθει τὸ πλῆθος παραινῶν αὐτῷ τὰ συμφέροντα. καὶ πάντες προσβαλόντες καθῄρουν τὸ ὄρος καὶ μήτε νυκτὸς μήθ' ἡμέρας ἀπολυόμενοι τοῦ ἔργου τρισὶν αὐτὸ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἔτεσιν κατήγαγον εἰς ἔδαφος καὶ πεδινὴν λειότητα. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐξεῖχεν ἁπάντων τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐφ' ᾧ ἦν καθῃρημένων. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ Σίμωνος πραχθέντα τοῦτον εἶχεν τὸν τρόπον.
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213 But Simon, whom the populace had made their high priest, in the first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians so that they no longer had to pay tax to them. This liberty and freedom from taxation they obtained after a hundred and seventy years of Syrian rule, from the time that Seleucus, surnamed Nicator, began to rule over Syria. 214 The people's affection for Simon was so great, that in their contracts with each other and in their public records, they wrote, "in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;" for under him they were very happy and overcame the enemies that surrounded them. 215 Simon destroyed the city of Gazara and Joppa and Jamneia and besieged the citadel in Jerusalem and levelled it to the ground, to no longer provide a place of refuge for their enemies when they took it, to do them harm, as it had been hitherto. Having done this, he thought it the best and most useful plan to level the very mountain on which the citadel stood, so that the temple might be higher than it. 216 Calling a meeting of the population, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, reminding them of what they had suffered from its garrison and the Jewish renegades and what they might later suffer if any foreigner took the kingdom and garrisoned that same place. 217 This speech induced the people to agree as he urged them to do only what was for their own good, so they all set to work and levelled the mountain and worked day and night at without intermission., It took them three whole years before it was moved and brought entirely level with the rest of the city. Once the citadel and the mountain on which it had stood were demolished, the temple was now the highest building of all. And that is how things were done under Simon.
Chapter 7. [218-229]
Simon is treacherously murdered by his son-in-law, Ptolemy
1.
[218] Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας τῆς Δημητρίου τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου υἱὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὃς καὶ Θεὸς ἐπεκλήθη, Τρύφων διέφθειρεν ἐπιτροπεύων αὐτοῦ τέσσαρα βασιλεύσαντα ἔτη. καὶ τὸν μέν, ὡς χειριζόμενος ἀποθάνοι, διήγγειλεν: [219] τοὺς δὲ φίλους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους διέπεμπε πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἐπαγγελλόμενος αὐτοῖς χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν, εἰ βασιλέα χειροτονήσουσιν αὐτόν, Δημήτριον μὲν ὑπὸ Πάρθων αἰχμάλωτον γεγονέναι μηνύων, τὸν δ' ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Ἀντίοχον παρελθόντα εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν πολλὰ ποιήσειν αὐτοῖς κακὰ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἀμυνόμενον. [220] οἱ δ' ἐλπίσαντες εὐπορίαν ἐκ τῆς Τρύφωνι δοθείσης βασιλείας ἀποδεικνύουσιν αὐτὸν ἄρχοντα. γενόμενος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς ὁ Τρύφων διέδειξεν τὴν αὐτοῦ φύσιν οὖσαν πονηράν: ἰδιώτης μὲν γὰρ ὢν ἐθεράπευεν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ μετριότητα ὑπεκρίνατο δελεάζων αὐτὸ τούτοις εἰς ἅπερ ἐβούλετο, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν λαβὼν ἀπεδύσατο τὴν ὑπόκρισιν καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴς Τρύφων ἦν. [221] τοὺς οὖν ἐχθροὺς διὰ ταῦτ' ἐποίει κρείττονας: τὸ μὲν γὰρ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτὸν μισοῦν ἀφίστατο πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν τὴν Δημητρίου γυναῖκα τότε ἐν Σελευκείᾳ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐγκεκλεισμένην. [222] ἀλωμένου δὲ καὶ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Δημητρίου ἀδελφοῦ, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Σωτήρ, καὶ μηδεμιᾶς αὐτὸν πόλεως δεχομένης διὰ Τρύφωνα, πέμπει πρὸς αὐτὸν Κλεοπάτρα καλοῦσα πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπί τε γάμῳ καὶ βασιλείᾳ. ἐκάλει δὲ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅμα μὲν τῶν φίλων αὐτὴν ἀναπεισάντων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐνδιδόντων τινῶν ἐκ τῆς Σελευκείας τῷ Τρύφωνι δείσασα.
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218 Shortly after Demetrius had been brought into captivity, his deputy Tryphon destroyed Alexander's son Antiochus, surnamed The God, after he had ruled for four years, though claiming that he had died under surgery. 219 He then sent his friends and those closest to him to the soldiers promising them a large amount of money if they made him king. He hinted to them that Demetrius was held prisoner by the Parthians, and that Demetrius's brother Atitiochus, if he came to be king, would do them great harm in revenge for their revolt. 220 Looking forward to the wealth they would get by giving the kingdom to Tryphon, they appointed him as ruler. But once he had gained control of things, Tryphon showed his wicked character, for while he was an ordinary citizen he cultivated the crowd and pretended to be very fair and so artfully drew them wherever he pleased, but once he ruled the kingdom, he set further deception aside and was the real Tryphon. 221 This behaviour gave his enemies the advantage, for the military hated him and rebelled from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children. 222 But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, surnamed Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities due to Tryphon, Cleopatra sent to him inviting him to marry her and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were that her friends persuaded her to it and she was afraid for herself, in case some people in Seleucia might surrender the city to Tryphon.
2.
[223] Γενόμενος δ' ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ ὁ Ἀντίοχος καὶ τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτῷ καθ' ἡμέραν αὐξανομένης ὥρμησε πολεμήσων τὸν Τρύφωνα, καὶ κρατήσας αὐτοῦ τῇ μάχῃ τῆς ἄνω Συρίας ἐξέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Φοινίκην διώξας ἄχρι ταύτης εἴς τε Δῶρα φρούριόν τι δυσάλωτον ἐπολιόρκει συμφυγόντα. πέμπει δὲ καὶ πρὸς Σίμωνα τὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἀρχιερέα περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρέσβεις. [224] ὁ δὲ προσδέχεται προθύμως αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, καὶ χρήματά τε πολλὰ καὶ τροφὴν τοῖς τὰ Δῶρα [στρατιώταις] πολιορκοῦσι πέμψας τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀφθόνως ἐχορήγησεν, ὡς τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων αὐτῷ πρὸς ὀλίγον καιρὸν κριθῆναι φίλων. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Τρύφων ἐκ τῆς Δώρας φυγὼν εἰς Ἀπάμειαν καὶ ληφθεὶς ἐν αὐτῇ πολιορκίᾳ διεφθάρη βασιλεύσας ἔτη τρία.
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223 As Antiochus had arrived at Seleucia and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Tryphon, and having defeated him in battle, expelled him from Upper Syria into Phoenicia and pursued him there and besieged him in Dora, the impregnable fortress to which he had fled. He also sent envoys to the Jewish high priest Simon, to discuss a friendly alliance. 224 He readily accepted the invitation and sent Antiochus a large sum of money and plentiful supplies for the besiegers of Dora, so that for a while he regarded him among his closest friends. But Tryphon escaped from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken by siege and put to death, after three years as king.
3.
[225] Ὁ δ' Ἀντίοχος ὑπὸ πλεονεξίας καὶ φαυλότητος λήθην τῶν ἐκ Σίμωνος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς χρείας ὑπηρετηθέντων ἐποιήσατο, καὶ δύναμιν στρατιωτικὴν Κενδεβαίῳ παραδοὺς τῶν φίλων ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς Ἰουδαίας πόρθησιν καὶ τὴν Σίμωνος ἅλωσιν ἐξαπέστειλεν. [226] Σίμων δ' ἀκούσας τὴν Ἀντιόχου παρανομίαν καὶ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἤδη ὅμως ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ δικαίων τῶν παρ' Ἀντιόχου γινομένων τυγχάνειν παρορμηθεὶς καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας φρόνημα κρεῖττον λαβὼν νεανικῶς ἐστρατήγει τοῦ πολέμου. [227] καὶ τοὺς μὲν υἱεῖς μετὰ τῶν μαχιμωτέρων προεκπέμπει στρατιωτῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατ' ἄλλο μέρος προῄει μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς φαραγγώδεσι τῶν ὀρῶν τούτους εἰς ἐνέδραν καταστήσας διαμαρτάνει μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν ἐπιχειρήσεων, κρατήσας δὲ διὰ πάσης τῶν πολεμίων ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸν λοιπὸν διήγαγεν χρόνον, ποιησάμενος καὶ αὐτὸς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συμμαχίαν.
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225 In his greed and viciousness, Antiochus forgot the service that Simon had done him in his time of need and sent his friend Cendebeus with a force of soldiers to ravage Judea and seize Simon. 226 When Simon heard how Antiochus had broken his pact with him, he was provoked by this unjusice and despite his age went out at the head of his army like a younger man. 227 He sent his sons ahead with his best soldiers, and he himself with his army marched by another way and he set many of his men in ambush in the narrow valleys between the mountains. None of his initiatives failed, for in each of them had the upper hand over his enemies. So he lived the rest of his life in peace and even made an alliance with the Romans.
4.
[228] Ἦρξε μὲν οὖν ὀκτὼ τὰ πάντα τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔτη, τελευτᾷ δὲ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἐν συμποσίῳ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ γαμβροῦ ταύτην ἐπ' αὐτὸν συστησαμένου, ὃς καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς δύο παῖδας συλλαβὼν καὶ δεδεμένους ἔχων ἔπεμψεν καὶ ἐπὶ Ἰωάννην τὸν τρίτον, τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Ὑρκανὸς ἦν ὄνομα, τοὺς διαφθεροῦντας. [229] αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοὺς ἐλθόντας ὁ νεανίσκος διαφυγὼν τὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἠπείγετο, θαρρῶν τῷ πλήθει διὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργεσίας καὶ διὰ τὸ Πτολεμαίου τοῖς ὄχλοις μῖσος. σπουδάσαντα δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖον εἰσελθεῖν δι' ἄλλης πύλης ὁ δῆμος ἀπεώσατο τὸν Ὑρκανὸν ἤδη προσδεδεγμένος.
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228 He ruled the Jews for eight years in all, but met his end at a feast, by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy, who also took his wife and two of his sons and kept them in chains, and sent some men to kill the third son, John, also named Hyrcanus. 229 However, the young man knew they were coming and avoided the danger from them by hurrying into the city, relying on the people's goodwill due to the benefits they had received from his father and because the crowd hated Ptolemy, and having welcomed Hyrcanus, when Ptolemy tried to enter the city by another gate, the people drove him away.
Chapter 8. [230-253]
Hyrcanus becomes high priest and ejects Ptolemy; allies with Antiochus, after a war.
1.
[230] Καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς ἕν τι τῶν ὑπὲρ Ἱεριχοῦντος ἐρυμάτων ἀνεχώρησεν Δαγὼν λεγόμενον. ἀπολαβὼν δὲ τὴν πάτριον ἀρχιερωσύνην Ὑρκανὸς καὶ τὸν θεὸν πρώταις θυσίαις παραστησάμενος ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐξεστράτευσεν, καὶ προσβαλὼν τῷ χωρίῳ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις περιῆν αὐτοῦ, ἡττᾶτο δὲ μόνῳ τῷ πρὸς τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς οἴκτῳ. [231] τούτους γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος ἀναγαγὼν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐξ ἀπόπτου ᾐκίζετο καὶ κατακρημνίσειν οὐκ ἀφισταμένου τῆς πολιορκίας ἠπείλει. ὁ δ' ὅσον [ἂν] ἐνδοίη τῆς περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ χωρίου σπουδῆς, τοσοῦτο χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν, ἐξέλυε τὸ πρόθυμον. [232] ἡ μέντοι μήτηρ ὀρέγουσα τὰς χεῖρας ἱκέτευε μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι δι' αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ πλέον ὀργῇ χρώμενον ἑλεῖν σπουδάσαι τὸ χωρίον καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν ὑπ' αὐτῷ ποιήσαντα τιμωρῆσαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις: ἡδὺν γὰρ αὐτῇ τὸν μετ' αἰκίας [εἶναι] θάνατον, εἰ δίκην ὑπόσχοι τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομίας ὁ ταῦτα ποιῶν πολέμιος. [233] τὸν δὲ Ὑρκανὸν ταῦτα μὲν λεγούσης τῆς μητρὸς ὁρμή τις ἐλάμβανεν πρὸς τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ φρουρίου, ἡνίκα δ' αὐτὴν ἴδοι τυπτομένην καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐξελύετο καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς τὴν μητέρα πραττομένοις συμπαθείας ἥττων ἐγίνετο. [234] ἑλκομένης δ' οὕτως εἰς χρόνον τῆς πολιορκίας ἐνίσταται τὸ ἔτος ἐκεῖνο, καθ' ὃ συμβαίνει τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀργεῖν: κατὰ δὲ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τοῦτο παρατηροῦσιν, ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἡμέραις. [235] καὶ Πτολεμαῖος, ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνεθεὶς τοῦ πολέμου τῆς αἰτίας ἀποκτείνει τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοῦ Ὑρκανοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοῦτο δράσας πρὸς Ζήνωνα φεύγει τὸν ἐπικληθέντα Κοτυλᾶν, τυραννεύοντα τῆς Φιλαδελφέων πόλεως.
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230 Ptolemy retreated to one of the fortresses above Jericho, called Dagon. But after assuming the high priesthood that had been his father's before Hyrcanus first offered sacrifice to propitiate God, and then marched against Ptolemy, and when he attacked the place, he had the upper hand on al other points but was only weakened by the pity he felt for his mother and brothers. 231 For Ptolemy brought them up on the wall and tortured them in the sight of all and threatened to throw them down headlong unless Hyrcanus abandoned the siege. Since he thought that the more relaxed he was about the siege and capturing the place, the more favour he showed to his loved ones by easing their pain, his zeal about it cooled. 232 But his mother stretched out her hands and begged him not to weaken on account of her but be more enraged and try to take the place soon to seize their enemy and avenge what he had done to his dear ones, since even painful death would be sweet to her if their enemy were punished for his crimes against them. 233 When his mother said this, Hyrcanus tried to take the fortress but when he saw her beaten and torn to pieces, his courage failed him and he could not help feeling what his mother suffered and was thereby defeated. 234 And as the siege was thereby lengthened the Jewish year of rest began, for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day, 235 so that Ptolemy was thereby reprieved from the war, and killed the brothers and mother of Hyrcanus, and having done so fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas, who was then tyrant of the city of Philadelphia.
2.
[236] Ἀντίοχος δὲ χαλεπῶς ἔχων ἐφ' οἷς ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἐνέβαλεν τετάρτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ, πρώτῳ δὲ τῆς Ὑρκανοῦ ἀρχῆς, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ ἑξηκοστῇ καὶ δευτέρᾳ. [237] δῃώσας δὲ τὴν χώραν τὸν Ὑρκανὸν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέκλεισε τὴν πόλιν, ἣν ἑπτὰ στρατοπέδοις περιλαβὼν ἤνυσε μὲν οὐδὲν ὅλως τὸ πρῶτον διά τε τὴν τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρότητα καὶ δι' ἀρετὴν τῶν ἐμπολιορκουμένων ἔτι γε μὴν ὕδατος ἀπορίαν, ἧς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσεν ὄμβρος κατενεχθεὶς πολὺς δυομένης πλειάδος. [238] κατὰ δὲ τὸ βόρειον μέρος τοῦ τείχους, καθ' ὃ συνέβαινεν αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, πύργους ἀναστήσας ἑκατὸν τριωρόφους ἀνεβίβασεν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς στρατιωτικὰ τάγματα. [239] καὶ προσβολὰς ὁσημέραι ποιησάμενος τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν καὶ πολλὴν τὸ εὖρος καὶ διπλῆν τεμόμενος, ἀπετείχισεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας. οἱ δὲ πολλὰς ἐκδρομὰς ἀντεπινοοῦντες, εἰ μὲν ἀφυλάκτοις που προσπέσοιεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ ἔδρων αὐτούς, αἰσθομένων δὲ ἀνεχώρουν εὐχερῶς. [240] ἐπεὶ δὲ βλαβερὰν κατενόησεν Ὑρκανὸς τὴν πολυανθρωπίαν, ἀναλισκομένων τε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τάχιον ὑπ' αὐτῆς καὶ μηδενὸς οἷον εἰκὸς ἐκ πολυχειρίας ἔργου γιγνομένου, τὸ μὲν ἀχρεῖον αὐτῆς ἀποκρίνας ἐξέβαλεν, ὅσον δ' ἦν ἀκμαῖον καὶ μάχιμον τοῦτο μόνον κατέσχεν. [241] Ἀντίοχος μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἀπολεχθέντας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκώλυεν, οἱ δ' ἐν τοῖς μεταξὺ τείχεσι κακούμενοι ταῖς βασάνοις ἀπέθνησκον οἰκτρῶς. ἐπιστάσης γε μὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτῆς ἐλεοῦντες αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐντὸς πάλιν εἰσεδέξαντο. [242] πέμψαντος δ' Ὑρκανοῦ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον καὶ σπονδὰς ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ διὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀξιώσαντος γενέσθαι, τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ εἴκων σπένδεται καὶ προσέτι θυσίαν εἰσέπεμψε μεγαλοπρεπῆ, ταύρους χρυσοκέρωτας καὶ μεστὰ παντοίων ἀρωμάτων ἐκπώματα χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα. [243] καὶ τὴν μὲν θυσίαν δεξάμενοι παρὰ τῶν κομιζόντων οἱ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ὄντες ἄγουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, Ἀντίοχος δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἱστία, πλεῖστον Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἐπιφανοῦς διενέγκας, ὃς τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ὗς μὲν κατέθυσεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν, τὸν νεὼν δὲ τῷ ζωμῷ τούτων περιέρρανε συγχέας τὰ Ἰουδαίων νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πάτριον αὐτῶν εὐσέβειαν, ἐφ' οἷς ἐξεπολεμώθη τὸ ἔθνος καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως εἶχεν. [244] τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν Ἀντίοχον δι' ὑπερβολὴν τῆς θρησκείας Εὐσεβῆ πάντες ἐκάλεσαν.
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236 Then Antiochus, irked by what he had suffered from Simon invaded Judea in the fourth year of his kingship and the first year of the reign of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second Olympiad. 237 When he had plundered the land he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he surrounded with seven camps but at first did nothing because of the strength of the walls and the bravery of the besieged, although once they were in need of water, but later were saved by a heavy shower of rain which fell at the setting of the Pleiades. 238 But in the northern section of the wall, which happened to be fairly level, the king raised a hundred towers, three stories high into which he put troops of soldiers. 239 While making attacks every day, he cut a deep and wide double ditch to confine the inhabitants, but they managed to make frequent raids out, and anywhere that was unguarded, attacked the enemy and did them much harm, and once seen, retreated easily into the city. 240 Because Hyrcanus saw the unsuitability of having so many within the city, since the rations would be sooner used up by them and clearly such large numbers achieved nothing, he separated the useless expelled them from the city and kept only those who were in their prime and fit for war. 241 But Antiochus would not let those who were expelled go out and therefore they died pitifully, wandering miserably between the walls. But when the feast of tents was near those inside took pity on them and took them in again. 242 When Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus asking for a truce for seven days because of the festival, his religious piety caused him to grant it, and besides, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices and cups of gold and silver. 243 The gatekeepers received the sacrifices as they were brought and led them to the temple, and meanwhile Antiochus held a feast for his army, quite differently from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, to violate the laws of the Jews and the religion of their ancestors, and for this reason our nation made total war with him and was never reconciled to him. 244 For his great zeal for religion, everyone referred to this Antiochus as "the Pious."
3.
[245] Ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν Ὑρκανὸς καὶ μαθὼν τὴν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδὴν ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν τὴν πάτριον αὐτοῖς πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ δὲ ἀπωσάμενος τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν μὲν παραινούντων ἐξελεῖν τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλλους αὐτῶν τῆς διαίτης ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν, [246] πειθόμενος δὲ κατ' εὐσέβειαν πάντα ποιεῖν τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίνατο, παραδοῦναι μὲν τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ δασμὸν αὐτῷ τελεῖν Ἰόππης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πάρεξ τῆς Ἰουδαίας φρουράν τε δεξαμένους ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ πολέμου. [247] οἱ δὲ τἆλλα μὲν ὑπομένειν, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐχ ὡμολόγουν διὰ τὴν ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφικνούμενοι πρὸς ἄλλους. ἀντὶ μέντοι γε τῆς φρουρᾶς ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πεντακόσια, ὧν εὐθὺς τὰ τριακόσια καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους προσδεξαμένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἔδοσαν, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Ὑρκανοῦ ἀδελφός, καθεῖλεν δὲ καὶ τὴν στεφάνην τῆς πόλεως. [248] ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν οὖν Ἀντίοχος τὴν πολιορκίαν λύσας ἀνεχώρησεν.
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245 Impressed by his fairness and learning of his devotion to the Deity, Hyrcanus sent envoys to him asking him to restore their ancestral constitution. So he rejected and did not heed the advice of those who wanted the nation utterly destroyed because of its lifestyle, which others found unsociable and, 246 convinced that all they did was done out of piety, he answered the envoys that if the besieged surrendered their arms and paid tax for Joppa and the other cities bordering upon Judea and admitted his garrison, he would no longer make war on them. 247 While with the rest, they would not acceptthe garrison, as they were not to associate with outsiders. Instead of the garrison, would give him hostages and five hundred talents of silver, three hundred of it immediately, plus the hostages. 248 When the king accepted, they handed them over, including Hyrcanus's brother; but still he broke down the crown [walls?]
of the city . With that, Antiochus ended the siege and departed.
4.
[249] Ὑρκανὸς δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς πλούτῳ τούς ποτε βασιλεῖς ὑπερέβαλεν, τρισχίλια μὲν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἐξεκόμισεν, ὁρμώμενος δ' ὑπὸ τούτων πρῶτος Ἰουδαίων ξενοτροφεῖν ἤρξατο. [250] γίνεται δ' αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον φιλία καὶ συμμαχία, καὶ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀφθόνως πάντα τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ φιλοτίμως παρέσχεν. καὶ ποιουμένῳ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους αὐτῷ στρατείαν συνεξώρμησεν Ὑρκανός. μάρτυς δὲ τούτων ἡμῖν ἐστιν καὶ Νικόλαος ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς οὕτως ἱστορῶν: [251] "τρόπαιον δὲ στήσας Ἀντίοχος ἐπὶ τῷ Λύκῳ ποταμῷ νικήσας Ἰνδάτην τὸν Πάρθων στρατηγὸν αὐτόθι ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας δύο δεηθέντος Ὑρκανοῦ τοῦ Ἰουδαίου διά τινα ἑορτὴν πάτριον, ἐν ᾗ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις οὐκ ἦν νόμιμον ἐξοδεύειν." καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὐ ψεύδεται λέγων: [252] ἐνέστη γὰρ ἡ πεντηκοστὴ ἑορτὴ μετὰ τὸ σάββατον, οὐκ ἔξεστι δ' ἡμῖν οὔτε τοῖς σαββάτοις οὔτ' ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ὁδεύειν. [253] συμβαλὼν δ' Ἀντίοχος Ἀρσάκῃ τῷ Πάρθῳ πολλήν τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπέβαλεν καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπόλλυται, τὴν δὲ τῶν Σύρων βασιλείαν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ διαδέχεται Δημήτριος Ἀρσάκου αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολύσαντος καθ' ὃν χρόνον Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν Παρθυηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.
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249 But Hyrcanus opened the burial vault of David, who surpassed all other kings in riches and took from it three thousand talents, and with them was the first of the Jews to maintain foreign troops. 250 He became a friend and military ally to Antiochus and admitted him to the city and furnished his army plentifully and with great generosity and marched with him in his campaign against the Parthians, of which Nicolaus of Damascus bears witness for us in his history as follows: 251 "When Antiochus set up a trophy at the river Lycus after conquering Indates, the general of the Parthians, he stayed there for two days at the desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, because of a traditional festival on which the Jews were not allowed them to travel." And in saying this he was not wrong, 252 for the feast we call Pentecost, was then the day following the Sabbath, and neither on the Sabbath or on the festival is it lawful for us to go on a journey. 253 When Antiochus fought Arsaces, the king of Parthia, he lost most of his army and lost his own life, and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria when Arsaces freed him from captivity at the time that Antiochus attacked Parthia, as has already been said in another context.
Chapter 9. [254-269]
Hyrcanus' expedition against Syria. He makes a pact with the Romans
1.
[254] Ὑρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν Ἀντιόχου θάνατον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεις ἐξεστράτευσεν οἰόμενος αὐτὰς εὑρήσειν, ὅπερ ἦν, ἐρήμους τῶν μαχίμων καὶ ῥύεσθαι δυναμένων. [255] Μήδαβαν μὲν οὖν πολλὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ ταλαιπωρηθείσης ἕκτῳ μηνὶ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα καὶ Σαμόγαν καὶ τὰ πλησίον εὐθὺς αἱρεῖ Σίκιμά τε πρὸς τούτοις καὶ Γαριζεὶν τό τε Κουθαίων γένος, [256] ὃ περιοικεῖ τὸν εἰκασθέντα τῷ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ ναόν, ὃν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπέτρεψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι Σαναβαλλέτῃ τῷ στρατηγῷ διὰ τὸν γαμβρὸν Μανασσῆν τὸν Ἰαδδοῦς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφόν, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν. συνέβη δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον ἔρημον γενέσθαι μετὰ ἔτη διακόσια. [257] Ὑρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἰδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις Ἄδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς Ἰδουμαίους ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς Ἰουδαίων νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν. [258] οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν Ἰουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν Ἰουδαίους.
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254 When Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he immediately went out to war against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them short of fighting men able to defend them. 255 But he only captured Medaba after six months and after seriously weakening his army. Then he took Samoga and its neighbourhood and Sikima and Garizim and the Cuthean nation , 256 who lived near the temple built like the one in Jerusalem and which Alexander had allowed his general Sanballat to build for the sake of Manasses, the son-in-law of Jaddous the high priest, as we said earlier. This temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. 257 Hyrcanus also took Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumaea and subdued all the Idumaeans, and let them remain in that area, if they would circumcise their genitals and follow the laws of the Jews. 258 They were so attached to their ancestral land that they submitted to circumcision, and to following the rest of the Jewish lifestyle, and from then onwards they have continued as Jews.
2.
[259] Ὑρκανὸς δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀνανεώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν βουλόμενος πέμπει πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρεσβείαν. καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος δεξαμένη τὰ παρ' αὐτοῦ γράμματα ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ: [260] Φάννιος Μάρκου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς βουλὴν ἤγαγεν πρὸ ὀκτὼ εἰδῶν Φεβρουαρίων ἐν Κομιτίῳ παρόντος Λουκίου Μαννίου Λουκίου υἱοῦ Μεντίνα καὶ Γαίου Σεμπρωνίου πενναίου υἱοῦ Φαλέρνα περὶ ὧν ἐπρέσβευσεν Σίμων Δοσιθέου καὶ Ἀπολλώνιος Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Διόδωρος Ἰάσονος ἄνδρες καλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ δήμου τοῦ Ἰουδαίων, [261] [οἳ] καὶ διελέχθησαν περὶ φιλίας τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τούτοις καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων, ὅπως τε Ἰόππη καὶ λιμένες καὶ Γάζωρα καὶ πηγαὶ καὶ ὅσας πόλεις αὐτῶν ἄλλας καὶ χωρία πολεμῶν ἔλαβεν Ἀντίοχος παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ταῦτα ἀποκατασταθῇ, [262] ἵνα τε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μὴ ἐξῇ διὰ τῆς χώρας τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ὑπηκόων αὐτῶν διέρχεσθαι, καὶ ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ Ἀντιόχου παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἄκυρα γένηται, [263] ἵνα τε πρέσβεις πέμψαντες ἀποδοθῆναί τε αὐτοῖς ποιήσωσιν τὰ ὑπ' Ἀντιόχου ἀφαιρεθέντα καὶ τὴν χώραν διατιμήσωνται τὴν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ διεφθαρμένην, ὅπως τε αὐτοῖς πρός τε βασιλεῖς καὶ δήμους ἐλευθέρους γράμματα δῶσιν εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἐπανόδου. [264] ἔδοξεν οὖν περὶ τούτων ταῦτα: ἀνανεώσασθαι φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ δήμου πεμφθέντας ἀγαθοῦ καὶ φίλου. [265] περὶ μέντοι γραμμάτων ἀπεκρίναντο βουλεύσεσθαι, ὅταν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἡ σύγκλητος εὐσχολήσῃ, σπουδάσειν τε τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα τοιοῦτο γενέσθαι, δοῦναί τε αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατηγὸν Φάννιον χρήματα ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ὅπως ἂν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανέλθοιεν. [266] Φάννιος μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀποπέμπει τοὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρέσβεις χρήματά τε δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου καὶ δόγμα συγκλήτου πρὸς τοὺς διαπέμψοντας καὶ ἀσφαλῆ παρεξομένους τὴν οἴκαδε παρουσίαν.
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259 Now the high priest Hyrcanus wished to renew their pact of friendship with the Romans, and sent them a delegation. When the senate received their letter, they made the pact of friendship with him as follows: 260 "General Fannius, son of Marcus, assembled the senate eight days before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, in the presence of Lucius Mallius, son of Lucius the Menenian, and Gaius Sempronius, noble son of the Falernian Gaius, and the good and virtuous envoys Simon, son of Dositheus, Apollonius, son of Alexander, and Diodorus, son of Jason, sent by the Jewish people. 261 They spoke of the friendship and military alliance between them and the Romans and about other public affairs, asking for the restoration of Joppa and the harbours and Gadara and the fountain-heads and various other cities and districts of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the senate's decree, 262 and that the king's troops be not allowed to pass through their country and other areas subject to them, and that whatever has been done by Antiochus against the senate's decree during that war should be declared void, 263 and that envoys be sent to ensure that what Antiochus had taken from them be restored, and to assess the country that was ravaged in the war, and to grant them letters of protection to kings and free people, for their peaceful return home. 264 On these points a decree was made to renew their friendship and military alliance with these good men, sent by a good and a friendly people." 265 But about the requested letters, they replied that the senate would consult about them when their own affairs allowed, and that they would seek that no such harm be done to them in the future and that their praetor Fannius should give them money from the public treasury to pay for their journey home. 266 That is how Fannius dismissed the Jewish envoys and gave them money from the public treasury, and gave the senate's decree to those who were to conduct them and see to their safe return home.
3.
[267] Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Ὑρκανὸν τὸν ἀρχιερέα ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν, Δημητρίῳ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ προθυμουμένῳ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Ὑρκανὸν οὐκ ἐξεγένετο καιρὸς οὐδὲ ἀφορμὴ τῶν τε Σύρων καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθανομένων, πονηρὸς γὰρ ἦν, καὶ πεμψάντων πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φύσκωνα ἐπικληθέντα πρέσβεις, ὅπως τινὰ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Σελεύκου γένους παραδῷ αὐτοῖς ἀποληψόμενον τὴν βασιλείαν. [268] τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου πέμψαντος Ἀλέξανδρον μετὰ στρατιᾶς τὸν Ζεβίναν ἐπιλεγόμενον καὶ μάχης πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον γενομένης, ὁ μὲν ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ φεύγει πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν τὴν γυναῖκα εἰς Πτολεμαίδα καὶ μὴ δεξαμένης αὐτὸν τῆς γυναικὸς ἐκεῖθεν ἀπελθὼν εἰς Τύρον ἁλίσκεται καὶ πολλὰ παθὼν ὑπὸ τῶν μισούντων ἀπέθανεν. [269] Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν φιλίαν ποιεῖται πρὸς Ὑρκανὸν τὸν ἀρχιερέα. ἔπειτα πολεμήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ Δημητρίου παιδὸς Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Γρυποῦ ἐπικληθέντος, ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ διαφθείρεται.
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267 Such was the situation of Hyrcanus the high priest. And though king Demetrius wanted to make war on Hyrcanus, he had no occasion or place for it, since both the Syrians and the soldiers disliked him as an evil man. When he sent envoys to Ptolemy, surnamed Physcon, to send them one of the Seleucid family to take over the kingdom, 268 Ptolemy sent them Alexander, surnamed Zebina, with an army and in the battle Demetrius was defeated and fled to his wife Cleopatra, in Ptolemais, but when she did not receive him he went on to Tyre where he was caught, and after suffering much from his enemies, he died. 269 So Alexander took over the kingdom and made a pact with Hyrcanus the high priest. Later, when he fought against Antiochus the son of Demetrius, surnamed Grypus, he too was defeated in battle and killed.
Chapter 10. [270-300]
Hyrcanus demolishes Samaria. He changes sides, from Sadducee to Pharisee
1.
[270] Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν τῆς Συρίας βασιλείαν ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν Ἰουδαίαν στρατεύειν εὐλαβὴς ἦν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀκούων τὸν ὁμομήτριον, Ἀντίοχος δὲ κἀκεῖνος ἐκαλεῖτο, δύναμιν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἀπὸ Κυζίκου συλλέγειν. [271] μένων δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔγνω παρασκευάζειν αὑτὸν πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον τὴν τἀδελφοῦ, ὃς Κυζικηνὸς μὲν ἐπεκλήθη διὰ τὸ τραφῆναι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, πατρὸς δ' ἦν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπικληθέντος, ὃς ἐν Πάρθοις ἀπέθανεν: οὗτος δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἦν Δημητρίου τοῦ Γρυποῦ πατρός. συνέβη μέντοι μίαν τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς γῆμαι Κλεοπάτραν, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἱστορήκαμεν. [272] ὁ δὲ Κυζικηνὸς Ἀντίοχος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Συρίαν πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πολεμῶν διετέλει. Ὑρκανὸς δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διῆγεν: [273] καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς μετὰ τὴν Ἀντιόχου τελευτὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπέστη καὶ οὔτε ὡς ὑπήκοος οὔτε ὡς φίλος αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔτι παρεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα ἐν ἐπιδόσει πολλῇ καὶ ἀκμῇ κατὰ τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Ζαβιναίου καιρούς, καὶ μάλιστ' ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. ὁ γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς πόλεμος σχολὴν Ὑρκανῷ καρποῦσθαι τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἐπ' ἀδείας παρεῖχεν, ὡς ἄπειρόν τι χρημάτων πλῆθος συναγαγεῖν. [274] τοῦ μέντοι γε Κυζικηνοῦ τὴν γῆν κακοῦντος φανερῶς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν ἐπεδείκνυτο, καὶ τῶν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου συμμάχων ἔρημον ὁρῶν τὸν Ἀντίοχον καὶ αὐτόν τε πράττοντα κακῶς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγῶσιν, ἀμφοτέρων κατεφρόνησεν.
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270 When Antiochus became king he was afraid to go to war on Judea because he heard that a brother of his (by the same mother) also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him from Cyzicum, 271 so he stayed at home, to be ready for the attack by his brother, who was nicknamed "Cyzicenus" as he was reared in that city. He was the son of Antiochus Soter, who had died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus, for it that one and the same Cleopatra happened to marry both brothers, as we have said elsewhere. 272 When Antiochus Cyzicenus came into Syria, he went on warrring with his brother for many years, and all this while Hyrcanus lived in peace. 273 But after Antiochus died he rebelled from the Macedonians and no longer submitted to them, either as a subject or a friend, and still things prospered for him in the time of Alexander Zebina and especially under these brothers, since their war with each other allowed Hyrcanus to enjoy Judea in peace and to amass a large amount of money. 274 However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus plundered his land, he made his intentions clear, and when he saw Antiochus deprived of Egyptian allies and that both he and his brother were in a poor state in their struggles with each other, he scorned them both.
2.
[275] Καὶ στρατεύει μὲν ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν πόλιν ὀχυρωτάτην, περὶ ἧς, ὅτι καλεῖται νῦν Σεβαστὴ κτισθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου, κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν. προσβαλὼν δ' αὐτῇ φιλοπόνως ἐπολιόρκει μισοπονηρῶν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὑπὲρ ὧν Μαρισηνοὺς ἀποίκους ὄντας Ἰουδαίων καὶ συμμάχους ἠδίκησαν ὑπακούοντες τοῖς τῶν Σύρων βασιλεῦσιν. [276] περιβαλὼν οὖν τάφρον πανταχόθεν τῇ πόλει καὶ διπλοῦν τεῖχος ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων ὀγδοήκοντα τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐφίστησιν Ἀντίγονον καὶ Ἀριστόβουλον. ὧν ἐπικειμένων εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ὑπὸ λιμοῦ προαχθῆναι τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς συνέπεσεν, ὡς ἅψασθαι μὲν καὶ τῶν ἀήθων, ἐπικαλέσασθαι δὲ βοηθὸν Ἀντίοχον τὸν Κυζικηνόν. [277] ὃς ἑτοίμως ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀφικόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Ἀριστόβουλον ἡττᾶται, διωχθεὶς δ' ἄχρι Σκυθοπόλεως ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διέφυγεν. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς ὑποστρέψαντες συγκλείουσι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ἐπικαλέσασθαι σύμμαχον πέμψαντες τὸν αὐτὸν Ἀντίοχον. [278] ὃς παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου μεταπεμψάμενος ἄνδρας εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, οὓς ἀκούσης τῆς μητρὸς ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἐκβεβληκυίας ἐξαπέστειλεν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπιὼν ἐπόρθει τὴν Ὑρκανοῦ χώραν μετὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων λῃστρικῶς, μάχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ πρόσωπον οὐ τολμῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀξιόχρεως ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῦ, νομίζων δὲ τῇ κακώσει τῆς γῆς ἀναγκάσειν Ὑρκανὸν λῦσαι τὴν τῆς Σαμαρείας πολιορκίαν. [279] ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλλυεν ἐνέδραις περιπίπτων, ἀπῆρεν εἰς Τρίπολιν Καλλιμάνδρῳ καὶ Ἐπικράτει τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους πόλεμον ἐπιτρέψας.
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275 So he marched against Samaria which was a very strong city; and we shall speak at a proper time about its present name, Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod. He attacked and besieged it with great effort, being very indignant at the wrongs which, in order to please the Syrian kings, the Samaritans had done to the people of Merissa, a Jewish colony in alliance with them. 276 So he made a ditch and a double wall, eighty furlongs long, around the city and put his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus in charge of the siege. This caused such hunger among the Samaritans that they were forced to eat what was formerly inedible and to call on Antiochus Cyzicenus for help. 277 He readily came to their assistance but was defeated by Aristobulus, and escaped, although pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brothers. These returned to Samaria and again blockaded them within the wall, until they were forced to send a second time to Antiochus for help. 278 He got about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who sent them without his mother's consent, for she had then almost deposed him from ruling. With these Egyptians Antiochus at first overran and ravaged the district of Hyrcanus like a brigand, though he dared not meet him face to face in battle, as his army was insufficient for that purpose, so he hoped by so harassing his land to force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria. 279 In the process he fell into ambushes and lost many of his soldiers, so he went off to Tripoli and left Callimander and Epicrates to conduct the war against the Jews.
3.
[280] Καλλίμανδρος μὲν οὖν θρασύτερον τοῖς πολεμίοις προσενεχθεὶς εἰς φυγὴν τραπόμενος παραχρῆμα διεφθάρη. Ἐπικράτης δὲ ὑπὸ φιλοχρηματίας τήν τε Σκυθόπολιν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πρὸς ταύτῃ χωρία προύδωκε φανερῶς τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, τὴν δὲ Σαμαρείας πολιορκίαν διαλύειν οὐκ ἠδύνατο. [281] Ὑρκανὸς μὲν οὖν τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας οὐκ ἠρκέσθη μόνῳ τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἠφάνισεν ἐπίκλυστον τοῖς χειμάρροις ποιήσας: διασκάψας γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστ' εἰς χαράδρας μεταπεσεῖν τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ γενέσθαι ποτὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἀφείλετο. [282] παράδοξον δέ τι καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Ὑρκανοῦ λέγεται, τίνα τρόπον αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν: φασὶν γάρ, ὅτι κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ τῷ Κυζικηνῷ συνέβαλον, αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ θυμιῶν μόνος ὢν ἀρχιερεὺς ἀκούσειε φωνῆς, ὡς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νενικήκασιν ἀρτίως τὸν Ἀντίοχον. [283] καὶ τοῦτο προελθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει φανερὸν ἐποίησεν, καὶ συνέβη οὕτως γενέσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Ὑρκανὸν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
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280 But Callimander attacked the enemy too boldly and was put to flight and soon destroyed, and Epicrates was such a lover of money that he openly betrayed Scythopolis and other places near it to the Jews, yet could not make them lift the siege of Samaria. 281 When after a year's siege, Hyrcanus finally took the city, he did not leave it as it was but completely demolished it and brought streams to flood it and dug trenches to let the water run under it, removing the very signs that there had ever been such a city there. 282 Now a strange thing is told about this high priest Hyrcanus, how the Divinity came to talk with him. They say that on the very day when his sons fought Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, offering incense as high priest, when a voice told him that his sons had just then defeated Antiochus. 283 This he publicly declared before all the people when he came from the temple, and it proved to be true. Such was the story of Hyrcanus.
4.
[284] Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἔτυχε τὸν καιρὸν μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ Ἰουδαίους εὐπραγεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Κύπρῳ: [285] Κλεοπάτρα γὰρ ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν στασιάζουσα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπιλεγόμενον κατέστησεν ἡγεμόνας Χελκίαν καὶ Ἀνανίαν υἱοὺς ὄντας Ὀνίου τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος τὸν ναὸν ἐν τῷ Ἡλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν δεδηλώκαμεν. [286] παραδοῦσα δὲ τούτοις ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν στρατιὰν οὐδὲν δίχα τῆς τούτων γνώμης ἔπραττεν, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ καὶ Στράβων ἡμῖν ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων οὕτως: [287] "οἱ γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συνελθόντες καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας εἰς Κύπρον, μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον: μόνοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Ὀνίου γενόμενοι Ἰουδαῖοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ Ἀνανίαν." ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Στράβων φησίν.
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284 At this time, not only were the Jews prospering in Jerusalem and in Judea, but also those of them who were in Alexandria and Egypt and Cyprus. 285 Queen Cleopatra was at odds with her son Ptolemy, surnamed Lathyrus, and appointed as her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of the Onias who, as we said earlier, built in the prefecture of Heliopolis a temple like the one in Jerusalem. 286 Cleopatra entrusted her army to these two and did nothing without their advice, as witnessed by Strabo of Cappadocia when he says: 287 "Most of those who came to Cyprus with us or were sent there later, immediately went over to Ptolemy. Only those who were called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in high favour with the queen." That is what Strabo says.
5.
[288] Ὑρκανῷ δὲ φθόνον ἐκίνησεν παρὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἡ εὐπραγία, μάλιστα δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κακῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶχον, αἵρεσις ὄντες μία τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχουσι τὴν ἰσχὺν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει, ὡς καὶ κατὰ βασιλέως τι λέγοντες καὶ κατ' ἀρχιερέως εὐθὺς πιστεύεσθαι. [289] μαθητὴς δὲ αὐτῶν ἦν καὶ Ὑρκανὸς καὶ σφόδρα ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἠγαπᾶτο. καὶ δὴ καλέσας αὐτοὺς ἐφ' ἑστίασιν καὶ φιλοφρόνως ὑποδεξάμενος, ἐπεὶ σφόδρα ἡδομένους ἑώρα, λέγειν ἤρξατο πρὸς αὐτούς, ὡς ἴσασιν μὲν αὐτὸν βουλόμενον εἶναι δίκαιον καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντα ἐξ ὧν ἀρέσειεν ἂν τῷ θεῷ καὶ αὐτοῖς: [290] οἱ γὰρ Φαρισαῖοι φιλοσοφοῦσιν: ἠξίου γε μήν, εἰ βλέπουσιν αὐτὸν ἁμαρτάνοντα καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς δικαίας ἐκτρεπόμενον εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπαναγαγεῖν καὶ ἐπανορθοῦν. τῶν δὲ μαρτυρησάντων αὐτῷ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ὁ μὲν ἥσθη τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, [291] εἷς δέ τις τῶν κατακειμένων Ἐλεάζαρος ὄνομα, κακοήθης ὢν φύσει καὶ στάσει χαίρων "ἐπεί, φησίν, ἠξίωσας γνῶναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, θέλεις δὲ εἶναι δίκαιος, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπόθου, καὶ μόνον ἀρκείτω σοι τὸ ἄρχειν τοῦ λαοῦ." τὴν δ' αἰτίαν αὐτοῦ πυθομένου, [292] δι' ἣν ἀποθοῖτο τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην "ὅτι, φησίν, ἀκούομεν παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αἰχμάλωτόν σου γεγονέναι τὴν μητέρα βασιλεύοντος Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἐπιφανοῦς." ψευδὴς λόγος ἦν: καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ὑρκανὸς παρωξύνθη καὶ πάντες δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι σφοδρῶς ἠγανάκτησαν.
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288 But the Jews envied Hyrcanus his prosperity, and those worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews as we have said. These have such power over the people, that when they say anything against the king or the high priest, they are readily believed. 289 Now Hyrcanus was a much beloved disciple of theirs, and once when he invited them to a feast and entertained them well and saw them in a good humour, he began to say to them how they knew he wanted to be a righteous man and to do all things to please God, for the Pharisees love wisdom. 290 He asked them to reproach him and correct him if they observed him offending in any point and leaving the right way. This made them profess that he was entirely virtuous, and he was well pleased with the praise. 291 But one of his guests named Eleazar, a bad-tempered man who delighted in unruly behaviour, said, "Since you desire to know the truth, if you wish to be righteous in earnest, set aside the high priesthood and be satisfied with ruling the people." 292 When he asked why he should set aside the high priesthood, the other answered, "We have heard from the old people that your mother was a prisoner during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes." This story was false and Hyrcanus was very angry with him, as were all the Pharisees.
6.
[293] Τῶν δ' ἐκ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων τῆς αἱρέσεως, οἳ τὴν ἐναντίαν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις προαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν, Ἰωνάθης τις ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὢν Ὑρκανῷ τῇ κοινῇ πάντων Φαρισαίων γνώμῃ ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον ἔλεγεν: καὶ τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι φανερὸν αὐτῷ πυθομένῳ παρ' ἐκείνων, τίνος ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις κολάσεως. [294] τοῦ δὲ Ὑρκανοῦ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου, τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας: πειραθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφημίας τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης, πληγῶν ἔφασαν καὶ δεσμῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει λοιδορίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι. [295] πρὸς τοῦτο λίαν ἐχαλέπηνεν καὶ δοκοῦν ἐκείνοις ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐνόμισεν. μάλιστα δ' αὐτὸν ἐπιπαρώξυνεν Ἰωνάθης καὶ διέθηκεν οὕτως, [296] ὥστε τῇ Σαδδουκαίων ἐποίησεν προσθέσθαι μοίρᾳ τῶν Φαρισαίων ἀποστάντα καὶ τά τε ὑπ' αὐτῶν κατασταθέντα νόμιμα τῷ δήμῳ καταλῦσαι καὶ τοὺς φυλάττοντας αὐτὰ κολάσαι. μῖσος οὖν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἐγένετο. [297] περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς Μωυσέως νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ' ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν. [298] καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν Ἐσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν Ἰουδαικῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται.
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293 A man called Jonathan, of the Sadducee party, whose ideas are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees, was very friendly with Hyrcanus. He said that Eleazar's insult was the general view of all Pharisees and that this would be shown if he asked them what penalty he deserved for what he said. 294 So Hyrcanus asked them what penalty they thought he deserved. This would prove, if they wanted him properly punished for his blasphemy, that the insult did not have their approval. The Pharisees replied that he deserved beating and prison but that it did not seem right to punish insults with death, and even on other occasions the Pharisees tend not to be severe in punishments. 295 Hyrcanus was infuriated by this gentle sentence, and thought that the man had blasphemed him with their approval. It was this Jonathan who stirred him up and influenced him so much 296 that he got him to join the Sadducees and leave the Pharisee party and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those who observed them. This was the source of the people's hatred for him and his sons, of which we shall later speak. 297 I now want to explain how the Pharisees have passed on to the people many traditional observances which are not written in the Mosaic lAws, and why the Sadducees reject them, saying that we should treat as obligatory those observances which are in the written word, but not to observe what derives from the tradition of our ancestors. 298 About these matters great disputes and differences have arisen, and while the Sadducees can persuade none but the rich and the people do not listen to them, the Pharisees have the people on their side. I have spoken in detail of these two sects and that of the Essenes, in my second book on Jewish matters.
7.
[299] Ὑρκανὸς δὲ παύσας τὴν στάσιν καὶ μετ' αὐτὴν βιώσας εὐδαιμόνως καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν διοικησάμενος ἄριστον τρόπον ἔτεσιν ἑνὶ καὶ τριάκοντα τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν υἱοὺς πέντε, τριῶν τῶν μεγίστων ἄξιος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κριθείς, ἀρχῆς τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς καὶ προφητείας: [300] συνῆν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον καὶ τὴν τῶν μελλόντων πρόγνωσιν παρεῖχεν αὐτῷ τε εἰδέναι καὶ προλέγειν οὕτως, ὥστε καὶ περὶ τῶν δύο τῶν πρεσβυτέρων παίδων ὅτι μὴ μενοῦσιν τῶν πραγμάτων κύριοι προεῖπεν. ὧν τὴν καταστροφὴν εἰς τὸ μαθεῖν ὅσον τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπέβησαν εὐτυχίας ἄξιον ἀφηγήσασθαι.
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299 After Hyrcanus had put down this rebellion, he lived happily and ruled very well for thirty-one years and then died, leaving five sons behind him. God saw him as deserving three of the greatest privileges, the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood and prophecy. 300 God was indeed with him, enabling him to know future events, and in particular, he foretold that his two eldest sons would not long continue to govern public affairs, and their unhappy fate is worth describing, that we may learn how much less well they did than their father.
Chapter 11. [301-319]
Aristobulus is cruel toward his mother and his brothers; kills Antigonus and dies in his turn.
1.
[301] Τελευτήσαντος γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦ πατρὸς ὁ πρεσβύτατος Ἀριστόβουλος τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς βασιλείαν μεταθεῖναι δόξας, ἔκρινεν γὰρ οὕτω, διάδημα πρῶτος ἐπιτίθεται μετὰ τετρακοσίων ἀριθμὸν ἐτῶν καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑνὸς καὶ μηνῶν τριῶν ἀφ' οὗ τῆς ὑπὸ Βαβυλωνίοις δουλείας ἀπαλλαγεὶς ὁ λαὸς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν κατῆλθεν. [302] στέργων δὲ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τὸν μετ' αὐτὸν Ἀντίγονον τοῦτον μὲν τῶν ὁμοίων ἠξίου, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους εἶχεν ἐν δεσμοῖς. εἶρξε δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ διενεχθεῖσαν, ἐκείνην γὰρ Ὑρκανὸς τῶν ὅλων κυρίαν καταλείπει, καὶ μέχρι τοσαύτης ὠμότητος προῆλθεν, ὥστ' αὐτὴν καὶ λιμῷ διέφθειρεν δεδεμένην. [303] προστίθησιν δὲ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀντίγονον, ὃν στέργειν ἐδόκει μάλιστα καὶ κοινωνὸν εἶχεν τῆς βασιλείας, ἐκ διαβολῶν ἀπαλλοτριωθεὶς πρὸς αὐτόν, αἷς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐκ ἐπίστευεν, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ φιλεῖν αὐτὸν οὐ προσέχων τοῖς λεγομένοις, τὰ δὲ καὶ φθονούμενον ἡγούμενος διαβάλλεσθαι. [304] τοῦ δὲ Ἀντιγόνου ποτὲ λαμπρῶς ἀπὸ στρατείας ἐπανελθόντος καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς, καθ' ἣν σκηνοπηγοῦσιν τῷ θεῷ, κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἐνστάσης, ἔτυχεν τὸν μὲν Ἀριστόβουλον εἰς νόσον καταπεσεῖν, τὸν δὲ Ἀντίγονον ἐπιτελοῦντα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναβῆναι λαμπρῶς σφόδρα κεκοσμημένον μετὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὰ πλείω περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας τἀδελφοῦ εὔχεσθαι, [305] τοὺς δὲ πονηροὺς καὶ διαστῆσαι τὴν ὁμόνοιαν αὐτῶν ἐσπουδακότας ἀφορμῇ χρησαμένους τῇ τε περὶ τὴν πομπὴν τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κατωρθωμένοις ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ κακοήθως ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἐξαίρειν τὰ περὶ τὴν πομπὴν τὴν ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ, [306] καὶ ὡς οὐ κατ' ἰδιώτην ἕκαστον ἦν τῶν γινομένων, ἀλλὰ φρονήματος ἔνδειξιν ἔχειν βασιλικοῦ τὰ πραττόμενα, καὶ ὡς κτείνειν αὐτὸν μέλλοι μετὰ στίφους ἐληλυθὼς καρτεροῦ, λογιζόμενον εὐήθως αὐτὸν βασιλεύειν ἐνὸν τιμῆς μεταλαμβάνοντα δοκεῖν μεγάλων τυγχάνειν.
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301 When their father Hyrcanus died, the eldest son Aristobulus, in order to change the government into a monarchy, which was his intention, first put a crown on his head, four hundred and eighty one years and three months after the people had been saved from the Babylonian slavery and had returned to their own country. 302 He loved his next brother Antigonus and treated him as his equal, but kept the others in chains. He also imprisoned his mother, whom Hyrcanus had left in charge of everything, and because she disputed the leadership with him he was so barbarous as to leave her in chains, to starve to death. 303 To this he added the death of his brother Antigonus whom at first he seemed to especially love and had shared the kingship with him, but then he was alienated from him through accusations which at first he did not believe, partly because of his love for him and partly since he considered that they arose from envy. 304 But once when Antigonus was returning from a campaign and the festival was near when they honour God by living in tents, Aristobulus happened to fall sick just when Antigonus, splendidly adorned and surrounded by his armed men, was going up to the temple to celebrate the feast and to pray especially for the recovery of his brother. 305 Some wicked people, wanting to provoke conflict between the brothers, used the pretext of the royal appearance of Antigonus and the great exploits he had done and going to the king they spitefully exaggerated his pompous display at the festival and 306 asserted that his actions were not like those of a private person, but were indications that he aspired to royal authority, and his bringing a strong troop meant he had come to kill him, thinking how easily he could reign alone rather than regard it as a favour to be granted some share in that dignity.
2.
[307] Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ τούτοις ἄκων πειθόμενος καὶ τοῦ ἀνύποπτος εἶναι τἀδελφῷ προνοῶν καὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἅμα φροντίζων, διίστησι τοὺς σωματοφύλακας ἔν τινι τῶν ὑπογείων ἀφωτίστῳ, κατέκειτο δὲ ἐν τῇ βάρει μετονομασθείσῃ δὲ Ἀντωνίᾳ, καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνόπλου μὲν ἅπτεσθαι μηδένα, κτείνειν δὲ τὸν Ἀντίγονον, ἂν ὡπλισμένος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσίῃ. [308] πέμπει μέντοι πρὸς Ἀντίγονον αὐτὸς ἄνοπλον αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν ἥκειν. ἡ δὲ βασίλισσα καὶ οἱ συνεπιβουλεύοντες αὐτῇ κατ' Ἀντιγόνου πείθουσι τὸν πεμφθέντα τἀναντία λέγειν, ὡς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἀκούσας, ὅτι κατασκευάσειεν ὅπλα καὶ κόσμον πολεμικόν, παραγίνεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν παρακαλεῖ ὡπλισμένον, ὅπως ἴδοι τὴν κατασκευήν. [309] ὁ δ' Ἀντίγονος μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενος κακοῦργον, ἀλλὰ θαρρῶν τῇ παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ διαθέσει, ὡς εἶχεν ἐνδεδυμένος τὴν πανοπλίαν παρεγένετο πρὸς τὸν Ἀριστόβουλον ἐπιδείξων αὐτῷ τὰ ὅπλα. γενόμενον δ' αὐτὸν κατὰ τὸν Στράτωνος λεγόμενον πύργον, οὗ συνέβαινεν ἀφώτιστον εἶναι σφόδρα τὴν πάροδον, ἀποκτείνουσιν οἱ σωματοφύλακες. [310] διέδειξέν γε μὴν ὁ τούτου θάνατος, ὅτι μηδὲν μήτε φθόνου μήτε διαβολῆς ἰσχυρότερον, μηδ' ὅ τι μᾶλλον εὔνοιαν καὶ φυσικὴν οἰκειότητα διίστησιν, ἢ ταῦτα τὰ πάθη. [311] μάλιστα δ' ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ Ἰούδαν τινά, Ἐσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ' ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν Ἀντίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον, [312] ὡς ἀποθανεῖν αὐτῷ καλὸν διεψευσμένῳ ζῶντος Ἀντιγόνου, ὃν σήμερον τεθνήξεσθαι προειπὼν ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ Στράτωνος πύργῳ περιόντα ὁρᾷ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν χωρίου περὶ σταδίους ἀπέχοντος νῦν ἑξακοσίους, ὅπου φονευθήσεσθαι προεῖπεν αὐτόν, τῆς δ' ἡμέρας ἤδη τὸ πλεῖστον ἠνυσμένον, ὥστ' αὐτῷ κινδυνεύειν τὸ μάντευμα ψεῦδος εἶναι. [313] ταῦτ' οὖν λέγοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηφοῦντος ἀγγέλλεται τεθνεὼς Ἀντίγονος ἐν τῷ ὑπογείῳ, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, ὁμώνυμον τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τὸν μὲν οὖν μάντιν τοῦτο διετάραξεν.
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307 Aristobulus was unwillingly persuaded by this, but took care that his brother had no suspicion of it, and while he lay sick in the tower called Antonia, to ensure his own safety he ordered his bodyguards to hide in a dark, underground place with orders to touch nobody if Antigonus came in to him unarmed, but if he came armed, to kill him. 308 Then he sent to Antigonus asking him to visit him unarmed, but the queen and her fellow plotters against Antigonus persuaded the messenger to tell him the opposite, how his brother had heard of the fine suit of armour he had gotten made himself and wished him to come to him armed, so as to get a look at it. 309 Suspecting no treachery, and confident of his brother's goodwill , Antigonus came in to Aristobulus dressed as usual in full armour, to show it to him, but when he reached the place called Strato's Tower, where the passageway happened to be completely unlit, the bodyguards killed him. 310 His death demonstrates that nothing can hold out against envy and calumny and that nothing ruins people's goodwill and natural feelings more surely than those passions. 311 One may also take this occasion to admire a man called Judas, of the sect of the Essenes, who in his predictions never failed to utter the truth. Seeing Antigonus passing by the temple, this man called out to his companions and friends who lived with him as his scholars in order to learn the art of foretelling the future, that it was now time for him to die, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who was still alive. 312 Although he had foretold the man would die that very day at the place called Strato's Tower, he had just seen him pass by, but as the place where he foretold he would be murdered was six hundred furlongs away and most of the day was over, it seemed that his prediction was false. 313 As he was quietly saying this the news came that Antigonus had been killed in an underground place, which was also called Strato's Tower, a name shared with Caesarea on the Sea, which put the seer into some confusion.
3.
[314] Ἀριστόβουλον δὲ τῆς ἀδελφοκτονίας εὐθὺς εἰσῆλθεν μετάνοια καὶ νόσος ἐπ' αὐτῇ τῆς διανοίας ὑπὸ τοῦ μύσους κεκακωμένης, ὡς διαφθαρέντων αὐτῷ ὑπὸ ἀκράτου τῆς ὀδύνης τῶν ἐντὸς αἷμα ἀναφέρειν. ὃ τῶν διακονουμένων τις παίδων κατὰ δαιμόνιον οἶμαι πρόνοιαν εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον, οὗ σφαγέντος Ἀντιγόνου σπίλους ἔτι τοῦ αἵματος ἐκείνου συνέβαινεν εἶναι, κομίζων ὀλισθὼν ἐξέχεεν. [315] γενομένης δὲ βοῆς παρὰ τῶν ἰδόντων ὡς τοῦ παιδὸς ἐξεπίτηδες ἐκχέαντος ἐκεῖ τὸ αἷμα, ἀκούσας Ἀριστόβουλος τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπύθετο, καὶ μὴ λεγόντων ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπετείνετο μαθεῖν, φύσει τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπονοούντων ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις εἶναι χείρονα τὰ σιγώμενα. [316] ὡς δ' ἀπειλοῦντος καὶ βιαζομένου τοῖς φόβοις τἀληθὲς εἶπον, προχεῖται μὲν αὐτῷ πληγέντι τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος πολλὰ δάκρυα, βύθιον δὲ ἀνοιμώξας, "οὐκ ἄρ', εἶπεν, λήσειν ἐπ' ἀσεβέσιν οὕτω καὶ μιαροῖς τολμήμασι τὸν θεὸν ἔμελλον, ἀλλά με ταχεῖα ποινὴ συγγενοῦς φόνου μετελήλυθεν. [317] καὶ μέχρι τίνος, ὦ σῶμα ἀναιδέστατον, ψυχὴν ὀφειλομένην ἀδελφοῦ καὶ μητρὸς καθέξεις δαίμοσιν; τί δ' οὐκ ἀθρόαν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἀποδίδως, κατὰ μέρος [318] δ' ἐπισπένδω τοὐμὸν αἷμα τοῖς μιαιφονηθεῖσιν;" ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν Φιλέλλην, πολλὰ δ' εὐεργετήσας τὴν πατρίδα, πολεμήσας Ἰτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ προσκτησάμενος ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Ἰουδαίων νόμους ζῆν. [319] φύσει δ' ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως: "ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις χρήσιμος: χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν Ἰτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ."
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314 Immediately Aristobulus felt repentant for his fratricide, and was sick with it, and his crime worsened his mental state so that his innards were destroyed with intolerable pain and he vomited blood. Meanwhile one of his servants attending to him slipped and fell, due to a demon I suppose, and shed some blood at the very place where some spots of Antigonus's blood still remained where he had been killed. 315 When the onlookers shouted out as though the servant had purposely shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it and enquired about the reason, and when they did not answer him was all the keener to know what it was, since it is natural to humans to suspect that anything so concealed must be very bad. 316 As he forced the truth out them by threats and by fear, the awareness of what he had done deranged his mind and caused him to shed floods of tears. With a deep groan he said, "I see that God will not ignore such an impious outrage as the murder of my kinsman, for the punishment is suddenly coming upon me. 317 How long, shameless body, will you cling to soul responsible for the shades of my brother and my mother? Why not give it up at once? Must I pour out my blood drop by drop to the ones I have slaughtered?" 318 With these words he died, after reigning for a year. He had been friendly towards the Greeks, and done much good for his country and made war on Iturea and added most of it to Judea and made the inhabitants, if they wished to continue living in the land, to be circumcised and live by the Jewish laws. 319 By nature he was a fair man and much overcome by shame, as Strabo bears witness when, with Timagenes as his source he says, "This was a fair man who did many services for the Jews, adding a country to them and winning for them part of the Iturean nation whom he bound to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals."
Chapter 12. [320-347]
The new king, Alexander, besieges Ptolemais and earns Ptolemy's hatred by intrigue with Cleopatra
1.
[320] Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Ἀριστοβούλου Σαλίνα ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ, λεγομένη δὲ ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων Ἀλεξάνδρα, λύσασα τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ, δεδεμένους γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἶχεν Ἀριστόβουλος, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, Ἰαναῖον τὸν καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον βασιλέα καθίστησιν τὸν καὶ καθ' ἡλικίαν προύχοντα καὶ μετριότητα, [321] ᾧ καὶ συνέβη γεννηθέντι εὐθὺς μισηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς αὐτοῦ μηκέτι εἰς ὄψιν ἀφικέσθαι. τὸ δ' αἴτιον τοῦ μίσους τοιόνδε λέγεται γενέσθαι: [322] στέργων μάλιστα τῶν παίδων Ὑρκανὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους Ἀντίγονον καὶ Ἀριστόβουλον φανέντα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἐπηρώτα, τίς αὐτοῦ τῶν παίδων μέλλει ἔσεσθαι διάδοχος. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τοὺς τούτου χαρακτῆρας δείξαντος, λυπηθεὶς ὅτι τῶν ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῦ πάντων οὗτος ἔσται κληρονόμος, γενόμενον εἴασεν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ τρέφεσθαι. ὁ μέντοι θεὸς οὐ διεψεύσατο τὸν Ὑρκανόν. [323] τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν μετὰ τὴν Ἀριστοβούλου τελευτὴν οὗτος παραλαβὼν τὸν μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιχειροῦντα τῇ βασιλείᾳ διεχρήσατο, τὸν δ' ἕτερον ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν προαιρούμενον εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ.
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320 When Aristobulus died, his wife Salina, surnamed Alexandra by the Greeks, set his brothers free, for as we have already said Aristobulus had kept them in chains, and appointed as king Alexander Janneus, who was both older and wiser. 321 This man had been hated by his father as soon as he was born and was never allowed into his father's sight until his death, and the cause of this hatred is said to be as follows: 322 As Hyrcanus gave his love mainly to the his two eldest sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, he asked God who appeared to him in his sleep which of his sons would be his successor. When God showed him the other one's face [Alexander's], he was grieved that he was to inherit all his property and sent him to be brought up in Galilee But had not lied to Hyrcanus, 323 for after the death of Aristobulus, he did take over the kingdom, and did away with one of his brothers who aspired to the kingdom while honouring the other, who preferred to live an inactive life.
2.
[324] Καταστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὃν ᾤετο συμφέρειν αὐτῷ τρόπον στρατεύει ἐπὶ Πτολεμαίδα, τῇ δὲ μάχῃ κρατήσας ἐνέκλεισε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ περικαθίσας αὐτοὺς ἐπολιόρκει. τῶν γὰρ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ Πτολεμαὶς αὐτῷ καὶ Γάζα μόναι χειρωθῆναι ὑπελείποντο, καὶ Ζώιλος δὲ ὁ κατασχὼν τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον τύραννος καὶ Δῶρα. [325] τοῦ δὲ Φιλομήτορος Ἀντιόχου καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἀντιόχου, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Κυζικηνός, πολεμούντων ἀλλήλους καὶ τὴν αὐτῶν δύναμιν ἀπολλύντων ἦν οὐδεμία τοῖς Πτολεμαεῦσιν βοήθεια παρ' αὐτῶν. [326] ἀλλὰ πονουμένοις τῇ πολιορκίᾳ Ζώιλος ὁ τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον κατεσχηκὼς [παρῆν] καὶ τὰ Δῶρα σύνταγμα τρέφων στρατιωτικὸν καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιχειρῶν διὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλαν μικρὰ τοῖς Πτολεμαιεῦσι παρεβοήθει: [327] οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς οὕτως εἶχον οἰκείως πρὸς αὐτούς, ὥστ' ἐλπίσαι τινὰ παρ' αὐτῶν ὠφέλειαν. ἑκάτεροι γὰρ ταὐτὸν τοῖς ἀθληταῖς ἔπασχον, οἳ τῇ δυνάμει μὲν ἀπηγορευκότες αἰσχυνόμενοι δὲ παραχωρῆσαι διετέλουν ἀργίᾳ καὶ ἀναπαύσει διαφέροντες τὸν ἀγῶνα. [328] λοιπὴ δ' αὐτοῖς ἐλπὶς ἦν ἡ παρὰ τῶν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ Κύπρον ἔχοντος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου, ὃς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσὼν εἰς Κύπρον παρεγένετο. πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τοῦτον οἱ Πτολεμαιεῖς παρεκάλουν ἐλθόντα σύμμαχον ἐκ τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου χειρῶν αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι κινδυνεύοντας. [329] ἐπελπισάντων δ' αὐτὸν τῶν πρέσβεων, ὡς διαβὰς εἰς Συρίαν ἕξει Γαζαίους συνεστῶτας μετὰ τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν καὶ Ζώιλον, ἔτι γε μὴν Σιδωνίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους αὐτῷ συλλήψεσθαι λεγόντων, ἐπαρθεὶς πρὸς τὸν ἔκπλουν ἔσπευδεν.
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324 When Alexander Janneus had settled the government as he judged best, he marched against Ptolemais, and having won the battle, confined the people within the city and laid siege to them. Of the maritime cities there remained to be taken only Ptolemais and Gaza, Strato's Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus. 325 While Antiochus Philometor and his brother Antiochus, surnamed Cyzicenus, were warring with each other and destroying each other's forces, there was no help for the Ptolemaians from them. 326 When they were hard pressed by the siege, Zoilus, who held Strato's Tower and Dora and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, because of the kings were quarrelling with each other, became tyrant himself, came with a small force to help the Ptolemaians. 327 Neither of the kings showed them such favour that they could hope for any help from them; indeed they were both like wrestlers, who finding themselves exhausted but ashamed to yield, postpone the fight by inactivity and simply keep still. 328 The only remaining hope was from the kings of Egypt and Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus where he had gone when driven from power by his mother Cleopatra. The Ptolemaians sent this message to Ptolemy, asking him to come as an ally and save them from danger at the hands of Alexander. 329 Since the envoys gave him hopes that if he crossed over to Syria he would have the people of Gaza on the side of the Ptolemaians, and that Zoilus and the Sidonians and many others would help them, elated by this he hurried to get his fleet ready.
3.
[330] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τοὺς Πτολεμαιᾶς Δημαίνετος πιθανὸς ὢν αὐτοῖς τότε καὶ δημαγωγῶν μεταβαλέσθαι τὰς γνώμας ἐποίησεν, ἄμεινον εἶναι φήσας ἐπ' ἀδήλῳ τῷ γενησομένῳ διακινδυνεύειν πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους μᾶλλον ἢ φανερὰν εἰσδέξασθαι δουλείαν δεσπότῃ παραδόντας αὑτούς, καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ μὴ τὸν παρόντα μόνον ἔχειν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ μείζω τὸν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου. [331] τὴν γὰρ Κλεοπάτραν οὐ περιόψεσθαι δύναμιν αὐτῷ κατασκευαζόμενον Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ γειτόνων, ἀλλ' ἥξειν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς: σπουδάσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστε καὶ τῆς Κύπρου τὸν υἱὸν ἐκβαλεῖν: εἶναι δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ μὲν διαμαρτόντι τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποφυγὴν πάλιν τὴν Κύπρον, αὐτοῖς δὲ κινδύνων τὸν ἔσχατον. [332] ὁ μὲν οὖν Πτολεμαῖος κατὰ τὸν πόρον μαθὼν τὴν τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν μεταβολὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔπλευσεν καὶ καταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Συκάμινον ἐνταυθοῖ τὴν δύναμιν ἐξεβίβασεν. [333] ἦν δὲ ὁ πᾶς στρατὸς αὐτῷ πεζοί τε ἅμα καὶ ἱππεῦσιν περὶ τρισμυρίους, οὓς προαγαγὼν πλησίον τῆς Πτολεμαίδος καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος, ἐπεὶ μήτε τοὺς παρ' αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις ἐδέχοντο μήτε τῶν λόγων ἠκροῶντο, μεγάλως ἐφρόντιζεν.
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330 Meanwhile the demagogue Demenetus who could get others to do his wishes, got the Ptolemaians to change their minds by saying that it was better to run the risk of subjection to the Jews than to welcome certain slavery by surrendering to a master, and besides, that not only would they face the present war but must expect a much much fiercer one from Egypt. 331 For Cleopatra would not ignore an army raised from the neighbourhood on behalf of Ptolemy, but would come upon them with a large army of her own, when she went to expel her son from Cyprus. And if his hopes failed, Ptolemy could still retreat to Cyprus, but they would be left in extreme danger. 332 Although he had heard of the Ptolemaians' change of heart, Ptolemy went on with his voyage and came to the place called Sycamine and where he disembarked his army. 333 His whole army, between cavalry and infantry, numbered about thirty thousand, with which he marched close to Ptolemais and encamped. When they would neither receive his envoys nor listen what they had to say, he was greatly worried.
4.
[334] Ἐλθόντων δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ζωίλου τε καὶ τῶν Γαζαίων καὶ δεομένων συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς πορθουμένης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου, λύει μὲν τὴν πολιορκίαν δείσας τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος, ἀπαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐστρατήγει τὸ λοιπὸν λάθρα μὲν τὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον μεταπεμπόμενος, φανερῶς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποκρινόμενος. [335] καὶ τετρακόσια δὲ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα δώσειν ὑπέσχετο χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων αἰτῶν Ζώιλον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν τύραννον καὶ τὴν χώραν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις προσνεῖμαι. τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἡδέως τὴν πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ποιησάμενος φιλίαν χειροῦται τὸν Ζώιλον. [336] ὕστερον δὲ ἀκούσας λάθρα διαπεμψάμενον αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν λύει τοὺς γεγενημένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅρκους καὶ προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν Πτολεμαίδα μὴ δεξαμένην αὐτόν. καταλιπὼν δ' ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας στρατηγοὺς καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτὸς τῷ λοιπῷ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν καταστρεψόμενος ὥρμησεν. [337] ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος τὴν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου διάνοιαν μαθὼν συνήθροισεν καὶ αὐτὸς περὶ πέντε μυριάδας τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς δ' ἔνιοι συγγραφεῖς εἰρήκασιν ὀκτώ, καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἀπήντα τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ. Πτολεμαῖος δ' ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν Ἀσωχειτω τῆς Γαλιλαίας πόλει σάββασιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος αὐτὴν καὶ περὶ μύρια σώματα καὶ πολλὴν ἑτέραν ἔλαβε λείαν.
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334 When Zoilus and the Gazaites came to him asking him to be their military ally, because their country had been ravaged by the Jews and Alexander, for fear of Ptolemy Alexander raised the siege, and after withdrawing his army to his own land, later used a ruse by secretly inviting Cleopatra to fight Ptolemy, while publicly seeking a pact of friendship and military alliance with him. 335 He promised him four hundred talents of silver in return for deposing Zoilus the tyrant and giving his country to the Jews and Ptolemy gladly entered into friendship with Alexander and subdued Zoilus. 336 Later when he heard how he had secretly written to his mother Cleopatra , he broke the agreement he had sealed under oath, and attacked him and besieged Ptolemais for not receiving him. However, leaving the siege in the care of his generals and part of his forces, he himself hurried off with the remainder to plunder Judea. 337 When Alexander learned of Ptolemy's intention, he too gathered about fifty thousand of his own countrymen, or some writers have said, eighty thousand, and went to meet Ptolemy with this force, but Ptolemy suddenly attacked Asochis, a city of Galilee and took it by force on the sabbath day, and took about ten thousand slaves and a large amount of other booty.
5.
[338] Πειράσας δὲ καὶ Σέπφωριν μικρὸν ἄπωθεν τῆς πεπορθημένης πολλοὺς ἀποβαλὼν ᾔει πολεμήσων Ἀλεξάνδρῳ. ὑπήντησε δ' αὐτῷ πρὸς τῷ Ἰορδάνῃ ποταμῷ Ἀλέξανδρος περί τινα τόπον λεγόμενον Ἀσωφὼν οὐ πόρρωθεν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου ποταμοῦ καὶ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον πλησίον τῶν πολεμίων. [339] εἶχεν μέντοι τοὺς προμαχομένους ὀκτακισχιλίους, οὓς ἑκατονταμάχους προσηγόρευσεν, ἐπιχάλκοις χρωμένους τοῖς θυρεοῖς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς τοῦ Πτολεμαίου προμαχοῦσιν ἐπίχαλκοι αἱ ἀσπίδες. τοῖς μέντοι γε ἄλλοις ἔλαττον ἔχοντες οἱ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου εὐλαβέστερον συνῆψαν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον. [340] θάρσος δὲ αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον ἐνεποίησεν ὁ τακτικὸς Φιλοστέφανος διαβῆναι κελεύσας τὸν ποταμόν, οὗ μεταξὺ ἦσαν ἐστρατοπεδευκότες. Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ κωλύειν αὐτῶν τὴν διάβασιν οὐκ ἔδοξεν: ἐνόμιζεν γάρ, εἰ κατὰ νώτου λάβοιεν τὸν ποταμόν, ῥᾷον αἱρήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους φεύγειν ἐκ τῆς μάχης οὐ δυναμένους. [341] κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν παρ' ἀμφοτέρων ἦν ἔργα χειρῶν καὶ προθυμίας παραπλήσια καὶ πολὺς ἐγένετο φόνος ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατευμάτων, ὑπερτέρων δὲ τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου γινομένων Φιλοστέφανος διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν δεξιῶς τοῖς ἐνδιδοῦσιν ἐπεκούρει. [342] μηδενὸς δὲ τῷ κλιθέντι μέρει τῶν Ἰουδαίων προσβοηθοῦντος τούτους μὲν συνέβαινε φεύγειν μὴ βοηθούντων τῶν πλησίον ἀλλὰ κοινωνούντων τῆς φυγῆς, οἱ δὲ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τὰ ἐναντία τούτων ἔπραττον: [343] ἑπόμενοι γὰρ ἔκτεινον τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον τραπέντας αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας ἐδίωκον φονεύοντες ἕως οὗ καὶ ὁ σίδηρος αὐτοῖς ἠμβλύνθη κτείνουσιν καὶ αἱ χεῖρες παρείθησαν. [344] τρισμυρίους γοῦν ἔφασαν αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, Τιμαγένης δὲ πεντακισμυρίους εἴρηκεν, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν αἰχμαλώτους ληφθῆναι, τοὺς δ' εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφεύγειν χωρία.
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338 He then tried to take Sepphoris, close to the one he had destroyed, and there lost many of his men, but went on to fight Alexander, who met him at the river Jordan, near a place called Asophos, not far from the Jordan, and pitched camp near to the enemy. 339 This time he had in the front rank eight thousand whom he called "hundred-fighters" with shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had brass-covered shields, but the rest of Ptolemy's soldiers were inferior to those of Alexander and therefore were more fearful of risks. 340 But the tactician Philostephanus put great heart into them and ordered them to cross the river, which was between their camps; and Alexander did not try to stop them, thinking that if the enemy had their backs to the river, he could capture them more easily as they could not flee from the battle. 341 At first the two sides matched each other both in deed and courage and there was great slaughter on both sides, but Alexander was having the better of it until Philostephanus cleverly brought up the allies to help those who were giving ground. 342 Since there were no allies to help the part of the Jews that were yielding they fled and those beside them did not help them, but fled along with them, while Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite otherwise. 343 They pursued and killed the Jews until finally the killers in pursuit had been chasing and killing for so long that their iron weapons were blunted and their hands were weary. 344 It was said that thirty thousand men were killed that day, though Timagenes says it was fifty thousand. Of the rest, some were taken prisoner and the others escaped home.
6.
[345] Πτολεμαῖος δὲ μετὰ τὴν νίκην προσκαταδραμὼν τὴν χώραν ὀψίας ἐπιγενομένης ἔν τισι κώμαις τῆς Ἰουδαίας κατέμεινεν, ἃς γυναικῶν εὑρὼν μεστὰς καὶ νηπίων ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀποσφάττοντας αὐτοὺς καὶ κρεουργοῦντας ἔπειτα εἰς λέβητας ζέοντας ἐνιέντας τὰ μέλη ἀπάρχεσθαι. [346] τοῦτο δὲ προσέταξεν, ἵν' οἱ διαφυγόντες ἐκ τῆς μάχης καὶ πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἐλθόντες σαρκοφάγους ὑπολάβωσιν εἶναι τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς καταπλαγῶσι ταῦτ' ἰδόντες. [347] λέγει δὲ καὶ Στράβων καὶ Νικόλαος, ὅτι τοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐχρήσαντο τὸν τρόπον, καθὼς κἀγὼ προείρηκα. ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ τὴν Πτολεμαίδα κατὰ κράτος, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις φανερὸν πεποιήκαμεν.
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345 After this victory, Ptolemy overran the land and when night came on, he stayed where he was in some villages of Judea that he found full of women and children, and ordered his soldiers to strangle and butcher them, and then throw them into boiling caldrons and use their limbs as sacrifices. 346 He gave this order so that any who fled from the battle and got home would think that their enemies were cannibals who ate human flesh and therefore be still more terrified of them. 347 Both Strabo and Nicholas affirm that they treated them in this waythat I have reported. Ptolemy then took Ptolemais by force, as we have clarified elsewhere.
Chapter 13. [348-376]
In league with Cleopatra, Alexander destroys Gaza. He kills many Jews who rebelled against him
1.
[348] Κλεοπάτρα δ' ὁρῶσα τὸν υἱὸν αὐξανόμενον καὶ τήν τε Ἰουδαίαν ἀδεῶς πορθοῦντα καὶ τὴν Γαζαίων πόλιν ὑπήκοον ἔχοντα, περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις ὄντα καὶ ποθοῦντα τὴν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων μείζω γενόμενον, [349] ἀλλὰ παραχρῆμα μετὰ καὶ ναυτικῆς καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐξώρμησεν ἡγεμόνας τῆς ὅλης στρατιᾶς ἀποδείξασα Χελκίαν καὶ Ἀνανίαν τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πλούτου καὶ τοὺς υἱωνοὺς καὶ διαθήκας πέμψασα Κῴοις παρέθετο. [350] κελεύσασα δὲ τὸν υἱὸν Ἀλέξανδρον στόλῳ μεγάλῳ παραπλεῖν εἰς Φοινίκην ἡ Κλεοπάτρα μετὰ πάσης αὐτὴ τῆς δυνάμεως ἧκεν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα, μὴ δεξαμένων δὲ αὐτὴν τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν πολιορκεῖ τὴν πόλιν. [351] Πτολεμαῖος δ' ἐκ τῆς Συρίας ἀπελθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔσπευσεν, αἰφνιδίως αὐτὴν οἰόμενος κενὴν οὖσαν στρατιᾶς καθέξειν: ἀλλὰ διαμαρτάνει τῆς ἐλπίδος. κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χρόνον συνέβη καὶ Χελκίαν τὸν ἕτερον τῶν τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἡγεμόνων ἀποθανεῖν περὶ κοίλην Συρίαν διώκοντα Πτολεμαῖον.
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348 When Cleopatra saw how powerful her son had grown and how he had ravaged Judea easily and taken control of the city of Gaza, she decided no longer to ignore his activities when he was almost at her gates, since he would be eager to rule the Egyptians, 349 so immediately she set out against him by sea and land and appointed the Jews Chelkias and Ananias as generals of her whole army, while she sent most of her riches, her grandchildren and her testament, to the people of Cos. 350 Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a large fleet to Phoenicia, and when that country rebelled she went to Ptolemais, and because the Ptolemaians did not receive her, she besieged the city. 351 Ptolemy left Syria and hurried to Egypt, expecting to find it without an army and to capture it quickly, but he was unsuccessful in his hopes. Meanwhile Chelkias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to die in Coele-Syria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.
2.
[352] Ἀκούσασα δ' ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν τὴν τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ ὅτι τὰ περὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον οὐχ ὃν προσεδόκα τρόπον προκεχώρηκεν αὐτῷ, πέμψασα μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐξέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου πάλιν ὑποστρέψας τὸν χειμῶνα διέτριψεν ἐν Γάζῃ. [353] Κλεοπάτρα δ' ἐν τούτῳ τὴν ἐν Πτολεμαίδι φρουρὰν ἐκ πολιορκίας λαμβάνει καὶ τὴν πόλιν. Ἀλεξάνδρου δ' αὐτὴν μετὰ δώρων περιελθόντος καὶ θεραπείας ὁποίας ἄξιον ἦν πεπονθότα μὲν κακῶς ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου, καταφυγῆς δ' οὐκ ἄλλης ἢ ταύτης εὐποροῦντα, τινὲς μὲν τῶν φίλων καὶ ταῦτα συνεβούλευον αὐτῇ λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπελθούσῃ κατασχεῖν καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἐπ' ἀνδρὶ ἑνὶ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀγαθῶν Ἰουδαίων κείμενον. [354] Ἀνανίας δὲ συνεβούλευσε τούτοις ἐναντία, λέγων ἄδικα ποιήσειν αὐτήν, εἰ σύμμαχον ἄνθρωπον ἀφαιρήσεται τῆς ἰδίας ἐξουσίας καὶ ταῦτα συγγενῆ ἡμέτερον: οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν βούλομαί σε, φησίν, εἰ τὸ πρὸς τοῦτον ἄδικον ἐχθροὺς ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς σοι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους κατα [355] σκευάζει." ταῦτα δὲ Ἀνανία παραινέσαντος ἡ Κλεοπάτρα πείθεται μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαι τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἀλλὰ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατο ἐν Σκυθοπόλει τῆς κοίλης Συρίας.
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352 When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt and that his Egyptian expedition had not succeeded according to his plans, she sent part of her army there and expelled him from that country, and on his return from Egypt he passed the winter in Gaza. 353 Meanwhile Cleopatra took the garrison in Ptolemais by siege, and the city too, and when Alexander came he brought her gifts and appropriate marks of respect, since under the threat of Ptolemy she was his only refuge. Some of her friends urged her to seize Alexander and to invade and occupy his country and not to sit still and let such a crowd of good Jews be subject to one man. 354 Ananias advised to the contrary, that it would be wrong to deprive an ally of his rightful authority, "especially one related to us; for I want you to know that any injustice you do to him will turn all of us Jews into your enemies." 355 Cleopatra took this advice of Ananias and did no harm to Alexander, but made a pact of alliance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Coele-Syria.
3.
[356] Ὁ δὲ τῶν ἐκ Πτολεμαίου φόβων ἐλευθερωθεὶς στρατεύεται μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν, αἱρεῖ δὲ Γάδαρα πολιορκήσας δέκα μησίν, αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ Ἀμαθοῦντα μέγιστον ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν Ἰορδάνην κατῳκημένων, ἔνθα καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ σπουδῆς ἄξια Θεόδωρος ὁ Ζήνωνος εἶχεν. ὃς οὐ προσδοκῶσιν ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις μυρίους αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνει καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαρπάζει. [357] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ καταπλήττει τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρατεύει τοῖς θαλαττίοις μέρεσιν, Ῥαφείᾳ καὶ Ἀνθηδόνι, ἣν ὕστερον βασιλεὺς Ἡρώδης Ἀγριππιάδα προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν καὶ ταύτην. [358] ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ τῆς Γάζης εἰς Κύπρον ἀνακεχωρηκότα, τὴν δὲ μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὀργιζόμενος δὲ τοῖς Γαζαίοις, ὅτι Πτολεμαῖον ἐπεκαλέσαντο βοηθόν, ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν προενόμευσεν. [359] Ἀπολλοδότου δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Γαζαίων μετὰ δισχιλίων ξένων καὶ μυρίων οἰκετῶν νύκτωρ ἐπιπεσόντος τῷ τῶν Ἰουδαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐφ' ὅσον μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἡ νὺξ ἐνίκων οἱ Γαζαῖοι δόκησιν παρασχόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἐπεληλυθότος αὐτοῖς Πτολεμαίου, γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς δόξης ἐλεγχθείσης μαθόντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τἀληθὲς ἐπισυστρέφονται καὶ τοῖς Γαζαίοις προσβαλόντες ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτῶν περὶ χιλίους. [360] τῶν δὲ Γαζαίων ἀντεχόντων καὶ μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας μήτε ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀναιρουμένων ἐνδιδόντων, πᾶν γὰρ ὁτιοῦν ὑπέμενον παθεῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τῷ πολεμίῳ γενέσθαι, προσεπήγειρεν δ' αὐτῶν τὴν προθυμίαν καὶ Ἀρέτας ὁ Ἀράβων βασιλεὺς ἐπίδοξος ὢν ἥξειν αὐτοῖς σύμμαχος. [361] ἀλλὰ συνέβη πρῶτον τὸν Ἀπολλόδοτον διαφθαρῆναι: Λυσίμαχος γὰρ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ζηλοτυπῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις εὐδοκιμεῖν, κτείνας αὐτὸν καὶ στρατιωτικὸν συγκροτήσας ἐνδίδωσιν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὴν πόλιν. [362] ὁ δ' εὐθὺς μὲν εἰσελθὼν ἠρέμει, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν δύναμιν ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς Γαζαίοις ἐπιτρέψας τιμωρεῖν αὐτούς: οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀλλαχῆ τρεπόμενοι τοὺς Γαζαίους ἀπέκτειναν. ἦσαν δ' οὐδ' ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς παραπίπτουσιν ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους οὐκ ἐλάττονας αὐτῶν διέφθειραν. [363] ἔνιοι δὲ μονούμενοι τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐξ αὐτῶν λάφυρον εἶναι τοῖς πολεμίοις λαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν αὐτόχειρες ἐγένοντο τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς αὐτὰ δουλείας οὕτως ἀπαλλάττειν ἠναγκασμένοι. [364] τῶν δὲ βουλευτῶν ἦσαν οἱ πάντες πεντακόσιοι συμφυγόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν: συνεδρευόντων γὰρ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν συνέβη γενέσθαι: ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος τούτους τε ἀναιρεῖ καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατασκάψας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας.
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356 When Alexander was freed from his fear of Ptolemy, he marched at once against Coelesyria and after a siege of ten months took Gadara. He also took Amathous, a major fortress of the people of the upper Jordan, where Theodore, son of Zeno, kept all that he valued most highly; but he attacked the Jews unexpectedly and killed ten thousand of them and captured Alexander's baggage. 357 Undismayed, Alexander marched against the maritime districts of Raphia and Anthedon, which king Herod later renamed Agrippias, and took even that by storm. 358 When Alexander saw that Ptolemy had retreated from Gaza to Cyprus and his mother Cleopatra had returned to Egypt, in his anger at the people of Gaza for inviting Ptolemy to help them he besieged their city and ravaged their country. 359 When Apollodotus, the general of the Gazaites, with two thousand foreigners and ten thousand of his own forces, attacked the camp of the Jews and while the night lasted the men of Gaza had the upper hand, since the enemy thought that it was Ptolemy attacking them, but when it was day and that impression was corrected and the Jews knew the actual truth, they returned and attacked the men of Gazaites and killed about a thousand of them. 360 But as the Gazaites held out and would not yield either from shortage of food or because of the numbers killed, for they would rather suffer any hardship than come under the power of their enemies, Aretas, the king of the Arabs, a notable personage at the time, encouraged them to go on with determination and promised to come to their aid. 361 Before he arrived Apollodotus was killed, for his brother Lysimachus who envied him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, killed him and assembling the troops, surrendered the city to Alexander. 362 After coming in he at first stayed peaceful but later set his army on the people of Gaza and let them punish them, so that they spread out in various directions to kill the Gazaites. These, however, were not cowardly but stood up to those who came to kill them and killed just as many of the Jews. 363 Some of them even, finding themselves isolated, burned their own houses so that the enemy might claim no spoils from them, and some with their own hands killed their children and their wives, having no other way to keep them from slavery. 364 As this attack came while they were in session, the senators, five hundred in all, fled to the temple of Apollo, but Alexander killed them and when he had utterly destroyed their city, he returned to Jerusalem, after a year besieging them.
4.
[365] Ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τοῦτον καιρὸν καὶ Ἀντίοχος ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Γρυπὸς ἀποθνήσκει ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέωνος ἐπιβουλευθείς, βιώσας μὲν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα καὶ πέντε, βασιλεύσας δὲ ἐννέα καὶ εἴκοσι. [366] διαδεξάμενος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ ὁ παῖς Σέλευκος ἐπολέμει μὲν τῷ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀδελφῷ Ἀντιόχῳ, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Κυζικηνός, νικήσας δ' αὐτὸν καὶ λαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. [367] μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ παῖς Ἀντίοχος, ὁ Εὐσεβὴς καλούμενος, παραγενηθεὶς εἰς Ἄραδον καὶ περιθέμενος διάδημα πολεμεῖ τῷ Σελεύκῳ, καὶ κρατήσας ἐξήλασεν αὐτὸν ἐκ πάσης τῆς Συρίας. [368] ὁ δὲ φυγὼν εἰς Κιλικίαν καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τῇ Μόψου ἑστίᾳ πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰσέπραττε χρήματα. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μοψεστέων δῆμος ἀγανακτήσας ὑφῆψεν αὐτοῦ τὰ βασίλεια καὶ διέφθειρεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν φίλων. [369] Ἀντιόχου δὲ τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ παιδὸς βασιλεύοντος τῆς Συρίας Ἀντίοχος ὁ Σελεύκου ἀδελφὸς ἐκφέρει πόλεμον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ νικηθεὶς ἀπόλλυται μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς. μετὰ δ' αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Φίλιππος ἐπιθέμενος διάδημα μέρους τινὸς τῆς Συρίας ἐβασίλευσεν. [370] Πτολεμαῖος δὲ ὁ Λάθουρος τὸν τρίτον αὐτῶν ἀδελφὸν Δημήτριον τὸν Ἄκαιρον λεγόμενον ἐκ Κνίδου μεταπεμψάμενος κατέστησεν ἐν Δαμασκῷ βασιλέα. [371] τούτοις δὲ τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς καρτερῶς ἀνθιστάμενος Ἀντίοχος ταχέως ἀπέθανεν: Λαοδίκῃ γὰρ ἐλθὼν σύμμαχος τῇ τῶν Σαμηνῶν βασιλίσσῃ Πάρθους πολεμούσῃ μαχόμενος ἀνδρείως ἔπεσεν. τὴν δὲ Συρίαν οἱ δύο κατεῖχον ἀδελφοὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Φίλιππος, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.
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365 About this time Antiochus, who was surnamed Grypus, died in a plot instigated by Heracleon, after living forty-five years and ruling for twenty-nine. 366 His son Seleucus succeeded him as king and made war on his father's brother Antiochus, surnamed Antiochus Cyzicenus, and on defeating him took him prisoner and killed him. 367 Shortly afterwards the son of Cyzicenus, Antiochus, called the Pious, came to Aradus and after taking the crown made war on Seleucus and beat him and drove him completely out of Syria. 368 Taking flight to Cilicia, he came to Mopsous and again levied money upon them, but the populace of Mopsous were angry and burned down his palace and killed him along with his friends. 369 When Antiochus, son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, made war on him and was defeated and destroyed along with his army; and after him, his brother Philip assumed the crown and ruled over part of Syria. 370 Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother Demetrius, surnamed Eucerus, from Cnidus and made him king of Damascus. 371 Having fiercely opposed both these brothers, Antiochus died soon afterwards, for coming as an ally to Laodice, queen of Galaditis, in her war against the Parthians and fighting bravely, he fell. At that time Demetrius and Philip ruled Syria, as has been elsewhere reported.
5.
[372] Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῶν οἰκείων πρὸς αὐτὸν στασιασάντων, ἐπανέστη γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ ἔθνος ἑορτῆς ἀγομένης καὶ ἑστῶτος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ καὶ θύειν μέλλοντος κιτρίοις αὐτὸν ἔβαλλον, νόμου ὄντος παρὰ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἐν τῇ σκηνοπηγίᾳ ἔχειν ἕκαστον θύρσους ἐκ φοινίκων καὶ κιτρίων, δεδηλώκαμεν δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἐν ἄλλοις, προσεξελοιδόρησαν δ' αὐτὸν ὡς ἐξ αἰχμαλώτων γεγονότα καὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τοῦ θύειν ἀνάξιον, [373] ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργισθεὶς κτείνει μὲν αὐτῶν περὶ ἑξακισχιλίους, δρύφακτον δὲ ξύλινον περὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ τὸν ναὸν βαλόμενος μέχρι τοῦ θριγκοῦ, εἰς ὃν μόνοις ἐξῆν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰσιέναι, τούτῳ τὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἀπέφραττεν εἴσοδον. [374] ἔτρεφεν δὲ καὶ ξένους Πισίδας καὶ Κίλικας: Σύροις γὰρ πολέμιος ὢν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο. καταστρεψάμενος δὲ τῶν Ἀράβων Μωαβίτας καὶ Γαλααδίτας εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, κατερείπει καὶ Ἀμαθοῦντα Θεοδώρου μὴ τολμῶντος αὐτῷ συμβαλεῖν. [375] συνάψας δὲ μάχην πρὸς Ὀβέδαν τὸν Ἀράβων βασιλέα καὶ πεσὼν εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐν χωρίοις τραχέσι καὶ δυσβάτοις ὑπὸ πλήθους καμήλων εἰς βαθεῖαν κατερράχθη φάραγγα κατὰ Γάδαρα κώμην τῆς ιουδάνιδος καὶ μόλις αὐτὸς διασώζεται, φεύγων δ' ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα παραγίνεται. [376] καὶ πρὸς τὴν κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ ἔθνους πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸ ἔτεσιν ἓξ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν Ἰουδαίων οὐκ ἔλαττον πέντε μυριάδας. παρακαλοῦντος δὲ παῦσαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσμένειαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὰ συμβεβηκότα. πυνθανομένου δ' αὐτοῦ τί βούλονται, πάντες γενέσθαι ἐβόησαν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν Ἄκαιρον ἔπεμψαν παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν.
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372 Alexander's own people rebelled against him, for as a festival was being celebrated, when he stood upon the altar about to sacrifice, the nation rose up at him and pelted him with lemons, for the Jewish law requires that at the feast of tents each should have branches of the palm and lemon trees, as we have elsewhere reported, and they mocked him as on born of slaves and so unworthy of the honour of offering sacrifice. 373 Enraged by this he killed about six thousand of them and built a wooden partition around the altar and extended the sanctuary as far as the partition, within which only the priests were allowed to enter, and thereby blocked the people from coming near him. 374 He also employed Pisidian and Cilician aliens but made war on the Syrians, and so made no use of them; and of the Arabs he defeated the Moabites and Galadites and made them pay tribute, and he crushed Amathous, while Theodore dared not fight with him. 375 But as he had gave battle to Obedas, king of the Arabs, he fell into an ambush among a herd of camels in a rugged place that was difficult to cross, and was driven down into a deep valley, near the village of Gadara in Gaulanitis and fled to Jerusalem, barely escaping with his life. 376 To his other misdeeds he added fighting his own nation for six years and killing no fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews. When he entreated them to set aside their ill-will to him, they hated him all the more for what had already happened, and when he asked them what they wannted they all shouted that he should kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Akairos, asking him to come as their ally.
Chapter 14. [377-386]
Demetrius Akairos defeats Alexander, then retreats. The many Jews killed by Alexander
1.
[377] Ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους περὶ Σίκιμα πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ μετὰ μισθοφόρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων Ἰουδαίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἳ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν ἀντεπῄει τῷ Δημητρίῳ: τούτῳ δ' ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες. [378] πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας Ἕλληνας πειρωμένου, τοῦ δὲ τοὺς σὺν Δημητρίῳ Ἰουδαίους. μηδετέρου δὲ πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ' εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, νικᾷ Δημήτριος, καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν οἱ Ἀλεξάνδρου μισθοφόροι πάντες πίστεως ἅμα καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν.
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377 Being invited, he came with an army and joining up with them encamped near the city of Sikima. Then Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries and about twenty thousand Jews who thought as he did went out against Demetrius, who had three thousand cavalry and forty thousand infantry. 378 Both sides strove hard, Demetrius trying to win over the mercenaries who were Greeks, and Alexander trying to win over the Jews who were on the side of Demetrius. When neither could persuade the others, a battle was fought which Demetrius won, and despite proving their loyalty and courage all of Alexander's mercenaries died in it, as well as many of the soldiers of Demetrius.
2.
[379] Φεύγοντος δ' Ἀλεξάνδρου εἰς τὰ ὄρη κατὰ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς συλλέγονται παρ' αὐτὸν Ἰουδαίων ἑξακισχίλιοι. καὶ τότε μὲν δείσας ὑποχωρεῖ Δημήτριος. μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἐπολέμουν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ καὶ νικώμενοι πολλοὶ ἀπέθνησκον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις. [380] κατακλείσας δὲ τοὺς δυνατωτάτους αὐτᾶν ἐν Βαιθομμει πόλει ἐπολιόρκει, λαβὼν δὲ τὴν πόλιν καὶ γενόμενος ἐγκρατὴς αὐτῶν ἀνήγαγεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ πάντων ὠμότατον ἔργον ἔδρασεν: ἑστιώμενος γὰρ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ μετὰ τῶν παλλακίδων ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν αὐτῶν ὡς ὀκτακοσίους, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἔτι ζώντων παρὰ τὰς ἐκείνων ὄψεις ἀπέσφαττεν, [381] ὑπὲρ μὲν ὧν ἠδίκητο ἀμυνόμενος, ἄλλως δὲ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ταύτην εἰσπραττόμενος τὴν δίκην, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα, ὅπερ ἦν εἰκός, ἐταλαιπωρήθη τοῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς πολέμοις καὶ εἰς τοὔσχατον ἧκε κινδύνου ψυχῆς τε πέρι καὶ βασιλείας, οὐκ ἀρκουμένων ἀγωνίζεσθαι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, [382] ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαγόντων καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ἀγαγόντων, ὥστε ἣν κατεστρέψατο γῆν ἐν Γαλααδίτιδι καὶ Μωαβίτιδι καὶ τὰ χωρία τῶν Ἀράβων τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι, ὅπως ἂν μὴ ξυνάρηται σφίσι τὸν κατ' αὐτοῦ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε μυρία ἐς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπήρειαν πραξάντων. [383] ἀλλ' [οὖν οὐκ] ἐπιτηδείως δοκεῖ ταῦτα δρᾶσαι, ὥστε διὰ τὴν τῆς ὠμότητος ὑπερβολὴν ἐπικληθῆναι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων Θρακίδαν. οἱ δ' ἀντιστασιῶται αὐτοῦ τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους φεύγουσιν νυκτὸς καὶ παρ' ὃν ἔζη χρόνον Ἀλέξανδρος ἦσαν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένος τῆς ἐκ τούτων ταραχῆς μετὰ πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἠρεμίας ἐβασίλευσεν.
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379 As Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews, sympathetic to the change in his fortune, joined up with him, and Demetrius grew afraid and retreated. But later the Jews turned on Alexander and after their defeat in the battles many were killed. 380 Having trapped the most powerful of them in the city of Baithomis, he besieged it and when he captured the city and had them in his power he brought them to Jerusalem and did to them one of the cruellest things. For as he was feasting in public with his concubines, he had about eight hundred of them crucified, and while they were still alive, had the throats of their children and wives cut before their eyes. 381 This was in revenge for the wrongs they had done, but the vengeance was inhuman even granted his exhaustion by his wars with them, for they had brought him to the most extreme danger both to his life and kingdom, as they not only fought against him themselves, but brought in foreigners for this purpose. 382 In the end they drove him to such extremes that he was forced to hand back to the king the districts of Arabia and land in Moab and Galaditis which he had subdued, to prevent their joining them in the war against him, and they had done ten thousand other things to insult and challenge him. 383 But all his actions won him no credit since among the Jews he was nicknamed "The Thracian," for his excessive savagery. Therefore the crowd of about eight thousand that had fought against him fled by night and continued as fugitives as long as Alexander lived, and now free from any further disturbance from them, he ruled the rest of his time in all tranquillity.
3.
[384] Δημήτριος δ' ἐκ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἀπελθὼν εἰς Βέροιαν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Φίλιππον ὄντων αὐτῷ πεζῶν μὲν μυρίων, χιλίων δὲ ἱππέων. Στράτων δ' ὁ τῆς Βεροίας τύραννος Φιλίππῳ συμμαχῶν Ἄζιζον τὸν Ἀράβων φύλαρχον ἐπεκαλεῖτο καὶ Μιθριδάτην τὸν Σινάκην τὸν Παρθυαίων ὕπαρχον. [385] ὧν ἀφικομένων μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ πολιορκούντων Δημήτριον ἐντὸς τοῦ χαρακώματος, εἴσω τοῖς τε τοξεύμασι καὶ τῇ δίψῃ συνέχοντες αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασαν τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ σφᾶς παραδοῦναι. λαφυραγωγήσαντες δὲ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τὸν Δημήτριον παραλαβόντες τὸν μὲν τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ τῷ τότε βασιλεύοντι Πάρθων ἔπεμψαν, τῶν δ' αἰχμαλώτων οὓς Ἀντιοχέων εἶναι πολίτας συνέβαινε τούτους προῖκα τοῖς Ἀντιοχεῦσιν ἀπέδωκαν. [386] Μιθριδάτης δ' ὁ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς Δημήτριον εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ τῇ πάσῃ μέχρι νόσῳ κατέστρεψε Δημήτριος τὸν βίον. Φίλιππος δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης εὐθὺς εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐλθὼν καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἐβασίλευσεν τῆς Συρίας.
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384 When Demetrius left Judea he went to Berea and besieged his brother Philip with a force of ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry. However the tyrant of Berea, Strato, the ally of Philip, called in Azizos, the ruler of the Arabian tribes and Mithridates Sinakes, the ruler of the Parthians. 385 These, coming with numerous forces and besieging Demetrius in the fortress into which with their arrows they had driven him, by thirst forced his companions to surrender. So they took many spoils from the land and Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, then the king of Parthia, but without any reward restored to the Antiocheans any from that city whom they had captured. 386 Now Mithridates, the king of Parthia, showed Demetrius great honour, until sickness ended the man's life. And immediately after the battle Philip went to Antioch and took it and ruled over Syria.
Chapter 15. [387-404]
Antiochus "Dionysus" and Aretas make raids on Judea. Alexander's advice to Alexandra, before his death
1.
[387] Ἔπειτα Ἀντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς Διόνυσος ἀδελφὸς ὢν Φιλίππου, τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀντιποιούμενος εἰς Δαμασκὸν παραγίνεται, καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐβασίλευσεν. ἐκστρατεύσαντος δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἄραβας αὐτοῦ Φίλιππος ὁ ἀδελφὸς τοῦτ' ἀκούσας ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν ἦλθεν. [388] Μιλησίου δ', ὃς καταλέλειπτο τῆς ἄκρας φύλαξ καὶ τῶν Δαμασκηνῶν, παραδόντος αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν, ἀχάριστος εἰς αὐτὸν γενόμενος καὶ μηδὲν ὧν ἐλπίσας ἐδέξατο αὐτὸν παρασχών, ἀλλὰ τῷ παρ' αὐτοῦ φόβῳ βουληθεὶς δοκεῖν παραλαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἢ τῇ χάριτι τῇ Μιλησίου δωρούμενος αὐτὸν οἷς ἐχρῆν, ὑπωπτεύετο καὶ πάλιν ἐκπίπτει τῆς Δαμασκοῦ: [389] ἐξορμήσαντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ εἰς ἱππόδρομον ἀπέκλεισεν ὁ Μιλήσιος καὶ τὴν Δαμασκὸν Ἀντιόχῳ διεφύλαξεν. ὃς ἀκούσας τὰ περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ὑπέστρεψεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀραβίας, στρατεύεται δ' εὐθὺς ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ὁπλίταις μὲν ὀκτακισχιλίοις, ἱππεῦσι δὲ ὀκτακοσίοις. [390] δείσας δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ τάφρον ὀρύττει βαθεῖαν ἀπὸ τῆς Χαβερσαβᾶ ἀρξάμενος, ἣ νῦν Ἀντιπατρὶς καλεῖται, ἄχρι τῆς εἰς Ἰόππην θαλάσσης, ᾗ καὶ μόνον ἦν ἐπίμαχον: τεῖχός τ' ἐγείρας καὶ πύργους ἀναστήσας ξυλίνους καὶ μεταπύργια ἐπὶ σταδίους ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα ἐξεδέχετο τὸν Ἀντίοχον. [391] ὁ δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἐμπρήσας διεβίβαζε ταύτῃ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀραβίαν. ἀναχωροῦντος δὲ τοῦ Ἄραβος τὰ πρῶτα, ἔπειτα μετὰ μυρίων ἱππέων ἐξαίφνης ἐπιφανέντος ὑπαντήσας τούτοις Ἀντίοχος καρτερῶς ἐμάχετο, καὶ δὴ νικῶν ἀπέθανεν παραβοηθῶν τῷ πονοῦντι μέρει. πεσόντος δ' Ἀντιόχου καὶ τὸ στράτευμα φεύγει εἰς Κανὰ κώμην, ἔνθα τὸ πλεῖον αὐτῶν λιμῷ φθείρεται.
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387 Then Antiochus, surnamed Dionysus, Philip's brother, aspiring to rule came to Damascus and took power there. But as he was campaigning against the Arabs, his brother Philip heard of it and came to Damascus. 388 Milesius, who was in charge of the citadel, and the Damascene population surrendered the city to him, but when he disappointed him and granted none of what he had hoped for when welcoming him into the city, and claimed to have gained it through fear rather than by the favour of Milesius, and did not properly reward him, Philip lost popularity and was expelled from Damascus again. 389 Milesius caught him marching out into the Hippodrome and shut him within it and kept Damascus for Antiochus, who hearing about the Philip affair, returned from Arabia. He then immediately marched against Judea, with eight thousand armed infantry and eight hundred cavalry. 390 Fearful of his arrival, Alexander dug a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which only a part of his army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall and built wooden towers and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty furlongs in length and there expected the coming of Antiochus, 391 but the other soon burned them all and so enabled his army to pass into Arabia. At first the Arabian king retreated, but later suddenly appeared with ten thousand cavalry; and Antiochus faced them and fought desperately, and was on the verge of victory and helping part of his army in distress, when he was killed. When Antiochus fell his army fled to the village of Cana, where most of them died of hunger.
2.
[392] Βασιλεύει δὲ μετ' αὐτὸν τῆς κοίλης Συρίας Ἀρέτας κληθεὶς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν Δαμασκὸν ἐχόντων διὰ τὸ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Μενναίου μῖσος. στρατεύσας δ' ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν καὶ περὶ Ἄδιδα χωρίον μάχῃ νικήσας Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκ τῆς Ἰουδαίας.
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392 After him Aretas ruled Coele-Syria, being called to the leadership by those who held Damascus, because of their hatred of Ptolemy Mennaeus. From there he also made an expedition against Judea and beat Alexander in battle, near a place called Adidas, but then made a treaty and retreated from Judea.
3.
[393] Ἀλέξανδρος δ' ἐλάσας αὖθις ἐπὶ Δίαν πόλιν αἱρεῖ ταύτην, καὶ στρατεύσας ἐπὶ Ἔσσαν, οὗ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια Ζήνωνι συνέβαινεν εἶναι, τρισὶν μὲν περιβάλλει τείχεσιν τὸ χωρίον, ἀμαχὶ δὲ [λαβὼν] τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ Γαύλαναν καὶ Σελεύκειαν ἐξώρμησεν. [394] παραλαβὼν δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσεξεῖλεν καὶ τὴν Ἀντιόχου λεγομένην φάραγγα καὶ Γάμαλα τὸ φρούριον. ἐγκαλῶν δὲ πολλὰ Δημητρίῳ τῷ τῶν τόπων ἄρχοντι περιέδυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τρίτον ἤδη πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος τῆς στρατείας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ὑπέστρεψεν προθύμως αὐτὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν δεχομένων.
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393 Alexander marched against the city of Dios and took it, and then marched on Essa, where the best of Zeno's treasures happened to be and surrounded the place with three walls; and taking the city without a fight, he hastened on to Golan and Seleucia. 394 After taking these cities, he also captured the valley called The Valley of Antiochus, and the fortress of Gamala and indicted the ruler of those places, Demetrius, of many crimes and expelled him. After spending three years at war, he returned home, and the Jews received him joyfully for his success.
4.
[395] Κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν Σύρων καὶ Ἰδουμαίων καὶ Φοινίκων πόλεις εἶχον οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον Ἀπολλωνίαν Ἰόππην Ἰάμνειαν Ἄζωτον Γάζαν Ἀνθηδόνα Ῥάφειαν Ῥινοκόρουρα, [396] ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ κατὰ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν Ἄδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν καὶ ὅλην Ἰδουμαίαν, Σαμάρειαν Καρμήλιον ὄρος καὶ τὸ Ἰταβύριον ὄρος Σκυθόπολιν Γάδαρα, Γαυλανίτιδας Σελεύκειαν Γάβαλα, [397] Μωαβίτιδας Ἠσεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι.
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395 At this time the Jews occupied the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians and Idumaeans and Phoenicians: On the coast, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamneia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia and Rhinocoroura; 396 in the middle of the country towards Idumaea, Adora and Marissa; near the district of Samaria, Mount Carmel and Mount Itaburion, Scythopolis and Gadara, 397 of the district of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; in the district of Moab, Hessebon, Medaba, Lemba, Oronaima, Gelithon, Zoar, the valley of the Cilicians and Pella, which they utterly destroyed when its inhabitants would not bear to exchange their customs for those of the Jews; and they held other major cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.
5.
[398] Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκ μέθης εἰς νόσον καταπεσὼν καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν τεταρταίῳ πυρετῷ συσχεθεὶς οὐκ ἀπέστη τῶν στρατειῶν, ἕως οὗ τοῖς πόνοις ἐξαναλωθεὶς ἀπέθανεν ἐν τοῖς Γερασηνῶν ὅροις πολιορκῶν Ῥάγαβα φρούριον πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου. [399] ὁρῶσα δ' αὐτὸν ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν ὄντα καὶ μηδεμίαν ὑπογράφοντα μηκέτι σωτηρίας ἐλπίδα, κλαίουσα καὶ κοπτομένη τῆς μελλούσης ἐρημίας αὐτήν τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπωδύρετο καί "τίνι καταλείπεις οὕτως ἐμέ τε καὶ τὰ τέκνα τῆς παρ' ἄλλων βοηθείας δεόμενα" πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν "καὶ ταῦτ' εἰδώς, πῶς διάκειται [400] πρὸς σὲ δυσμενῶς τὸ ἔθνος." ὁ δὲ συνεβούλευεν αὐτῇ πείθεσθαι μὲν οἷς ὑποθήσεται πρὸς τὸ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀσφαλῶς κατέχειν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων, κρύψαι δὲ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἕως ἂν ἐξέλῃ τὸ χωρίον. [401] ἔπειτα ὡς ἀπὸ νίκης λαμπρῶς εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα παραγινομένην τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐξουσίαν τινὰ παρασχεῖν: τούτους γὰρ ἐπαινοῦντας αὐτὴν ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς εὔνουν καταστήσειν αὐτῇ τὸ ἔθνος, δύνασθαι δὲ πολὺ παρὰ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τούτους ἔφασκε βλάψαι τε μισοῦντας καὶ φίλους διακειμένους ὠφελῆσαι: [402] μάλιστα γὰρ πιστεύεσθαι παρὰ τῷ πλήθει περὶ ὧν ἂν κἂν φθονῶσίν τι χαλεπὸν λέγωσιν, αὐτόν τε προσκροῦσαι τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τούτους ἔλεγεν ὑβρισθέντας ὑπ' αὐτοῦ. [403] "σὺ τοίνυν, εἶπεν, ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις γενομένη μετάπεμψαι μὲν τοὺς στασιώτας αὐτῶν, ἐπιδείξασα δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοὐμὸν ἐκείνοις ὅπως μοι βούλονται χρῆσθαι μετὰ πολλῆς ἀξιοπιστίας ἐπίτρεπε, εἴτε καθυβρίζειν ἀταφίᾳ μου θελήσουσι τὸν νεκρὸν ὡς πολλὰ πεπονθότες ἐξ ἐμοῦ, εἴτ' ἄλλην τινὰ κατ' ὀργὴν αἰκίαν τῷ σώματι προσφέρειν. ὑπόσχου τε καὶ μηδὲν δίχα τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διαπράξεσθαι. [404] ταῦτά σου πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπούσης ἐγώ τε λαμπροτέρας ἀξιωθήσομαι πρὸς αὐτῶν κηδείας ἧς ἂν ἔτυχον ἐκ σοῦ, μηδὲν διὰ τὸ ἐξεῖναι ποιεῖν μου κακῶς τὸν νεκρὸν διαθεῖναι θελησάντων, σύ τε βεβαίως ἄρξεις." ταῦτα παραινέσας τῇ γυναικὶ τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας ἔτη ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι, βιώσας δ' ἓν καὶ πεντήκοντα.
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398 Then king Alexander, although he was sick from hard drinking and had a regular fever, which affected him for three years, would not stop going out with his army until he was quite spent with fatigue and died not far from Ragaba, a fortress beyond the Jordan. 399 When his queen saw that he was about to die and there was no more hope of his surviving, she came to him weeping and beating her breast for the desolate condition she and her sons would be left in. She wailed, "To whom do you leave me and the children, who are without any support, when you know how much the nation hates you?" 400 He advised her with some suggestions so that she and the children could securely hold on to the kingdom . First, she should conceal his death from the soldiers until she had captured the place. 401 Then she should go in triumph, as for a victory, to Jerusalem and entrust some of her authority to the Pharisees, who would commend her for the honour she showed them and would reconcile the nation to her. He pointed out to her the great authority they had among the Jews, both harm anyone they hated and to benefit those to whom they were well disposed, 402 and that they are believed by the crowd especially when they say something harsh, even if it is only out of envy for it was through them that he had incurred the nation's displeasure when they insulted him. 403 "Therefore," he said, "when you go to Jerusalem, send for their officers and show them my body and appearing fully sincere, leave the choice to them, whether to demean my corpse by refusing it burial, because of what they suffered from me, or in their anger decide to dishonour my body in some other way. And promise them that you will do nothing in the kingdom without their advice . 404 If you only say this to them, I shall have from them the honour of a more glorious funeral than you could give me, and when it is in their power to abuse my corpse they will do it no harm at all and you will rule in safety." When he had advised his wife in this way, he died, after he had ruled for twenty-seven years and lived for forty nine.
Chapter 16. [405-433]
With the Pharisees' support, Alexandra rules Judea for nine years
1.
[405] Ἡ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρα τὸ φρούριον ἐξελοῦσα κατὰ τὰς τοῦ: ἀνδρὸς ὑποθήκας τοῖς τε Φαρισαίοις διελέχθη καὶ πάντα ἐπ' ἐκείνοις θεμένη τά τε περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας, τῆς μὲν ὀργῆς αὐτοὺς τῆς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπαυσεν, εὔνους δ' ἐποίησεν καὶ φίλους. [406] οἱ δ' εἰς τὸ πλῆθος παρελθόντες ἐδημηγόρουν τὰς πράξεις τὰς Ἀλεξάνδρου διηγούμενοι, καὶ ὅτι δίκαιος αὐτοῖς ἀπόλοιτο βασιλεύς, καὶ τὸν δῆμον εἰς πένθος καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατήφειαν ἐξεκαλέσαντο τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, ὥστε καὶ λαμπρότερον ἤ τινα τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐκήδευσαν. [407] δύο μέντοι γε υἱοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος κατέλιπεν Ὑρκανὸν καὶ Ἀριστόβουλον, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδραν διέθετο. τῶν δὲ παίδων Ὑρκανὸς μὲν ἀσθενὴς ἦν πράγματα διοικεῖν καὶ βίον ἡσύχιον μᾶλλον ἠγαπηκώς, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος Ἀριστόβουλος δραστήριός τε ἦν καὶ θαρσαλέος. ἐστέργετο μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἡ γυνὴ διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν ἐφ' οἷς ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς ἐξήμαρτεν δυσχεραίνειν.
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405 After taking the fortress, Alexandra acted as her husband had suggested and spoke to the Pharisees and put everything in their power, about his corpse and the kingdom, and so she pacified their rage at Alexander and won their goodwill and friendship. 406 They, going to the people and talking to them and explaining the acts of Alexander and saying that they had lost a righteous king, by their praise brought them to grieve and mourn for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than any of the kings before him. 407 Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but entrusted the kingdom to Alexandra. Of these children, Hyrcanus was unfit for public affairs and preferred a quiet life, while the younger, Aristobulus, was active and courageous. The woman herself was loved by the people, as she seemed displeased by the sins her husband had committed.
2.
[408] Ἡ δὲ ἀρχιερέα μὲν ἀπεδείκνυεν Ὑρκανὸν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, πολὺ μέντοι πλέον διὰ τὸ ἄπραγμον αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐπέτρεπεν ποιεῖν, οἷς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσεν πειθαρχεῖν καὶ εἴ τι δὲ καὶ τῶν νομίμων Ὑρκανὸς ὁ πενθερὸς αὐτῆς κατέλυσεν ὧν εἰσήνεγκαν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κατὰ τὴν πατρῴαν παράδοσιν, τοῦτο πάλιν ἀποκατέστησεν. [409] τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄνομα τῆς βασιλείας εἶχεν αὐτή, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι: καὶ γὰρ φυγάδας οὗτοι κατῆγον καὶ δεσμώτας ἔλυον καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν δεσποτῶν διέφερον. ἐποιεῖτο μέντοι καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς βασιλείας πρόνοιαν, καὶ πολὺ μισθοφορικὸν συνίστησιν, καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν δύναμιν ἀπέδειξεν διπλασίονα, ὡς καταπλῆξαι τοὺς πέριξ τυράννους καὶ λαβεῖν ὅμηρα αὐτῶν. [410] ἠρέμει δ' ἡ χώρα πᾶσα πάρεξ τῶν Φαρισαίων: οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπετάρασσον τὴν βασίλειαν πείθοντες, ὅπως κτείνειεν τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραινέσαντας ἀνελεῖν τοὺς ὀκτακοσίους. εἶτα αὐτοὶ τούτων ἕνα σφάττουσιν Διογένην καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν ἄλλους ἐπ' ἄλλοις, [411] ἕως οὗ οἱ δυνατοὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ βασίλειον καὶ μετ' αὐτῶν Ἀριστόβουλος, ἐῴκει γὰρ τοῖς γινομένοις δυσανασχετῶν καὶ δῆλος ἦν, καθάπαξ εἰ ἀφορμῆς λάβοιτο, μὴ ἐπιτρέψων τῇ μητρί, ἀνεμίμνησκον ὅσα κατώρθωσαν τοσούτοις κινδύνοις, δι' ὧν τὸ βέβαιον τῆς ἐν σφίσι πίστεως πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην ἐπεδείξαντο, ἀνθ' ὧν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ μεγίστων ἠξιώθησαν. [412] καὶ ἐδέοντο μὴ ἄχρι τοῦ παντὸς ἔμπαλιν τρέψαι σφίσι τὰς ἐλπίδας: ἀποφυγόντας γὰρ τὸν ἐκ πολεμίων κίνδυνον ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ ὑπ' ἐχθρῶν δίκην βοσκημάτων κόπτεσθαι μηδεμιᾶς τιμωρίας οὔσης. [413] ἔλεγόν τε ὡς, εἰ μὲν ἀρκεσθεῖεν τοῖς ἀνῃρημένοις οἱ ἀντίδικοι, διὰ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς δεσπότας γνήσιον μετρίως οἴσειν τὰ ξυμβάντα, εἰ δ' αὖ μέλλοιεν ταὐτὰ μετιέναι, ᾐτοῦντο μάλιστα μὲν δοθῆναι σφίσιν ἀπαλλαγήν: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ὑπομεῖναι χωρὶς αὐτῆς πορίσασθαι τὸ σωτήριον, ἀλλ' ἀσμενίζειν θνήσκοντες πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις, ὡς μὴ συγγνοῖεν ἀπιστίαν αὐτοῖς. [414] αἶσχός τε εἶναι σφίσι τε καὶ τῇ βασιλευούσῃ, εἰ πρὸς αὐτῆς ἀμελούμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐκδεχθείησαν: ἀντὶ παντὸς γὰρ τιμήσεσθαι Ἀρέταν τε τὸν Ἄραβα καὶ τοὺς μονάρχους, εἰ ἀποξενολογήσειεν τοσούσδε ἄνδρας, οἷς ἦν τάχα που φρικῶδες αὐτῶν καὶ τοὔνομα τὸ πρὶν ἀκουσθῆναι. [415] εἰ δὲ μή, τό γε δεύτερον, εἰ τοὺς Φαρισαίους αὐτῇ προτιμᾶν ἔγνωσται, κατατάξαι ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις: εἰ γὰρ ὧδε δαίμων τις ἐπενεμέσησεν τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρου οἴκῳ, αὐτούς γε μὴν ἂν ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ ἐν ταπεινῷ σχήματι βιοτεύοντας.
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408 She made Hyrcanus high priest, since he was the elder, but even more because he was inactive and left everything to the Pharisees, to whom she told the people to be subject. She also restored the Pharisaic practices in line with ancestral tradition, which Hyrcanus her father-in-law had abrogated. 409 Although she held the title of regent, it was the Pharisees who had authority, for they brought people back from banishment and freed the prisoners, and, in a word, they were virtually masters. But the queen also took care of the kingdom and gathered a large body of mercenaries and so increased the size of her army that she was feared by the neighbouring tyrants and took hostages from them. 410 The whole country was at peace, except the Pharisees, who pestered the queen, asking her to kill those who had persuaded Alexander to slaughter the eight hundred. Then they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes, and later did the same to several, one after another, 411 until the dignitaries came to the palace accompanied by Aristobulus, for he resented what was going on, and it was clear that, given the opportunity, he would not let his mother continue like this. These reminded the queen of the great risks they had run and all they had done to prove the their utter loyalty to their master, from whom they received the highest signs of favour. 412 They begged her not to utterly ruin their hopes, for if they escaped the danger of their public enemies, they could be killed at home by secret foes, like brute beasts, with no recourse. 413 They said that if their foes would call a halt with those they had already killed, they would accept what had been done, due to their natural love for their officers, but if they must expect the same in future, they asked her permission to leave. They could not bear to think of seeking a way to save themselves without her, but would rather die willingly outside the palace gate, if she would not forgive them. 414 What a shame it would be, for themselves and the queen, if through her neglect they were given over to her husband's enemies, since Aretas, the Arab king, and other monarchs would pay any price to get as allies such men, whose reputation was impressive, even before their voices were heard. 415 But if they could not obtain their second request and she had decided to prefer the Pharisees over them, they asked her to place them all in her fortresses, for if a wicked demon bore permanent spite against the house of Alexander, they were willing to bear their part and to live there privately.
3.
[416] Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λεγόντων καὶ εἰς οἶκτον τῶν τεθνεώτων καὶ τῶν κινδυνευόντων τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου δαίμονας ἐπικαλουμένων, ἅπαντες οἱ περιεστῶτες ὥρμησαν εἰς δάκρυα, καὶ μάλιστα Ἀριστόβουλος ὅπως ἔχοι γνώμης ἐδήλου πολλὰ τὴν μητέρα κακίζων. [417] ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν αὐτοὶ σφίσι τῶν συμφορῶν ἐγένοντο αἴτιοι, κατὰ φιλαρχίαν ἐκλελυσσηκυίᾳ γυναικὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς βασιλεύειν γενεᾶς ἐν ἀκμῇ οὔσης ἐπιτρέψαντες: ἡ δὲ οὐκ ἔχουσα ὅ τι πράξειε μετὰ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν χωρίων σφίσιν ἐπέτρεψεν, ὅτι μὴ Ὑρκανίας καὶ Ἀλεξανδρείου καὶ Μαχαιροῦντος, ἔνθα τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἦν αὐτῇ. [418] καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ τὸν υἱὸν Ἀριστόβουλον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν κατὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Μενναίου λεγομένου, ὃς βαρὺς ἦν τῇ πόλει γείτων. ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν οὐδὲν ἐργασάμενοι σπουδῆς ἄξιον ὑπέστρεψαν.
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416 As they said this and called on Alexander's ghost to pity those already killed and those in danger of being so, all the bystanders broke into tears. But Aristobulus mainly revealed his sentiments and said many shameful things to his mother. 417 He said they had caused their own troubles, by letting a woman, mad with ambition, rule them, when she had sons in their prime, more fit for it. So, not knowing what she could do with any decency, Alexandra handed over the fortresses to them, except Hyrcania and Alexandreion and Machaerus, where her principal treasures were. 418 A little later, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, surnamed Mennaeus, who was such a bad neighbour to the city, but having achieved nothing of note they went home.
4.
[419] Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀγγέλλεται Τιγράνης στρατοῦ μυριάσι τριάκοντα ἐμβεβληκὼς εἰς τὴν Συρίαν καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἀφιξόμενος. τοῦτο ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐφόβησε τὴν βασίλισσαν καὶ τὸ ἔθνος. δῶρα δὴ καὶ πολλὰ καὶ λόγου ἄξια πέμπουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ πρέσβεις πολιορκοῦντι Πτολεμαίδα. [420] βασίλισσα γὰρ Σελήνη ἡ καὶ Κλεοπάτρα καλουμένη τῶν ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ κατέχειν, ἣ καὶ ἐνήγαγεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀποκλεῖσαι Τιγράνη νῦν ἐτύγχανεν καὶ ἐδέοντο χρηστὰ περὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους συγγινώσκειν. [421] ὁ δὲ ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐκ διαστήματος θεραπείας ἐλπίδας ὑπέθετο χρηστάς. ἄρτι δὲ τῆς Πτολεμαίδος ἑαλωκυίας ἀγγέλλεται Τιγράνῃ Λεύκολλον διώκοντα Μιθριδάτην ἐκείνου μὲν διαμαρτεῖν εἰς τοὺς Ἴβηρας ἀναφυγόντος, τὴν δὲ Ἀρμενίαν πορθήσαντα πολιορκεῖν Τιγράνης δὲ καὶ ταῦτ' ἐπιγνοὺς ἀνεχώρει τὴν ἐπ' οἴκου.
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419 About this time news was brought that king Tigranes of Armenia with three hundred thousand soldiers had invaded Syria and was marching on Judea. This naturally terrified the queen and the nation, and as he was besieging Ptolemais, they sent him many valuable gifts and envoys. 420 The queen of Syria was Selene, also called Cleopatra, who had urged the population to keep Tigranes out, but now they begged and beseeched him not to pass a harsh sentence on their queen and nation. 041 He commended them for coming so far to pay their respects and raised their hopes. Shortly after Ptolemais was taken, news reached Tigranes that Lucullus, who had pursued Mithridates in vain as he had fled to Iberia, was devastating Armenia and besieging its cities, so hearing this, Tigranes went home.
5.
[422] Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τῆς βασιλίσσης εἰς νόσον χαλεπὴν ἐμπεσούσης δόξαν Ἀριστοβούλῳ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῆς νυκτὸς ὑπεξελθὼν μεθ' ἑνὸς τῶν θεραπόντων ᾔει ἐπὶ τὰ φρούρια, ἵνα οἱ πατρῷοι κατετάχθησαν αὐτῷ φίλοι. [423] πάλαι γὰρ ἀχθόμενος οἷς ἔπραττεν ἡ μήτηρ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἔδεισε, μὴ ἀποθανούσης ἐπὶ τοῖς Φαρισαίοις τὸ πᾶν γένος αὐτοῖς ὑπάρξειεν: ἑώρα γὰρ τὸ ἀδύνατον τοῦ μέλλοντος διαδέχεσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδελφοῦ. [424] ξυνῄδει δὲ ἡ γυνὴ μόνη τῇ πράξει, ἣν κατέλιπεν αὐτόθι μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς. καὶ πρῶτον ἀφικόμενος εἰς Ἄγαβα, ἔνθα Γαλαίστης ἦν τῶν δυνατῶν, ὑπεδέχθη πρὸς αὐτοῦ. [425] μεθ' ἡμέραν δὲ αἴσθησις γίνεται τῇ βασιλίσσῃ τῆς Ἀριστοβούλου φυγῆς, καὶ μέχρι τινὸς ᾤετο γεγονέναι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν οὐκ ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ: ὡς μέντοι ἧκον ἀπαγγέλλοντες ἄλλοι ἐπ' ἄλλοις, ὅτι κατειλήφει τὸ πρῶτον χωρίον καὶ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ξύμπαντα, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἑνὸς ἀρξαμένου πάντα ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνου βούλημα, τότε δὴ ἐν μεγίσταις ταραχαῖς ὑπῆρχεν ἥ τε βασίλισσα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος. [426] ᾔδεισαν γὰρ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ δύνασθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ κρατῦναι τὸν Ἀριστόβουλον ὄντα, ἐδεδίεσάν τε, μὴ ποινὴν εἰσπράξαιτο ὧν παρῴνησαν αὐτῷ τὸν οἶκον. δόξαν οὖν τήν τε γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ γενεὰν εἰς τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἱεροῦ φρούριον κατέθεσαν. [427] Ἀριστοβούλῳ δὲ ὡς ἂν ἐκ πολλῶν συχνὰ ἀνήχθη, ἀφ' ὧν ἤδη καὶ κόσμος βασίλειος περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν: σχεδὸν γὰρ ἐν ἡμέραις δεκαπέντε χωρίων ἐκράτησεν εἰκοσιδύο, ὅθεν ἀφορμὰς ἔχων στρατιὰν ἤθροιζεν ἀπὸ Λιβάνου καὶ Τράχωνος καὶ τῶν μονάρχων: οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τῷ πλείονι ὑπαγόμενοι ῥᾳδίως ὑπήκουον: ἄλλως δὲ νομίζοντες, εἰ δὴ ξυλλάβοιεν αὐτῷ, τῶν μὴ προσδοκωμένων οὐχ ἧσσον καρπώσεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ὡς αὐτοὶ τοῦ κρατῆσαι πρόφασις γενηθέντες. [428] τῶν δὲ Ἰουδαίων οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ Ὑρκανὸς ἐσῄεσαν ὡς τὴν βασίλισσαν καὶ ἐδέοντο ὑποθέσθαι γνώμην περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων: τὸν γὰρ Ἀριστόβουλον τῶν πάντων σχεδὸν ἤδη κυριεύειν, ὁπότε χωρίων τοσούτων κρατήσειεν: ἄτοπον δέ, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα κάμνοι, περιούσης αὐτῆς κατὰ σφᾶς βουλεύεσθαι: περιεστάναι δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ διὰ μακροῦ σφίσιν. [429] ἡ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσε πράττειν ὅ τι δοκοῦσι χρήσιμον εἶναι: πολλὰς δ' ἀφορμὰς αὐτοῖς λείπεσθαι, τὸ ἔθνος ἐρρωμένον καὶ τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς γαζοφυλακίοις χρήματα: αὐτῇ μὲν γὰρ μικρὸν ἔτι μέλειν τῶν πραγμάτων ὡς ἂν ὑπολείποντος ἤδη τοῦ σώματος.
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422 Afterwards, when the queen fell dangerously ill, Aristobulus resolved to try a coup. With just one servant he stole away secretly by night and went to the fortresses where his friends from his father's days had settled. 423 He had long been displeased at his mother's conduct, and now was even more afraid that, at her death, their whole clan would fall under the Pharisees, since his brother was clearly unable to succeed in the throne. 424 Nobody knew what he was doing except his wife, whom he left there with the family. He first went to Agaba where he was received by Galestes, one of the powerful men. 425 At daybreak, the queen had a feeling that Aristobulus had fled, but for some time she did not realise he had left in order to stage a coup; however, when a series of messengers arrived with the news that he had taken first one place and then another, and then all of them - for once one had begun they all submitted to his will - then the queen and the nation were in a major crisis. 426 They knew that soon Aristobulus would be able to firmly grasp the leadership. What they mainly feared was that he would punish them for the way they had mistreated his family, so they decided to put his wife and children in custody in the fortress overlooking the temple. 427 People came in large numbers to Aristobulus from all sides, so that he had a kind of royal court about him, and in little more than fifteen days he gained twenty-two strongholds, and could raise an army from Libanus and Trachonitis and the kings, for men are easily led by the majority and easily submit to them. Besides, by unepectedly helping him, both they and he would benefit if he won the kingship, for they would be the cause of his gaining it. 428 The Jewish elders and Hyrcanus went to the queen to ask how she felt about the state of things, for in holding so many strongholds Aristobulus was in effect master of most of the kingdom. As long as she was alive they could not decide by themselves, however ill she was, but the danger would be upon them soon. 429 She told them to do as they thought best, but that they had many things still on their side, a well-disposed nation, an army and money in the treasuries, but she herself had little concern for public affairs, now that her bodily strength was failing.
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[430] Ταῦτ' εἰποῦσα μετ' οὐ πολὺ ἐτελεύτησεν βασιλεύσασα ἔτη ἐννέα, τὰ δὲ σύμπαντα βιώσασα τρία καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, γυνὴ τῷ ἀσθενεῖ τοῦ φύλου κατ' οὐδὲν χρησαμένη: δεινὴ γὰρ εἰς τὸ φίλαρχον ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα γενομένη διήλεγξεν ἔργοις τό τε πρακτικὸν τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ γνώμης καὶ τὸ ἀσύνετον τῶν ἀεὶ πταιόντων περὶ τὰς δυναστείας ἀνδρῶν. [431] τὸ γὰρ παρὸν κρεῖττον ἀξιοῦσα τοῦ μέλλοντος καὶ πάντα δεύτερα τιθεμένη τοῦ ἐγκρατῶς ἄρχειν, οὔτε καλοῦ οὔτε δικαίου ἕνεκά γε τούτων ἐπεστρέφετο. [432] εἰς γοῦν τοῦτο τῷ οἴκῳ ἀτυχίας τὰ πράγματα περιέστησεν, ὥσθ' ἣν μετὰ πλείστων κινδύνων καὶ ταλαιπωρίας περιεκτήσατο δυναστείαν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων γυναικὶ χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τοῖς μὲν δυσμενῶς ἔχουσιν πρὸς τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην προσθεῖσα, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔρημον τῶν προκηδομένων ποιησαμένη. [433] καὶ ξυμφορῶν δὲ ἐνέπλησε καὶ ταραχῆς ἐξ ὧν ζῶσα ἐπολιτεύσατο καὶ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν τὸ βασίλειον: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτως ἄρξασα ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀταραξίᾳ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξεν. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Ἀλεξάνδραν τὴν βασίλισσαν τοῦτο εἶχεν τὸ τέλος: ἔρχομαι δὲ λέξων τὰ τοῖς υἱέσιν αὐτῆς συμβεβηκότα Ἀριστοβούλῳ καὶ Ὑρκανῷ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνης τελευτὴν ἐν τῇ μετὰ ταύτην μου βίβλῳ.
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430 Shortly after saying this she died, after a reign of nine years, at the age of seventy-three, a woman who showed none of the weakness of her sex. She was tenacious in her ambition to rule, and showed a pragmatic mind in her actions, where even men often fail to be wise enough to hold on to power. 431 She always valued the present over the future and preferred the power to rule above all things and for the sake of it had no regard for what was good or right. 432 But she brought the affairs of her family so low that the authority she had gained at the cost of so much risk and hardship was soon lost. For in her desire for what is not suitable to a woman and for sharing the views of those who hated her family, her leadership lacked the guidance of great men. 433 Her behaviour during her lifetime led to the palace being filled with trouble and strife after her death. Despite this she ruled peacefully and preserved the nation in tranquillity; and with that we end our story of queen Alexandra. In the next book I will tell what became of her sons Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, after her death.
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