Alexander
of Macedon (356-323 B.C.)
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from Plutarch: transl. by A.H. Clough (c. 1890) Plutarch's graphic account is the main source material
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Purpose: Portrayal of Character
Since my purpose is
to write about Alexander the king, and about Caesar by whom Pompey
was destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large
a field that it would be wrong not to first forewarn my reader of
my decision to summarise the most celebrated parts of their stories
rather than to dwell at length on every particular circumstance. It
must be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but
lives. And the most glorious exploits do not always furnish us with
the clearest revelations of virtue or vice in men; sometimes a matter
of less moment, an expression or a jest, informs us better of their
characters and inclinations than the most famous sieges, the greatest
armaments, or the bloodiest battles whatsoever. Therefore as portrait-painters
are more exact in the lines and features of the face, in which the
character is seen, than in the other parts of the body, so I must
be allowed to give my more particular attention to the marks and indications
of the souls of men, and while I try by these to portray their lives,
I may freely leave more weighty matters and great battles to be treated
of by others. All agree that,
on his father's side, Alexander descended from Hercules by Caranus,
and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the mother's side. His father Philip,
when he was quite young, fell in love in Samothrace with Olympias,
in whose company he was initiated in the religious ceremonies of the
country. Soon after, with the consent of Arymbas her brother, as her
father and mother were both dead, he married her. The night before
the consummation of their marriage, she dreamed that a thunderbolt
fell upon her body, which kindled a great fire, whose divided flames
dispersed themselves all about, and then were extinguished. Philip himself,
some time after he was married, dreamed that he sealed up his wife's
body with a seal, whose impression, as be fancied, was the figure
of a lion. Some of the diviners interpreted this as a warning to Philip
to keep a close eye upon his wife; but Aristander of Telmessus, considering
how unusual it was to seal up anything that was empty, assured him
the meaning of his dream was that the queen was pregnant with a boy,
who would one day prove as stout and courageous as a lion. His mother, Olympias, and the snakes Once, moreover,
a serpent was found lying beside Olympias as she slept, and this more
than anything else, it is said, abated Philip's passion for her. For
whether he feared her as an enchantress, or thought she had contact
with some god, and so looked on himself as excluded, he was ever after
less fond of her conversation. Others say, that the women of this
country having always been extremely addicted to the enthusiastic
Orphic rites, and the wild worship of Bacchus (upon which account
they were called Clodones, and Mimallones), imitated in many things
the practices of the Edonian and Thracian women about Mount Haemus,
from whom the word threskeuein seems to have
been derived, as a special term for superfluous and over-curious forms
of adoration. They say that Olympias, zealously affecting these fanatical
and enthusiastic inspirations, and performing them with more barbaric
dread, was wont in these ceremonial dances to have great tame serpents
about her, which sometimes creeping out of the ivy in the mystic fans,
and sometimes winding themselves about the sacred spears and the women's
chaplets, made a spectacle which men could not look upon without terror. His father, Philip, loses one eye Philip, after this
vision, sent Chaeron of Megalopolis to consult the oracle of Apollo
at Delphi, by which he was commanded to perform sacrifice, and henceforth
pay particular honour, above all other gods, to Ammon. He was also
told he should one day lose that eye with which he had presumed to
peep through that chink of the door, when he saw the god, under the
form of a serpent, in the company of his wife. Eratosthenes says that
Olympias, when she attended Alexander on his way to the army in his
first expedition, told him the secret of his birth, and bade him behave
himself with courage suitable to his divine extraction. Others on
the contrary affirm that she wholly disclaimed any such pretensions
and was wont to say, "When will Alexander leave off slandering
me to Juno?" Born on the day Diana's temple burned Alexander was born
on the sixth of Hecatombaeon, which month the Macedonians call Lous,
the very same day that the temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt; and
Hegesias of Magnesia makes this the occasion of a fanciful notion,
cold enough to have stopped the conflagration. The temple, he says,
took fire and was burnt while its mistress was absent, assisting at
the birth of Alexander. And all the Eastern soothsayers who happened
to be then at Ephesus, looking on the ruin of this temple as the forerunner
of some other calamity, ran about the town, beating their faces, and
crying that this day had brought forth something that would prove
fatal and destructive to all Asia. Just after Philip had taken Potidaea, he received these three messages at one time, that Parmenio had overthrown the Illyrians in a great battle, that his racehorse had won the race at the Olympic games, and that his wife had given birth to Alexander. Being naturally well pleased with these, as an additional satisfaction he was assured by the diviners that a son, whose birth was accompanied with three such successes, could not fail to be invincible.. The statues that
gave the best representation of Alexander's person were those of Lysippus
(by whom alone he would allow his image to be made) who expressed
with great exactness those peculiarities which afterwards many of
his successors and his friends used to affect to imitate, the inclination
of his head a little on one side towards his left shoulder, and his
melting eye. But Apelles, who drew him with thunderbolts in his hand,
made his complexion browner and darker than it was naturally; for
he was fair and of a light colour, passing into ruddiness in his face
and upon his breast. Aristoxenus in his
Memoirs tells us that a most agreeable odour exhaled from his
skin, and that his breath and body all over was so fragrant as to
perfume the clothes which he wore next him. The cause of this might
probably be the hot and dusty temperament of his body. For sweet smells,
Theophrastus conceives, are produced by the concoction of moist humours
by heat, which is the reason that those parts of the world which are
driest and most burnt up afford spices of the best kind and in the
greatest quantity; for the heat of the sun exhausts all the superfluous
moisture which lies in the surface of bodies, ready to generate putrefaction.
And it may be this hot constitution that rendered Alexander so addicted
to drinking, and so choleric. His temperance,
as to the pleasures of the body, was apparent in him in his very childhood,
as he was with much difficulty incited to them, and always used them
with great moderation; though in other things be was extremely eager
and vehement, and in his love of glory and the pursuit of it, he showed
a constantly high spirit and magnanimity far above his age. For he
neither sought nor valued it upon every occasion, as his father Philip
did (who affected to show his eloquence almost to a degree of pedantry,
and took care to have the victories of his racing chariots at the
Olympic games engraved on his coin), but when he was asked by some
of his entourage whether he would run a race in the Olympic games,
as he was very swift-footed, he answered that he would, if he might
have kings to run with him. Indeed, he seems in general to have looked
with indifference, if not with dislike, upon the professed athletes.
He often appointed prizes, for which not only tragedians and musicians,
pipers and harpers, but rhapsodists too, vied with each another; and
he delighted in all manner of hunting and cudgel-playing, but never
gave any encouragement to contests either of boxing or of the pancratium. While he was still
very young, in the absence of his father he entertained ambassadors
from the King of Persia, and entering much into conversation with
them, so impressed them by his affability and the questions he asked
them, which were far from being childish or trifling (for he inquired
of them the length of their journey, the nature of the road into inner
Asia, the character of their king, how he carried himself to his enemies,
and what forces he was able to bring into the field), that they were
struck with admiration of him, and regarded the much famed ability
of Philip as nothing in comparison with the forwardness and high purpose
that appeared so early in his son. Whenever he heard
Philip had taken any town of importance, or won any signal victory,
instead of totally rejoicing at it he would tell his companions that
his father would anticipate everything, and leave him and them no
opportunities of performing great and illustrious actions. For being
more bent upon action and glory than either upon pleasure or riches,
he esteemed all that he should receive from his father as a diminution
and prevention of his own future achievements; and would have chosen
rather to succeed to a kingdom involved in troubles and wars, which
would have afforded him frequent exercise of his courage, and a large
field of honour, than to one already flourishing and settled, where
his inheritance would be an inactive life, and the mere enjoyment
of wealth and luxury. The care of his education, as it might be presumed, was committed to a great many attendants, preceptors and teachers, presided over by Leonidas, a near kinsman of Olympias, a man of an austere temper, who did not indeed himself decline the name of what in reality is a noble and honourable office, but in general his dignity, and his near relationship, obtained him from other people the title of Alexander's foster-father and governor. But the man who took upon himself the actual place and title of his pedagogue was Lysimachus the Acarnanian, who, though he had nothing to recommend him except his lucky fancy of calling himself Phoenix, Alexander Achilles and Philip Peleus, was therefore well enough esteemed, and ranked in the next degree after Leonidas. Philonicus the Thessalian
brought the horse Bucephalus to Philip, offering to sell him for thirteen
talents; but when they went into the field to try him, they found
him so very vicious and unmanageable, that he reared up when they
tried to mount him, and would not so much as endure the voice of any
of Philip's attendants. As they were leading him away as wholly useless
and untractable, Alexander, who was nearby, said, "What an excellent
horse theyAt this the whole
company began laughing; and as soon as the wager was settled amongst
them, he immediately ran to the horse, and taking hold of the bridle,
turned him directly towards the sun, having, it seems, observed that
he was disturbed at and afraid of the motion of his own shadow; then
letting him go forward a little, still keeping the reins in his hands,
and stroking him gently when he found him begin to grow eager and
fiery, he softly let fall his upper garment, and with one nimble leap
securely mounted him, and when he was seated, by little and little
drew in the bridle, and curbed him without either striking or spurring
him. Presently, when he found him free from all rebelliousness, and
only impatient for the course, he let him go at full speed, inciting
him now with a commanding voice, and urging him also with his heel.
Philip and his friends looked on at first in silence and anxiety for
the result, till seeing him turn at the end of his run, and come back
rejoicing and triumphing for what he had performed, they all burst
out into acclamations of applause. It is said that his father, shedding
tears for joy, kissed him as he came down from his horse, and in his
transport said, "O my son, look you out a kingdom equal to and
worthy of yourself, for Macedonia is too little for you." After this, considering
him to be of a temper easily led to his duty by reason, but by no
means to be compelled, he always endeavoured to persuade rather than
to command or force him to anything; and now looking upon the instruction
and tuition of his young man as being too difficult and important
to be wholly trusted to the ordinary masters in music and poetry,
and the common school subjects, and to require, as Sophocles says–"The
bridle and the rudder too," he sent for Aristotle, the most learned
and most celebrated philosopher of his time, and rewarded him with
a munificence proportionable to the care he took to instruct his son.
For he repopulated his native city Stagira, which he had caused to
be demolished a little before, and restored all the citizens, who
were in exile or slavery, to their habitations. As a place for the
pursuit of their studies and exercise, he assigned the temple of the
Nymphs, near Mieza, where, to this very day, they show you Aristotle's
stone seats, and the shady walks which he used to frequent. It would
appear that Alexander received from him not only his doctrines of
Morals and of Politics, but also something of those more abstruse
and profound theories which these philosophers, by the very names
they gave them, professed to reserve for oral communication to the
initiated, and did not allow many to become acquainted with. For when
he was in Asia, and heard Aristotle had published some treatises of
that kind, he wrote to him, using very plain language to him on behalf
of philosophy, the following letter. "Alexander
to Aristotle, greeting. You have not done well to publish your books
of oral doctrine; for what is there now that we excel others in, if
those things which we have been particularly instructed in be laid
open to all? For my part, I assure you, I had rather excel others
in the knowledge of what is excellent, than in the extent of my power
and dominion. Farewell." And Aristotle, soothing this passion
for pre-eminence, speaks, in his excuse for himself, of these doctrines
as in fact both published and not published: as indeed, to say the
truth, his books on metaphysics are written in a style which makes
them useless for ordinary teaching, and instructive only, in the way
of memoranda, for those who have been already conversant in that sort
of learning. Doubtless also it
was to Aristotle that he owed the inclination he had, not only to
the theory, but likewise to the practice of the art of medicine. For
when any of his friends were sick, he would often prescribe them their
course of diet, and medicines proper to their disease, as we may find
in his epistles. He was naturally a great lover of all kinds of learning
and reading; and Onesicritus informs us that he constantly laid Homer's
Iliad, according to the copy corrected by Aristotle, called the casket
copy, with his dagger under his pillow, declaring that he esteemed
it a perfect portable treasure of all military virtue and knowledge. When he was in upper
Asia, being destitute of other books, he ordered Harpalus to send
him some; and he furnished him with Philistus's History, a great many
of the plays of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus, and some dithyrambic
odes, composed by Telestes and Philoxenus. For a while he loved and
cherished Aristotle no less, as he used to say himself, than if he
had been his father, giving this reason for it, that as he had received
life from the one, so the other had taught him to live well. But afterwards,
upon some mistrust of him, yet not so great as to make him do him
any harm, his familiarity and friendly kindness to Aristotle abated
so much of its former force as to make it evident he was alienated
from him. However, his violent thirst and passion for learning, once
implanted, still grew up with him, and never decayed; as appears by
his veneration of Anaxarchus, by the present of fifty talents which
he sent to Xenocrates, and his particular care and esteem of Dandamis
and Calanus. While Philip went
on his expedition against the Byzantines, he left Alexander, then
sixteen years old, as his lieutenant in Macedonia, committing the
charge of his seal to him; who, not to sit idle, reduced the rebellious
Maedi, and having taken their chief town by storm, drove out the barbarous
inhabitants, and planting a colony of several nations in their territory,
called the place after his own name, Alexandropolis. At the battle
of Chaeronea, which his father fought against the Grecians, he is
said to have been the first man to charge the Thebans' sacred band.
And even in my remembrance, there stood an old oak near the river
Cephisus, which people called Alexander's oak, because his tent was
pitched under it. And not far off are to be seen the graves of the
Macedonians who fell in that battle. This early bravery made Philip
so fond of him, that nothing pleased him better than to hear his subjects
call himself their general and Alexander their king. But the disorders
of his family, chiefly caused by his new marriages and attachments
(the troubles that began in the women's chambers spreading, so to
say, to the whole kingdom), raised various complaints and differences
between them, which the violence of Olympias, a woman of a jealous
and implacable temper, made wider, by exasperating Alexander against
his father. Among the rest,
this accident contributed most to their falling out. At the wedding
of Cleopatra, whom Philip fell in love with and married, though she
was much too young for him, her uncle Attalus in his drink wanted
the Macedonians to implore the gods to give them a lawful successor
to the kingdom by his niece. This so irritated Alexander, that throwing
one of the cups at his head, he said, "You villain, what, am
I then a bastard?" Then Philip, taking Attalus's part, rose up
and would have run his son through; but by good fortune for them both,
either his over-hasty rage, or the wine he had drunk, made his foot
slip, so that he fell down on the floor. At this, Alexander reproachfully
insulted him: "See there," he said, "the man who is
preparing to pass out of Europe into Asia falls downin passing from
one seat to another." After this debauch, he and his mother Olympias
withdrew from Philip's company, and when he had placed her in Epirus,
he himself retired into Illyria. Philip's brief reconciliation
with Alexander About this time,
Demaratus the Corinthian, an old friend of the family, who had the
freedom to say anything among them without offence, coming to visit
Philip, after the first compliments and embraces were over, Philip
asked him whether the Grecians were in harmony with one another. "It
ill becomes you," replied Demaratus, "to be so solicitous
about Greece, when you have involved your own house in so many dissensions
and calamities." Philip was so convinced by this seasonable reproach,
that he immediately called his son home, and by Demaratus's mediation
prevailed with him to return. But this reconciliation
did not last long; for when Pixodorus, viceroy of Caria, sent Aristocritus
to treat for a match between his eldest daughter and Philip's son,
Arrhidaeus, hoping by this alliance to secure his assistance when
needed, Alexander's mother, and some who pretended to be his friends,
filled his head with tales and calumnies, as if Philip, by a splendid
marriage and important alliance, were preparing the way for settling
the kingdom upon Arrhidaeus. In alarm at this, he despatched Thessalus,
the tragic actor, into Caria, to dispose Pixodorus to disdain Arrhidaeus
as both illegitimate and a fool, and rather to accept himself for
his son-in-law. This proposal was much more agreeable to Pixodorus
than the former. But Philip, as soon
as he learned of this transaction, went to his son's apartment, taking
with him Philotas, the son of Parmenio, one of Alexander's intimate
friends and companions, and there reproved him severely and reproached
him bitterly, that he should be so degenerate, and unworthy of the
power he was to leave him, as to desire the alliance of a mean Carian,
who was at best only the slave of a barbarous prince. Nor did this
satisfy his resentment, for he wrote to the Corinthians to send Thessalus
to him in chains, and banished Harpalus, Nearchus, Erigyius, and Ptolemy,
his son's friends and favourites, whom Alexander afterwards recalled
and raised to great honour and preferment. Not long after this,
Pausanias, having had an outrage done to him at the instance of Attalus
and Cleopatra, when he found he could get no reparation for his disgrace
at Philip's hands, watched his opportunity and murdered him. The guilt
of this crime was laid for the most part upon Olympias, who was said
to have encouraged and exasperated the enraged youth to revenge; and
some sort of suspicion attached even to Alexander himself, who, it
was said, when Pausanias came and complained to him of the injury
he had received, repeated the verse out of Euripides's Medea–"On
husband, and on father, and on bride." However, he took care
to find out and punish the accomplices of the conspiracy severely,
and was very angry with Olympias for treating Cleopatra inhumanly
in his absence. Alexander was only
twenty years old when his father was murdered, and succeeded to a
kingdom, beset on all sides with great dangers and rancorous enemies.
For not only the barbarous nations that bordered on Macedonia were
impatient of being governed by any but their own native princes, but
Philip likewise, though he had been victorious over the Grecians,
still, as the time had not been sufficient for him to complete his
conquest and accustom them to his sway, had simply left all things
in a general disorder and confusion. It seemed to the Macedonians
a very critical time; and some would have persuaded Alexander to give
up all thought of retaining the Grecians in subjection by force of
arms, and rather to apply himself to win back by gentle means the
allegiance of the tribes who were designing revolt, and try the effect
of indulgence in arresting the first motions towards revolution. But
Alexander rejected this counsel as weak and timorous, and looked upon
it to be more prudent to secure himself by resolution and magnanimity,
than, by seeming to truckle to any, to encourage all to trample on
him. In pursuit of this opinion, he reduced the barbarians to tranquillity,
and put an end to all fear of war from them, he gave rapid expedition
into their country as far as the river Danube, where he gave Syrmus,
King of the Triballians, an entire overthrow. And hearing the Thebans
were in revolt, and the Athenians in correspondence with them, he
immediately marched through the pass of Thermopylae, saying that to
Demosthenes, who had called him a child while he was in Illyria and
in the country of the Triballians, and a youth when he was in Thessaly,
he would appear a man before the walls of Athens. When he came to
Thebes, to show how willing he was to accept their repentance for
what was past, he only demanded of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the
authors of the rebellion, and proclaimed a general pardon to those
who would come over to him. But when the Thebans merely retorted by
demanding Philotas and Antipater to be delivered into their hands,
and by a counter-proclamation inviting all who would assert the liberty
of Greece to come over to them, he presently applied himself to make
them feel the utter extremities of war. The Thebans indeed defended
themselves with a zeal and courage beyond their strength, being much
outnumbered by their enemies. But when the Macedonian garrison sallied
out upon them from the citadel, they were so hemmed in on all sides
that the greater part of them fell in the battle; and when the city
itself was taken by storm, it was sacked and razed. Alexander's hoped
that so severe an example might terrify the rest of Greece into obedience,
and would also gratify the hostility of his confederates, the Phocians
and Plataeans. In the event, all surviving Thebans except for the
priests, and some few who had heretofore been the friends and connections
of the Macedonians, the family of the poet Pindar, and those who were
known to have opposed the public vote for the war, all the rest, to
the number of thirty thousand, were publicly sold for slaves; and
it is computed that upwards of six thousand were put to the sword. His magnanimity towards Timoclea Among the other
calamities that befell the city, it happened that some Thracian soldiers,
having broken into the house of Timoclea, a matron of high character
and repute, their captain, after he had used violence with her, to
satisfy his avarice as well as lust, asked her, if she knew of any
money concealed; to which she readily answered she did, and bade him
follow her into a garden, where she showed him a well, into which,
she told him, upon the taking of the city, she had thrown what she
had of most value. The greedy Thracian presently stooping down to
view the place where he thought the treasure lay, she came behind
him and pushed him into the well, and then flung great stones in upon
him, till she had killed him. After which, when the soldiers led her
away bound to Alexander, her very mien and gait showed her to be a
woman of dignity, and of a mind no less elevated, not betraying the
least sign of fear or astonishment. And when the king asked her who
she was, "I am," said she, "the sister of Theagenes,
who fought the battle of Chaeronea with your father Philip, and fell
there in command for the liberty of Greece." Alexander was so
surprised, both at what she had done and what she said, that he could
not choose but give her and her children their freedom to go where
they pleased. His favour towards the Athenians After this Alexander
received the Athenians into favour, although they had shown themselves
so much concerned at the calamity of Thebes that out of sorrow they
omitted the celebration of the Mysteries, and entertained those who
escaped with all possible humanity. Whether it was because, like the
lion, his passion was now satisfied, or that, after an example of
extreme cruelty, he had a mind to appear merciful, it was fortunate
for the Athenians; for he not only forgave them all past offences,
but advised them look to their affairs with vigilance, remembering
that if he should miscarry, they were likely to be the arbiters of
Greece. Certain it is, too, that in later times he often repented
of his severity to the Thebans, and his remorse had such influence
on his temper as to make him ever afterwards less rigorous to all
others. He imputed also the murder of Clitus, which he committed in
his wine, and the unwillingness of the Macedonians to follow him against
the Indians, by which his enterprise and glory was left imperfect,
to the wrath and vengeance of Bacchus, the protector of Thebes. And
it was observed that whatsoever any Theban, who had the good fortune
to survive this victory, asked of him, he was sure to grant without
the least difficulty. His meeting with the philosopher, Diogenes Soon after, the
Grecians, being assembled at the Isthmus, declared their resolution
of joining with Alexander in the war against the Persians, and proclaimed
him their general. While he stayed here, many public ministers and
philosophers came from all parts to visit him and congratulated him
on his election, but contrary to his expectation, Diogenes of Sinope,
who then was living at Corinth, thought so little of him, that instead
of coming to compliment him, he never so much as stirred out of the
suburb called the Cranium, where Alexander found him lying alone in
the sun. When he saw so much company near him, he raised himself a
little, and granted a glance to Alexander; and when he kindly asked
him whether he wanted anything, "Yes," said Diogenes, "I
would have you not stand between me and the sun." Alexander was
so struck at this answer, and surprised at the greatness of the man,
who had taken so little notice of him, that as he went away he told
his followers, who were laughing at the moroseness of the philosopher,
that if he were not Alexander, he would choose to be Diogenes. Consulting Delphi, before invading Persia Then he went to
Delphi, to consult Apollo concerning the success of the war he had
undertaken, and happening to come on one of the forbidden days, when
it was esteemed improper to give any answer from the oracle, he sent
messengers to request the priestess to do her office; and when she
refused, on the plea of a law to the contrary, he went up himself,
and began to draw her by force into the temple, until tired and overcome
with his importunity, she said, "My son, you are invincible."
Alexander taking hold of what she spoke, declared he had received
such an answer as he wished for, and that it was needless to consult
the god any further. Among other prodigies
that attended the departure of his army, the image of Orpheus at Libethra,
made of cypress-wood, was seen to sweat in great abundance, to the
discouragement of many. But Aristander told him that, far from presaging
any ill to him, it signified he should perform acts so important and
glorious as would make the poets and musicians of future ages labour
and sweat to describe and celebrate them. His army, by the
computation of those whose estimate is the smaller, consisted of thirty
thousand foot and four thousand horse; and those who give a higher
estimate speak of forty-three thousand foot and three thousand horse.
Aristobulus says that he had not a fund of more than seventy talents
for their pay, nor had he more than thirty days' provision, if we
may believe Duris; Onesicritus tells us he was two hundred talents
in debt. However narrow and
disproportionable the beginnings of so vast an undertaking might seem
to be, still he would not embark his army until he had informed himself
particularly what means his friends had to enable them to follow him,
and supplied what they wanted, by giving good farms to some, a village
to one, and the revenue of some hamlet or harbour-town to another.
So that at last he had portioned out or engaged almost all the royal
property; which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him what he would
leave himself, he replied, his hopes. "Your soldiers," replied
Perdiccas, "will be your partners in those," and refused
to accept of the estate he had assigned him. Some others of his friends
did the like, but to those who willingly received or desired assistance
of him, he liberally granted it, as far as his patrimony in Macedonia
would reach, the most part of which was spent in these donations. With such vigorous
resolutions, and his mind thus disposed, he passed the Hellespont,
and at Troy sacrificed to Minerva, and honoured the memory of the
heroes who were buried there, with solemn libations; especially Achilles,
whose gravestone he anointed, and with his friends, as the ancient
custom is, ran naked about his sepulchre, and crowned it with garlands,
declaring how happy he esteemed him, in having while he lived so faithful
a friend, and when he was dead, so famous a poet to proclaim his actions.
While he was viewing the rest of the antiquities and curiosities of
the place, being told he might see Paris's harp, if he pleased, he
said he thought it not worth looking on, but he should be glad to
see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glories and great
actions of brave men. Forcing the river Granicus, against Parmenio's
advice In the meantime,
Darius's captains, having collected large forces, were encamped on
the further bank of the river Granicus, and it was necessary to fight,
as it were, in the gate of Asia for an entrance into it. The depth
of the river, with the unevenness and difficult ascent of the opposite
bank, which was to be gained by main force, was apprehended by most,
and some pronounced it an improper time to engage, because it was
unusual for the kings of Macedonia to march with their forces in the
month called Daesius. But Alexander broke through these scruples,
telling them they should call it a second Artemisius. And when Parmenio
advised him not to attempt anything that day, because it was late,
he told him that he should disgrace the Hellespont should he fear
the Granicus. And so, without more saying, he immediately took the
river with thirteen troops of horse, and advanced against whole showers
of darts thrown from the steep opposite side, which was covered with
armed multitudes of the enemy's horse and foot, notwithstanding the
disadvantage of the ground and the rapidity of the stream; so that
the action seemed to have more frenzy and desperation in it, than
of prudent conduct. However, he persisted obstinately to gain the
passage, and at last with much ado making his way up the banks, which
were extremely muddy and slippery, he had instantly to join in a mere
confused hand-to-hand combat with the enemy, before he could draw
up his men, who were still passing over, into any order. For the enemy
pressed upon him with loud and warlike outcries; and charging horse
against horse, with their lances, after they had broken and spent
these, they fell to it with their swords. Alexander, being
easily known by his buckler, and a large plume of white feathers on
each side of his helmet, was attacked on all sides, yet escaped wounding,
though his cuirass was pierced by a javelin in one of the joinings.
And Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian commanders, falling upon
him at once, he avoided one of them, and struck at Rhoesaces, who
had a good cuirass on, with such force that, his spear breaking in
his hand, he was glad to have recourse to his dagger. While they were
thus engaged, Spithridates came up on one side of him, and raising
himself upon his horse, gave him such a blow with his battle-axe on
the helmet that he cut off the crest of it, with one of his plumes,
and the helmet was only just so far strong enough to save him, that
the edge of the weapon touched the hair of his head. But as he was
about to repeat his stroke, Clitus, called the black Clitus, prevented
him, by running him through the body with his spear. At the same time
Alexander despatched Rhoesaces with his sword. While the horse were
thus dangerously engaged, the Macedonian phalanx passed the river,
and the foot on each side advanced to fight. But the enemy hardly
sustaining the first onset soon gave ground and fled, all but the
mercenary Greeks, who, making a stand upon a rising ground, desired
quarter, which Alexander, guided rather by passion than judgment,
refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his horse (not
Bucephalus, but another) killed under him. And this obstinacy of his
to put an end to these experienced desperate men cost him the lives
of more of his own soldiers than all the battle before, besides those
who were wounded. Alexander's first victory over the Persians
The Persians lost
in this battle twenty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred
horse. On Alexander's side, Aristobulus says there were not wanting
above thirty four, of whom nine were foot-soldiers; and in memory
of them he caused so many statues of brass, of Lysippus's making,
to be erected. And that the Grecians might participate in the honour
of his victory he sent a portion of the spoils home to them, particularly
to the Athenians three hundred bucklers, and upon all the rest he
ordered this inscription to be set: "Alexander the son of Philip,
and the Grecians, except the Lacedaemonians, won these from the barbarians
who inhabit Asia." All the plate and purple garments, and other
things of the same kind that he took from the Persians, except a very
small quantity which he reserved for himself, he sent as a present
to his mother. This battle presently
made a great change of affairs to Alexander's advantage. For Sardis
itself, the chief seat of the barbarian's power in the maritime provinces,
and many other considerable places, were surrendered to him; only
Halicarnassus and Miletus stood out, which he took by force, together
with the territory about them. After which he was a little unsettled
in his opinion how to proceed. Sometimes he thought it best to find
out Darius as soon as he could, and put all to the hazard of a battle;
another while he looked upon it as a more prudent course to make an
entire reduction of the sea-coast, and not to seek the enemy till
he had first exercised his power here and made himself secure of the
resources of these provinces. Portents and further victories, in Lycia,
Cilicia and Phoenicia While he was thus
deliberating what to do, it happened that a spring of water near the
city of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord, swelled over its banks,
and threw up a copper plate, upon the margin of which was engraven
in ancient characters, that the time would come when the Persian empire
should be destroyed by the Grecians. Encouraged by this accident,
he proceeded to reduce the maritime parts of Cilicia and Phoenicia,
and passed his army along the sea-coasts of Pamphylia with such expedition
that many historians have described and extolled it with that height
of admiration, as if it were no less than a miracle, and an extraordinary
effect of divine favour, that the waves which usually come rolling
in violently from the main, and hardly ever leave so much as a narrow
beach under the steep, broken cliffs at any time uncovered, should
on a sudden retire to afford him passage. Menander, in one of his
comedies, alludes to this marvel when he says– "Was Alexander ever favoured more? But Alexander himself
in his epistles mentions nothing unusual in this at all, but says
he went from Phaselis, and passed through what they call the Ladders.
At Phaselis he stayed some time, and finding the statue of Theodectes,
who was a native of this town and was now dead, erected in the market-place,
after he had supped, having drunk pretty plentifully, he went and
danced about it, and crowned it with garlands, honouring not ungracefully,
in his sport, the memory of a philosopher whose conversation he had
formerly enjoyed when he was Aristotle's scholar. Then he subdued
the Pisidians who made head against him, and conquered the Phrygians,
at whose chief city, Gordium, which is said to be the seat of the
ancient Midas, he saw the famous chariot fastened with cords made
of the rind of the cornel-tree, which whoever should untie, the inhabitants
had a tradition, that for him was reserved the empire of the world.
Most authors tell the story that Alexander finding himself unable
to untie the knot, the ends of which were secretly twisted round and
folded up within it, cut it asunder with his sword. But Aristobulus
tells us it was easy for him to undo it, by only pulling the pin out
of the pole, to which the yoke was tied, and afterwards drawing off
the yoke itself from below. From there he advanced into Paphlagonia
and Cappadocia, both which countries he soon reduced to obedience,
and then hearing of the death of Memnon, the best commander Darius
had upon the sea-coasts, who, if he had lived, might, it was supposed,
have put many impediments and difficulties in the way of the progress
of his arms, he was the rather encouraged to carry the war into the
upper provinces of Asia. Darius's dream of victory over Alexander Darius was by this
time upon his march from Susa, very confident, not only in the number
of his men, which amounted to six hundred thousand, but likewise in
a dream, which the Persian soothsayers interpreted rather in flattery
to him than according to the natural probability. He dreamed that
he saw the Macedonian phalanx all on fire, and Alexander waiting on
him, clad in the same dress which he himself had been used to wear
when he was courier to the late king; after which, going into the
temple of Belus, he vanished out of his sight. The dream would appear
to have supernaturally signified to him the illustrious actions the
Macedonians were to perform, and that as he, from a courier's place,
had risen to the throne, so Alexander should come to be master of
Asia, and not long surviving his conquests, conclude his life with
glory. Darius's confidence
increased the more, because Alexander spent so much time in Cilicia,
which he imputed to his cowardice. But it was sickness that detained
him there, which some say he contracted from his fatigues, others
from bathing in the river Cydnus, whose waters were exceedingly cold.
However it happened, none of his physicians would venture to give
him any remedies, they thought his case so desperate, and were so
afraid of the suspicions and ill-will of the Macedonians if they should
fail in the cure; till Philip, the Acarnanian, seeing how critical
his case was, but relying on his own well-known friendship for him,
resolved to try the last efforts of his art, and rather hazard his
own credit and life than allow him to perish for want of physic, which
he confidently administered to him, encouraging him to take it boldly,
if he desired a speedy recovery, in order to prosecute the war. Philip, Alexander's physician, comes under
suspicion At this very time,
Parmenio wrote to Alexander from the camp, bidding him have a care
of Philip, as one who was bribed by Darius to kill him, with great
sums of money, and a promise of his daughter in marriage. When he
had perused the letter, he put it under his pillow, without showing
it so much as to any of his most intimate friends, and when Philip
came in with the potion, he took it with great cheerfulness and assurance,
giving him meantime the letter to read. This was a spectacle well
worth being present at, to see Alexander take the draught and Philip
read the letter at the same time, and then turn and look upon one
another, but with different sentiments; for Alexander's looks were
cheerful and open, to show his kindness to and confidence in his physician,
while the other was full of surprise and alarm at the accusation,
appealing to the gods to witness his innocence, sometimes lifting
up his hands to heaven, and then throwing himself down by the bedside,
and beseeching Alexander to lay aside all fear, and follow his directions
without apprehension. At first the medicine
worked so strongly as virtually to drive the vital forces into the
interior; Alexander lost his speech, and falling into a swoon, had
scarce any sense or pulse left. However in a short time, by Philip's
means, his health and strength returned, and he showed himself in
public to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and dejection
until they saw him abroad again. Darius refuses some good advice There was at this
time in Darius's army a Macedonian refugee, named Amyntas, one who
was pretty well acquainted with Alexander's character. This man, when
he saw that Darius intended to fall upon the enemy in the passes and
defiles, advised him earnestly to keep where he was, in the open and
extensive plains, since it is the advantage of a numerous army to
have field-room enough when it engaged with a lesser force. Darius,
instead of taking his counsel, told him he was afraid the enemy would
endeavour to run away, and so Alexander would escape out of his hands.
"That fear," replied Amyntas, "is needless, for assure
yourself that far from avoiding you, he will make all the speed he
can to meet you, and is now most likely on his march toward you." Amyntas's counsel
was to no purpose, for Darius immediately decamped and marched into
Cilicia at the same time that Alexander was advancing into Syria to
meet him; and missing one another during the night, they both turned
back again. Alexander, greatly pleased with the event, made haste
to try to fight in the defiles, while Darius sought to recover his
former ground, and draw his army out of so disadvantageous a place.
For now he began to perceive his error in proceeding too far into
a country where the sea, the mountains, and the river Pinarus running
through the midst of it, would make him divide his forces, rendering
his horse almost unserviceable, while covering and supporting the
weakness of the enemy. And just as Fortune
was kind to Alexander in the choice of the ground, so he was careful
to improve it to his advantage. For being much inferior in numbers,
so far from allowing himself to be outflanked, he stretched his right
wing much further out than the left wing of his enemies, and fighting
there himself in the very foremost ranks, put the barbarians to flight.
In this battle he was wounded in the thigh, Chares says, by Darius,
with whom he fought hand-to-hand. But in the account which he gave
Antipater of the battle, though indeed he admits he was wounded in
the thigh with a sword, though not dangerously, yet he does not mention
who it was that wounded him. Nothing was lacking
to complete this victory, in which he defeated more than a hundred
and ten thousand of his enemies, except to capture the person of Darius,
who escaped very narrowly by flight. However, having taken his chariot
and his bow, he turned back from pursuing him, and found his own men
busy in pillaging the barbarians' camp, which (though to disburden
themselves they had left most of their baggage at Damascus) was exceedingly
rich. But Darius's tent, full of splendid furniture and quantities
of gold and silver, they reserved for Alexander himself, who, after
he had put off his arms, went to bathe himself saying, "Let us
now cleanse ourselves from the toils of war in the bath of Darius."
"Not so," replied one of his followers, "but in Alexander's
rather; for the property of the conquered is and should be called
the conqueror's." Alexander's mercy towards Darius's wife and daughters When Alexander beheld
the bathing vessels, the water-pots, the pans, and the ointment boxes,
all of gold curiously wrought, and smelled the fragrant odours with
which the whole place was exquisitely perfumed, and from there passed
into a pavilion of great size and height, where the couches and tables
and preparations for an entertainment were perfectly magnificent,
he turned to those about him and said, "This, it seems, is royalty." But as he was going
to supper, word was brought him that Darius's mother and wife and
two unmarried daughters, being taken among the rest of the prisoners,
upon the sight of his chariot and bow, were all in mourning and sorrow,
imagining him to be dead. After a little pause, more lively affected
with their affliction than with his own success, he sent Leonnatus
to them, to let them know Darius was not dead, and that they need
not fear any harm from Alexander, who made war upon him only for dominion;
they should themselves be provided with everything they had been used
to receive from Darius. This kind message could not but be very welcome
to the captive ladies, especially being made good by actions no less
humane and generous. For he gave them leave to bury whom they pleased
of the Persians, and to make use for this purpose of what garments
and furniture they thought fit out of the booty. He diminished nothing
of their equipage, or of the attentions and respect formerly paid
them, and allowed larger pensions for their maintenance than they
had before. Alexander's love for Barsine of Damascus The noblest and
most royal part of their usage was, that he treated these illustrious
prisoners according to their virtue and character, not allowing them
to hear, or so much as to apprehend anything that was unbecoming.
Indeed they seemed rather lodged in some temple, or some holy virgin
chambers, where they enjoyed their privacy sacred and uninterrupted,
than in the camp of an enemy. Nevertheless Darius's wife was accounted
the most beautiful princess then living, as her husband the tallest
and handsomest man of his time, and the daughters were not unworthy
of their parents. But Alexander, esteeming it more kingly to govern
himself than to conquer his enemies, sought no intimacy with any one
of them, nor indeed with any other women before marriage, except Barsine,
Memnon's widow, who was taken prisoner at Damascus. She had been instructed
in the Grecian learning, was of a gentle temper, and by her father,
Artabazus, royally descended, with good qualities, added to the solicitations
and encouragement of Parmenio, as Aristobulus tells us, made him the
more willing to attach himself to so agreeable and illustrious a woman. His temperance towards women
and boys Of the rest of the
female captives, though remarkably attractive and well proportioned,
he took no further notice than to say jestingly that Persian women
were terrible eyesores. And he himself, retaliating, as it were, by
the display of the beauty of his own temperance and self-control,
bade them be removed, as he would have done so many lifeless images.
When Philoxenus, his lieutenant on the sea-coast, wrote to him to
know if he wished to buy two young boys of great beauty, whom one
Theodorus, a Tarentine, had to sell, he was so offended that he expostulated
with his friends, asking what baseness Philoxenus had ever observed
in him that he should presume to make him such a reproachable offer.
And he immediately wrote him a very sharp letter, telling him that
Theodorus and his merchandise might go with his good-will to destruction.
Nor was he less severe to Hagnon, who sent word he would buy a Corinthian
youth named Crobylus, as a present for him. Hearing that Damon
and Timotheus, two of Parmenio's Macedonian soldiers, had abused the
wives of some strangers who were in his pay, he wrote to Parmenio,
charging him strictly, if he found them guilty, to put them to death,
as wild beasts that were only made for the mischief of mankind. In
the same letter he added, that he had neither seen nor desired to
see the wife of Darius, nor allowed anybody to speak of her beauty
before him. He was wont to say that sleep and the act of generation
chiefly made him aware that he was mortal; as much as to say, that
weariness and pleasure proceed both from the same frailty and imbecility
of human nature. His moderation in eating and drinking In his diet, also,
he was most temperate; apart from many other examples, this appears
in what he said to Ada, whom he adopted, with the title of mother,
and afterwards created Queen of Caria. For when she, out of kindness,
sent him every day many curious dishes and sweetmeats, and would have
furnished him with some cooks and pastry-men, reputed to have great
skill, he told her he wanted none of them, since his preceptor, Leonidas,
had already given him the best recipes, which were a night march to
prepare for breakfast, and a moderate breakfast to create an appetite
for supper. Leonidas also, he added, used to open and search the furniture
of his chamber and his wardrobe, to see if his mother had left him
anything that was delicate or superfluous. He was much less
addicted to wine than was generally believed; that which gave people
occasion to think so of him was, that when he had nothing else to
do, he loved to sit long and talk, rather than drink, and over every
cup hold a long conversation. For when his affairs called upon him,
he would not be detained, as other generals often were, either by
wine, or sleep, nuptial solemnities, spectacles, or any other diversion
whatsoever; a convincing argument of which is, that in the short time
he lived, he accomplished so many and so great actions. When he was free
from employment, after he was up, and had sacrificed to the gods he
used to sit down to breakfast, and then spend the rest of the day
in hunting, or writing memoirs, giving decisions on some military
questions, or reading. In marches that required no great haste, he
would practise shooting as he went along, or to mount a chariot and
alight from it in full speed. Sometimes, for sport's sake, as his
journals tell us, he would hunt foxes and go fowling. When he came
in for the evening, after he had bathed and was anointed, he would
call for his bakers and chief cooks, to know if they had his dinner
ready. He never cared to dine till it was pretty late and beginning
to be dark, and was wonderfully circumspect at meals that every one
who sat with him should be served alike and with proper attention. His love of talking,
as was said before, made him delight to sit long at his wine. And
then, though otherwise no prince's conversation was ever so agreeable,
he would fall into a temper of ostentation and soldierly boasting,
which gave his flatterers a great advantage to ride him, and made
his better friends very uneasy. For though they thought it too base
to strive who should flatter him most, still they found it hazardous
not to do it; so that between the shame and the danger, they were
in a great strait how to behave themselves. After such an entertainment,
he was wont to bathe, and then perhaps he would sleep till noon, and
sometimes all day long. He was so very temperate in his eating, that
when any rare fish or fruits were sent him, he would distribute them
among his friends, and often reserve nothing for himself. His table,
however, was always magnificent, the expense of it still increasing
with his good fortune, till it amounted to ten thousand drachmas a
day, to which sum he limited it, and beyond this he would allow none
to lay out in any entertainment where he himself was the guest. After the battle
of Issus, he sent to Damascus to seize upon the money and baggage,
the wives and children, of the Persians, of which spoil the Thessalian
horsemen had the greatest share; for he had taken particular notice
of their gallantry in the fight, and sent them there on purpose to
make their reward suitable to their courage. Not but that the rest
of the army had so considerable a part of the booty as was sufficient
to enrich them all. This first gave the Macedonians such a taste of
the Persian wealth and women and barbaric splendour of living, that
they were ready to pursue and follow upon it with all the eagerness
of hounds upon a scent. But Alexander, before he proceeded any further,
thought it necessary to assure himself of the sea-coast. Those who governed
in Cyprus put that island into his possession, and Phoenicia, Tyre
only excepted, was surrendered to him. During the siege of this city,
which, with mounds of earth cast up, and battering engines, and two
hundred galleys by sea, was carried on for seven months together,
he dreamt that he saw Hercules upon the walls, reaching out his hands,
and calling to him. And many of the Tyrians in their sleep fancied
that Apollo told them he was displeased with their actions, and was
about to leave them and go over to Alexander. Upon which, as if the
god had been a deserting soldier, they seized him, so to say, in the
act, tied down the statue with ropes, and nailed it to the pedestal,
reproaching him that he was a favourer of Alexander. Another time
Alexander dreamed he saw a satyr mocking him at a distance, and when
he endeavoured to catch him, he still escaped from him, till at last
with much perseverance, and running about after him, he got him into
his power. The soothsayers, making two words of Satyrus, assured him
that Tyre should be his own. The inhabitants at this time show a spring
of water, near which they say Alexander slept when he fancied the
satyr appeared to him. While the body of
the army lay before Tyre, he made an excursion against the Arabians
who inhabit the Mount Antilibanus, in which he hazarded his life extremely
to bring off his master Lysimachus, who would needs go along with
him, declaring he was neither older nor inferior in courage to Phoenix,
Achilles's guardian. For when, quitting their horses, they began to
march up the hills on foot, the rest of the soldiers outwent them
a great deal, so that night drawing on, and the enemy near, Alexander
was fain to stay behind so long, to encourage and help up the lagging
and tired old man, that before he was aware he was left behind, a
great way from his soldiers, with a slender attendance, and forced
to pass an extremely cold night in the dark, and in a very inconvenient
place; till seeing a great many scattered fires of the enemy at some
distance, and trusting to his agility of body, and as he was always
wont by undergoing toils and labours himself to cheer and support
the Macedonians in any distress, he ran straight to one of the nearest
fires, and with his dagger despatching two of the barbarians that
sat by it, snatched up a lighted brand, and returned with it to his
own men. They immediately made a great fire, which so alarmed the
enemy that most of them fled, and those that assaulted them were soon
routed and thus they rested securely the remainder of the night. Thus
Chares writes. But to return to
the siege, it had this issue. Alexander, that he might refresh his
army, harassed with many former encounters, had led only a small party
towards the walls, rather to keep the enemy busy than with any prospect
of much advantage. It happened at this time that Aristander, the soothsayer,
after he had sacrificed, upon view of the entrails, affirmed confidently
to those who stood by that the city should be certainly taken that
very month, upon which there was a laugh and some mockery among the
soldiers, as this was the last day of it. The king, seeing him in
perplexity, and always anxious to support the credit of the predictions,
gave order that they should not count it as the thirtieth, but as
the twenty-third of the month, and ordering the trumpets to sound,
attacked the walls more seriously than he at first intended. The sharpness
of the assault so inflamed the rest of his forces who were left in
the camp, that they could not hold from advancing to second it, which
they performed with so much vigour that the Tyrians retired, and the
town was carried that very day. The next place he sat down before
was Gaza, one of the largest cities of Syria, when this accident befell
him. A large bird flying over him let a clod of earth fall upon his
shoulder, and then settling upon one of the battering engines, was
suddenly entangled and caught in the nets, composed of sinews, which
protected the ropes with which the machine was managed. This fell
out exactly according to Aristander's prediction, which was, that
Alexander should be wounded and the city reduced. From there he sent
great part of the spoils to Olympias, Cleopatra, and the rest of his
friends, not omitting his preceptor Leonidas, on whom he bestowed
five hundred talents' weight of frankincense and an hundred of myrrh,
in remembrance of the hopes he had once expressed of him when he was
only a child. For Leonidas, it seems, standing beside him one day
while he was sacrificing, and seeing him take both his hands full
of incense to throw into the fire, told him he should be more sparing
in his offerings, and not to be so profuse till he was master of the
countries those sweet gums come from. So Alexander now wrote to him,
saying, "We have sent you abundance of myrrh and frankincense,
that for the future you may not be stingy to the gods." Housing the Iliad in a precious casket Among the treasures
and other booty that was taken from Darius, there was a very precious
casket, and when it was brought to Alexander as a great rarity, he
asked those about him what they thought most worthy to be laid up
in it; and when they had delivered their various opinions, he told
them he should use it as the container for Homer's Iliad. This is
attested by many credible authors, and if what people from Alexandria
tell us, relying upon the authority of Heraclides, be true, Homer
was neither an idle nor an unprofitable companion to him in his expedition.
For when he was master of Egypt, designing to settle a colony of Grecians
there, he resolved to build a large and populous city, and give it
his own name. As he was planning this, after he had measured and staked
out the ground with the advice of the best architects, he chanced
one night in his sleep to see a wonderful vision; a grey-headed old
man, of a venerable aspect, appeared to stand by him, and pronounce
these verses:– "An island lies, where loud the billows
roar, Founding the city of Alexandria Alexander immediately
rose up and went to Pharos, which, at that time, was an island lying
a little above the Canobic mouth of the river Nile, though it has
now been joined to the mainland by a mole. As soon as he saw the commodious
situation of the place, on a long neck of land, stretching like an
isthmus between large lagoons and shallow waters on one side and the
sea on the other, the latter at the end of it making a spacious harbour,
he said that Homer, besides his other excellences, was a very good
architect, and ordered the plan of a city to be drawn out suitable
to the place. To do this, for want of chalk, as the soil was black,
they laid out their lines with flour, taking in a pretty large area
of ground in a semi-circular figure, and drawing into the inside of
the circumference equal straight lines from each end, thus giving
it something of the form of a cloak or cape. While he was pleasing
himself with his design, suddenly an infinite number of great birds
of several kinds, rising like a black cloud out of the river and the
lake, devoured every morsel of the flour that had been used in setting
out the lines; at this omen even Alexander himself was troubled, till
the augurs restored his confidence by telling him it was a sign the
city he was about to build would not only abound in all things within
itself, but also be the nurse and feeder of many nations. He commanded
the workmen to proceed, while he went to visit the temple of Ammon. Acclaimed at the temple of Ammon This was a long
and painful, and, in two respects, a dangerous journey; first, if
they should lose their provision of water, as for several days none
could be obtained; and, secondly, if a violent south wind should rise
upon them, while they were travelling through the wide extent of deep
sands, as it is said to have done when Cambyses led his army that
way, blowing the sand together in heaps, and raising, as it were,
the whole desert like a sea upon them, till fifty thousand were swallowed
up and destroyed by it. All these difficulties were weighed and represented
to him; but Alexander was not easily to be diverted from anything
he was bent upon. For fortune having hitherto seconded him in his
designs, made him resolute and firm in his opinions, and the boldness
of his temper raised a sort of passion in him for surmounting difficulties;
as if it were not enough to be always victorious in the field, unless
places and seasons and nature herself submitted to him. In this journey,
the relief and assistance the gods afforded him in his distresses
were more remarkable, and obtained greater belief than the oracles
he received afterwards, which, however, were valued and credited the
more on account of those occurrences. For first, plentiful rains that
fell preserved them from any fear of perishing by drought, and, allaying
the extreme dryness of the sand, which now became moist and firm to
travel on, cleared and purified the air. Besides this, when they were
out of their way, and were wandering up and down, because the marks
which were wont to direct the guides were disordered and lost, they
were set right again by some ravens, which flew before them when on
their march, and waited for them when they lingered and fell behind.
And the greatest miracle, as Callisthenes tells us, was that if any
of the company went astray in the night, they never ceased croaking
and making a noise till by that means they had brought them into the
right way again. Having passed through
the wilderness, they came to the place where the high priest, at the
first salutation, bade Alexander welcome from his father Ammon. And
being asked by him whether any of his father's murderers had escaped
punishment, he charged him to speak with more respect, since his was
not a mortal father. Then Alexander, changing his expression, desired
to know from him if any of those who murdered Philip were still unpunished,
and further concerning dominion, whether the empire of the world was
reserved for him? This, the god answered, he would obtain, and that
Philip's death was fully revenged, which gave him so much satisfaction
that he made splendid offerings to Jupiter, and gave the priests very
rich presents. This is what most authors write concerning the oracles.
But Alexander, in a letter to his mother, tells her there were some
secret answers, which at his return he would communicate to her only.
Others say that the priest, desirous as a piece of courtesy to address
him in Greek, "O Paidion," by a slip in pronunciation ended
with the s instead of the n, and said "O Paidios," which
mistake Alexander was well enough pleased with, and it went for current
that the oracle had called him so. Among the sayings
of one Psammon, a philosopher, whom he heard in Egypt, he most approved
of this, that all men are governed by God, because in everything,
that which is chief and commands is divine. But what he pronounced
himself upon this subject was even more like a philosopher, for he
said God was the common father of us all, but more particularly of
the best of us. To the barbarians he carried himself very haughtily,
as if he were fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage; but
to the Grecians more moderately, and with less affectation of divinity,
except once when writing to the Athenians about Samos, when he tells
them that he himself would not have bestowed upon them that free and
glorious city; "You received it," he says, "from the
bounty of him who at that time was called my lord and father,"
meaning Philip. However, afterwards being wounded with an arrow, and
feeling much pain, he turned to those about him, and told them, "This,
my friends, is real flowing blood, not Ichor, 'Such as immortal gods
are wont to shed.'" "No desire to be formidable to my friends" Another time, when
it thundered so much that everybody was afraid, Anaxarchus, the sophist,
asked him if he, as Jupiter's son, could do anything like this. "Indeed"
said Alexander, laughing, "I have no desire to be formidable
to my friends, as you would have me, who despised my table for being
furnished with fish, and not with the heads of governors of provinces."
For in fact it is related as true, that Anaxarchus, seeing a present
of small fishes, which the king sent to Hephaestion, had used this
expression in a sort of irony to disparage those who undergo vast
labours and encounter great hazards in pursuit of magnificent objects
which after all bring them little more pleasure or enjoyment than
what others have. From what I have said on this subject, it is apparent
that Alexander in himself was not foolishly affected, or had the vanity
to think himself really a god, but merely used his claims to divinity
as a means of maintaining among other people the sense of his superiority. At his return out
of Egypt into Phoenicia, he offered sacrifices and made solemn processions,
to which were added shows of lyric dances and tragedies, remarkable
not merely for the splendour of the equipage and decorations, but
for the competition among those who exhibited them. For the kings
of Cyprus were here the exhibitors, in the same manner as at Athens
those who are chosen by lot out of the tribes. And, indeed, they showed
the greatest rivalry to outdo each other; especially Nicocreon, King
of Salamis, and Pasicrates of Soli, who furnished the chorus, and
defrayed the expenses of the two most celebrated actors, Athenodorus
and Thessalus, the former performing for Pasicrates, and the latter
for Nicocrean. Thessalus was most favoured by Alexander, though this
did not appear till Athenodorus was declared victor by the plurality
of votes. For then at his going away, he said the judges deserved
to be commended for what they had done, but that he would willingly
have lost part of his kingdom rather than to have seen Thessalus defeated.
However, when he understood Athenodorus was fined by the Athenians
for being absent at the festivals of Bacchus, though he refused his
request that he would write a letter in his behalf, he gave him a
sufficient sum to satisfy the penalty. Another time, when Lycon of
Scarphia happened to act with great applause in the theatre, and in
a verse which he introduced into the comic part which he was acting,
begged for a present of ten talents, he laughed and gave him the money. Rejecting Darius's overtures for peace Darius wrote him
a letter, and sent friends to intercede with him, requesting him to
accept as a ransom for his captives the sum of a thousand talents,
and offering him in exchange for his amity and alliance all the countries
on this side the river Euphrates, together with one of his daughters
in marriage. These propositions he communicated to his friends, and
when Parmenio told him that, for his part, if he were Alexander, he
should readily embrace them, "So would I," said Alexander,
"if I were Parmenio." Accordingly, his answer to Darius
was, that if he would come and yield himself up into his power he
would treat him with all possible kindness; if not, he was resolved
immediately to go himself and seek him. But the's wife in childbirth
made him soon after regret one part of this answer, and he showed
evident marks of grief at thus deprived of a further opportunity of
exercising his clemency and good nature, which he manifested, however,
as far as he could, by giving her a most sumptuous funeral. Among the eunuchs
who waited in the queen's chamber, and were taken prisoners with the
women, there was one Tireus, who, on getting out of the camp, fled
away on horseback to Darius, to inform him of his wife's death. He,
when he heard it, struck his head and bursting into tears and lamentations,
said, "Alas! how great is the calamity of the Persians! Was it
not enough that their king's consort and sister was a prisoner in
her lifetime, but she must, now she is dead, also be but meanly and
obscurely buried?" "O king," replied the eunuch, "as
to her funeral rites, or any respect or honour that should have been
shown in them, you have not the least reason to accuse the ill fortune
of your country; for to my knowledge neither your queen Statira when
alive, nor your mother, nor children, lacked anything of their former
happy condition, except the light of your countenance, which I doubt
not but the lord Oromasdes will yet restore to its former glory. And
after her decease, I assure you, she had not only all due funeral
ornaments, but was honoured also with the tears of your very enemies;
for Alexander is as gentle after victory as he is terrible in the
field." Such was the grief
and emotion of Darius's mind on hearing these words, that they carried
him into extravagant suspicions. Taking Tireus aside into a more private
part of his tent, he said to him, "Unless you too have deserted
me, together with the good fortune of Persia, and have become a Macedonian
in your heart; if you still recognise me as your master Darius, tell
me, by the veneration you pay the light of Mithras, and this right
hand of your king, do I not lament the least of Statira's misfortunes
in her captivity and death? Have I not suffered something more injurious
and deplorable in her lifetime? and would I not have been afflicted
with less dishonour if I had met with a more severe and inhuman enemy?
For how is it possible a young man as this should treat the wife of
his opponent with so much distinction, except from some motive that
brings me disgrace?" Whilst he was still
speaking, Tireus threw himself at his feet, and besought him neither
to wrong Alexander so much, nor his dead wife and sister, as to give
utterance to any such thoughts, which deprived him of the greatest
consolation left him in his adversity, the belief that he was overcome
by a man whose virtues raised him above human nature; that he ought
to look with love and admiration upon Alexander, who had given no
less proofs of his continence towards the Persian women, than of his
valour among the men. The eunuch confirmed all he said with solemn
and dreadful oaths, and was further enlarging upon Alexander's moderation
and magnanimity on other occasions, when Darius, breaking away from
him into the other section of the tent, where his friends and courtiers
were, lifted up his hands to heaven and uttered this prayer, "Ye gods of
my family, and of my kingdom, if it be possible, I beseech you to
restore the declining affairs of Persia, that I may leave them in
as flourishing a condition as I found them, and have it in my power
to make a grateful return to Alexander for the kindness which in my
adversity he has shown to those who are dearest to me. But if, indeed,
the fatal time has come, which is to bring the Persian monarchy to
an end, if our ruin be a debt that must be paid to the divine jealousy
and the vicissitude of things, then I beseech you grant that no other
man but Alexander may sit upon the throne of Cyrus." Such is
the narrative given by the greater number of the historians. But to return to
Alexander. After he had reduced all Asia on this side the Euphrates,
he advanced towards Darius, who was coming down against him with a
million men. In his march a very ridiculous passage happened. For
sport's sake, the servants who followed the camp divided themselves
into two parties, and named the commander of one of them Alexander,
and the other Darius. At first they only pelted one another with clods
of earth, but presently took to their fists, and at last, heated with
contention, they fought in good earnest with stones and clubs, so
that they had much ado to part them; finally Alexander, upon hearing
of it, ordered the two captains to decide the quarrel by single combat,
and armed him who bore his name himself, while Philotas did the same
to him who represented Darius. The whole army were spectators of this
encounter, willing from the event of it to derive an omen of their
own future success. After they had fought stoutly a pretty long while,
at last he who was called Alexander had the better, and for a reward
of his prowess had twelve villages given him, with leave to wear the
Persian dress. So we are told by Eratosthenes. But the greatest
battle of all that was fought with Darius was not, as most writers
tell us, at Arbela, but at Gaugamela, which, in their language, signifies
the camel's house, because one of their ancient kings having escaped
the pursuit of his enemies on a swift camel, in gratitude to his beast,
settled him at this place, with an allowance of certain villages and
rents for his maintenance. It came to pass that in the month Boedromion,
about the beginning of the feast of Mysteries at Athens, there was
an eclipse of the moon, one the eleventh night after which, when the
two armies were now in view of each other, Darius kept his men in
arms, and by torchlight took a general review of them. But Alexander,
while his soldiers slept, spent the night before his tent with his
diviner, Aristander, performing certain mysterious ceremonies, and
sacrificing to the god Fobos (Fear). Meanwhile the oldest
of his commanders, and chiefly Parmenio, when they beheld all the
plain between Niphates and the Gordyaean mountains shining with the
lights and fires made by the barbarians, and heard the uncertain and
confused sounds of voices out of their camp, like the distant roaring
of a vast ocean, were so astounded at the thoughts of such a multitude,
that after some conference they concluded it an enterprise too difficult
and hazardous for them to engage so numerous an enemy in daylight.
Therefore, on meeting the king as he came from sacrificing, they besought
him to attack Darius by night, so that the darkness might conceal
the danger of the ensuing battle. To this he gave them the celebrated
answer, "I will not steal a victory," which though at the
time some thought a boyish and inconsiderate speech, as if he played
with danger, others, however, regarded as an evidence of confidence
in his present condition, and that he acted on a true judgment of
the future, not wishing to allow Darius, in case of defeat, any pretext
for trying his fortune again, on the basis that he could impute his
overthrow to the disadvantage of the night, as he had before to the
mountains, the narrow ravines, and the sea. For while he had such
numerous forces and large dominions still remaining, it was not any
lack of men or arms that could induce him to give up the war, but
only the loss of all courage and hope, through an undeniable and manifest
defeat. After they were
gone from him with this answer, he laid himself down in his tent and
slept the rest of the night more soundly than was usual with him,
to the astonishment of the commanders, who came to him early in the
morning, wishing to give order that the soldiers should breakfast.
But at last, time not allowing them to wait any longer, Parmenio went
to his bedside, and called him twice or three times by name, till
he woke him, and then asked him how it was possible, when he was to
fight the most important battle of all, he could sleep as soundly
as if he were already victorious. "And are we not so, indeed,"
replied Alexander, smiling, "since we are at last relieved from
the trouble of wandering in pursuit of Darius through a wide and wasted
country, hoping in vain that he would fight us?" Then not only
before the battle, but in the height of the danger, he showed himself
great, and manifested the self-possession of a just foresight and
confidence. The battle for some
time fluctuated and was dubious. The left wing, where Parmenio commanded,
was so impetuously charged by the Bactrian horse that it was disordered
and forced to give ground, at the same time that Mazaeus had sent
a detachment round about to fall upon those who guarded the baggage,
which so disturbed Parmenio that he sent messengers to acquaint Alexander
that the camp and baggage would be all lost unless he immediately
relieved the rear by a considerable reinforcement drawn out of the
front. This message being brought him just as he was giving the signal
to those around him for the onset, he bade them tell Parmenio that
he must surely have lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten,
in his alarm, that soldiers, if victorious, became masters of their
enemies' baggage; and if defeated, instead of taking care of their
wealth or their slaves, have nothing more to do but to fight gallantly
and die with honour. When he had said
this, he put on his helmet, having the rest of his arms on before
he came out of his tent, which were a coat of the Sicilian make, girt
close about him, and over that a breast-piece of thickly quilted linen,
which was taken among other booty at the battle of Issus. The helmet,
which was made by Theophilus, though of iron, was so well wrought
and polished that it was as bright as the most refined silver. To
this was fitted a gorget of the same metal, set with precious stones.
His sword, which was the weapon he most used in fight, was given him
by the King of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper and lightness.
The belt which he also wore in all engagements was of much richer
workmanship than the rest of his armour. It was a work of the ancient
Helicon, and had been presented to him by the Rhodians, as a mark
of their respect to him. So long as he was engaged in drawing up his
men, or riding about to give orders or directions, or to view them,
he spared Bucephalus, who was now growing old, and made use of another
horse; but when he was actually to fight, he sent for him again, and
as soon as he was mounted, commenced the attack. He made the longest
address that day to the Thessalians and other Greeks, who answered
him with loud shouts, desiring him to lead them on against the barbarians,
upon which he shifted his javelin into his left hand, and with his
right lifted up towards heaven, besought the gods, as Callisthenes
tells us, that if he was of a truth the son of Jupiter, they would
be pleased to assist and strengthen the Grecians. At the same time
the augur Aristander, who had a white mantle about him, and a crown
of gold on his head, rode by and showed them an eagle that soared
just over Alexander, and directed his flight towards the enemy; which
so animated the beholders, that after mutual encouragements and exhortations,
the horse charged at full speed, and were followed in a mass by the
whole phalanx of the foot. Before they could
well come to blows with the first ranks, the barbarians shrunk back,
and were hotly pursued by Alexander, who drove those that fled before
him into the middle of the battle, where Darius himself was in person,
whom he saw from a distance over the foremost ranks, conspicuous in
the midst of his bodyguard, a tall and fine-looking man, drawn in
a lofty chariot, defended by an abundance of the best horse, who stood
close in order about it ready to receive the enemy. But Alexander's
approach was so terrible, forcing those who gave back upon those who
still maintained their ground, that he beat down and dispersed them
almost all. Only a few of the bravest and most valiant opposed the
pursuit, and were slain in their king's presence, falling in heaps
upon one another, and in the very death-pangs striving to catch hold
of the horses. Darius escapes alive; Parmenio
is blamed Darius now seeing
all was lost, that those who were placed in front to defend him were
broken and beaten back upon him, that he could not turn or disengage
his chariot without great difficulty, the wheels being clogged and
entangled among the dead bodies, which lay in such heaps as not only
stopped, but almost covered the horses, and made them rear and grow
so unruly that the frightened charioteer could govern them no longer,
in this extremity was glad to quit his chariot and his arms, and mounting,
it is said, upon a mare that had been taken from her foal, took himself
to flight. But even so he would not have escaped if Parmenio had not
sent fresh messengers to Alexander, to ask him to return and assist
him against a considerable body of the enemy which still stood together,
and would not give ground. For, indeed, Parmenio is on all sides accused
of having been sluggish and unserviceable in this battle, whether
because age had impaired his courage, or that, as Callisthenes says,
he secretly disliked and envied Alexander's growing greatness. Alexander,
though he was quite vexed to be so recalled and hindered from pursuing
his victory, yet concealed the true reason from his men, and causing
a retreat to be sounded, as if it were too late to continue the execution
any longer, marched back towards the place of danger, and by the way
met the news of the enemy's total overthrow and flight. This battle being
thus over, seemed to put an end to the Persian empire; and Alexander,
who was now proclaimed King of Asia, returned thanks to the gods in
magnificent sacrifices, and rewarded his friends and followers with
great sums of money, and places, and governments of provinces. Eager
to gain honour with the Grecians, he wrote to them that he would have
all tyrannies abolished, that they might live free according to their
own laws, and specially to the Plataeans, that their city should be
rebuilt, because their ancestors had permitted their countrymen of
old to make their territory the centre of the war when they fought
the barbarians for their common liberty. He sent also part of the
spoils into Italy, to the Crotoniats, to honour the zeal and courage
of their citizen Phayllus, the wrestler, who, in the Median war, when
the other Grecian colonies in Italy disowned Greece, that he might
have a share in the danger, joined the fleet at Salamis, with a vessel
set forth at his own charge. Alexander proved himself so affectionate
towards all kind of virtue, and so desirous to preserve the memory
of laudable actions. From there he marched
through the province of Babylon, which immediately submitted to him,
and in Ecbatana was much surprised at the sight of the place where
fire issues in a continuous stream, like a spring of water, out of
a cleft in the earth, and the stream of naphtha, which, not far from
this spot, flows out so abundantly as to form a sort of lake. This
naphtha, in other respects resembling bitumen, is so apt to take fire,
that before it touches the flame it will kindle at the very light
that surrounds it, and often inflame the intermediate air also. The
barbarians, to show the power and nature of it, sprinkled the street
that led to the king's lodgings with little drops of it, and when
it was almost night, stood at the further end with torches, and when
these were applied to the moistened places, the first at once taking
fire, instantly, as quick as a man could think of it, it caught from
one end to another, in such a manner that the whole street was one
continuous flame. Among those who
used to wait on the king and find occasion to amuse him when he anointed
and washed himself there was one Athenophanes, an Athenian, who asked
him to make an experiment of the naphtha upon Stephanus, who stood
by in the bathing place, a youth with a ridiculously ugly face, whose
talent was singing well, "For," he said, "if it take
hold of him and is not put out, it must undeniably be allowed to be
of the most invincible strength." The youth, as it happened,
readily consented to undergo the trial, and as soon as he was anointed
and rubbed with it, his whole body broke out into such a flame, and
was so seized by the fire, that Alexander was in the greatest perplexity
and alarm for him, and not without reason; for nothing could have
prevented his being consumed by it, if by good chance there had not
been people at hand with a great many vessels of water for the service
of the bath, with all which they had much ado to extinguish the fire;
and his body was so burned all over that he was not cured of it for
a good while after. So it is with some plausibility that they seek
to reconcile the fable to truth, who say this was the drug in the
tragedies with which Medea anointed the crown and veil which she gave
to Creon's daughter. For neither the things themselves, nor the fire,
could kindle of its own accord, but being prepared for it by the naphtha,
they imperceptibly attracted and caught a flame which happened to
be brought near them. For the rays and emanations of fire at a distance
have no other effect upon some bodies than bore light and heat, but
in others, where they meet with airy dryness, and also sufficient
rich moisture, they collect themselves and soon kindle and create
a transformation. The manner, however,
of the production of naphtha admits of a diversity of opinion. In
one view, this liquid substance that feeds the flame proceeds from
a soil that is unctuous and productive of fire, as in the province
of Babylon, where the ground is so very hot that often the grains
of barley leap up and are thrown out, as if the violent inflammation
had made the earth throb; and in the extreme heats the inhabitants
are wont to sleep upon skins filled with water. Harpalus, who was
left governor of this country, and was desirous to adorn the palace
gardens and walks with Grecian plants, succeeding in raising all but
ivy, which the earth would not bear, but constantly killed. For being
a plant that loves a cold soil, the temper of this hot and fiery earth
was improper for it. But such digressions as these the impatient reader
will be more willing to pardon if they are kept within a moderate
compass. The splendours At the taking of
Susa, Alexander found in the palace forty thousand talents in money
ready coined, besides an unspeakable quantity of other furniture and
treasure; amongst which was five thousand talents' worth of Hermionian
purple, that had been laid up there an hundred and ninety years, and
still kept its colour as fresh and vivid as at first. The reason of
which, they say, is that in dyeing the purple they made use of honey,
and of white oil in the white tincture, both of which after such a
space of time preserve the clearness and brightness of their lustre.
Dinon also relates that the Persian kings had water fetched from the
Nile and the Danube, which they laid up in their treasuries as a sort
of testimony of the greatness of their power and universal empire. The entrance into
Persia was through a most difficult country, and was guarded by the
noblest of the Persians, after Darius himself had escaped further.
But Alexander chanced to find a guide exactly as the Pythian oracle
had foretold when he was a child, that a Lycus should conduct him
into Persia. For by such an one, whose father was a Lycian, and his
mother a Persian, and who spoke both languages, he was now led into
the country, by a slightly circuitous way yet without adding any considerable
length. Here a great many of the prisoners were put to the sword,
of which himself gives this account, that he commanded them to be
killed in the belief that it would be for his advantage. Neither was
the money found here less, he says, than at Susa, besides other movables
and treasure, as much as ten thousand pair of mules and five thousand
camels could well carry away. Restoring the statue of Xerxes Amongst other things
he happened to observe a large statue of Xerxes thrown carelessly
down to the ground in the confusion made by the multitude of soldiers
pressing into the palace. He stood still, and accosting it as if it
had been alive, "Shall we," he said, "now you are prostrate
on the ground neglectfully pass you by, because you once invaded Greece,
or shall we erect you again in consideration of the greatness of your
mind and your other virtues?" But at last, after he had paused
some time, and silently considered with himself, he went on without
taking any further notice of it. In this place he
took up his winter quarters, and stayed four months to refresh his
soldiers. It is related that the first time he sat on the royal throne
of Persia under the canopy of gold, Demaratus the Corinthian, who
was much attached to him and had been one of his father's friends,
wept, in the fashion of an old man, and deplored the misfortune of
those Greeks whom death had deprived of the satisfaction of seeing
Alexander seated on the throne of Darius. Thais, Ptolemy's mistress, wants to burn
Susa Planning to march
against Darius from there, before he set out he diverted himself with
his officers at an entertainment of drinking and other pastimes, and
indulged so far as to let every one's mistress sit by and drink with
them. The most celebrated of them was Thais, an Athenian, mistress
of Ptolemy, who was afterwards King of Egypt. She, partly as a sort
of well-turned compliment to Alexander, partly out of sport, as the
drinking went on, at last was carried so far as to utter a saying,
not misbecoming her native country's character, though somewhat too
lofty for her own condition. She said it was indeed some recompense
for the toils she had undergone in following the camp all over Asia,
that she was that day treated in, and could insult over, the stately
palace of the Persian monarches. But, she added, it would please her
much better if, while the king looked on, she might in sport, with
her own hands, set fire to the court of that Xerxes who reduced the
city of Athens to ashes, that it might be recorded to posterity that
the women who followed Alexander had taken a more severe revenge on
the Persians for the suffering and affronts of Greece, than all the
famed commanders had been able to do by sea or land. What she said was
received with such universal liking and murmurs of applause, and so
seconded by the encouragement and eagerness of the company, that the
king himself, persuaded to be of the party, started from his seat,
and with a chaplet of flowers on his head and a lighted torch in his
hand, led them the way, while they went after him in a riotous manner,
dancing and making loud cries about the place; which when the rest
of the Macedonians perceived, they also in great delight ran there
with torches; for they hoped the burning and destruction of the royal
palace was an argument that he looked homeward, and had no design
to reside among the barbarians. Thus some writers account for this
action, while others say it was done deliberately; however, all agree
that he soon repented of it, and gave orders to put out the fire. Alexander was naturally
very munificent, and grew more so as his fortune increased, accompanying
what he gave with that courtesy and freedom which, to speak honestly,
is necessary to make a benefit really obliging. I will give a few
instances of this kind. Ariston, the captain of the Paeonians, having
killed an enemy, brought his head to show him, and told him that in
his country such a present was recompensed with a cup of gold. "With
an empty one," said Alexander, smiling, "but I drink to
you in this, which I give you full of wine." Another time, as
one of the common soldiers was driving a mule laden with some of the
king's treasure, the beast grew tired, and the soldier took it upon
his own back, and began to march with it, till Alexander seeing the
man so overcharged asked what was the matter; and when he was informed,
just as he was ready to lay down his burden for weariness, "Do
not faint now," said he to him, "but finish the journey,
and carry what you have there to your own tent for yourself." He was always more
displeased with those who would not accept of what he gave than with
those who begged of him. And therefore he wrote to Phocion, that he
would not own him for his friend any longer if he refused his presents.
He had never given anything to Serapion, one of the youths that played
at ball with him, because he did not ask of him, till one day, when
it was Serapion's turn to play, he still threw the ball to others,
and when the king asked him why he did not direct it to him, "Because
you do not ask for it," said he. This answer so pleased him that
he was very liberal to him afterwards. One Proteas, a pleasant, jesting,
drinking fellow, having incurred his displeasure, got his friends
to intercede for him, and begged his pardon himself with tears, which
at last prevailed, and Alexander declared he was friends with him.
"I cannot believe it," said Proteas, "unless you first
give me some pledge of it." The king understood his meaning,
and presently ordered five talents to be given him. How magnificent
he was in enriching his friends, and those who attended on his person,
appears by a letter which Olympias wrote to him, where she tells him
he should reward and honour those about him in a more moderate way.
"For now," said she, "you make them all equal to kings,
you give them power and opportunity of making many friends of their
own, and in the meantime you leave yourself destitute." She often
wrote to him to this purpose, and he never communicated her letters
to anybody, unless it were one which he opened when Hephaestion was
nearby, whom he normally allowed to read it along with him; but then
as soon as he had done, he took off his ring, and set the seal upon
Hephaestion's lips. Mazaeus, who was
the most considerable man in Darius's court, had a son who was already
governor of a province. Alexander bestowed another upon him that was
better; he, however, modestly refused, and told him that, in place
of one Darius, he was on his way to making many Alexanders. To Parmenio
he gave Bagoas's house, in which he found a wardrobe of apparel worth
more than a thousand talents. He wrote to Antipater, commanding him
to keep a bodyguard about him for the security of his person against
conspiracies. To his mother he
sent many presents, but would never allow her to meddle with matters
of state or war, not indulging her busy temper, and when she fell
out with him on this account, he bore her ill-humour very patiently.
Even more, when he read a long letter from Antipater full of accusations
against her, "Antipater," he said, "does not know that
one tear of a mother effaces a thousand such letters as these."
But when he perceived his favourites grow so luxurious and extravagant
in their way of living and expenses that Hagnon, the Teian, wore silver
nails in his shoes, that Leonnatus employed several camels only to
bring him powder out of Egypt to use when he wrestled, and that Philotas
had hunting nets a hundred furlongs in length, that more used precious
ointment than plain oil when they went to bathe, and that they carried
about servants everywhere with them to rub them and wait upon them
in their chambers, he reproved them in gentle and reasonable terms,
telling them he wondered that they who had been engaged in so many
single battles did not know by experience, that those who labour sleep
more sweetly and soundly than those who are laboured for, and could
fail to see by comparing the Persians' manner of living with their
own that it was the most abject and slavish condition to be voluptuous,
but the most noble and royal to undergo pain and labour. He argued with them
further, how it was possible for any one who pretended to be a soldier,
either to look well after his horse, or to keep his armour bright
and in good order, who thought it much to let his hands be serviceable
to what was nearest to him, his own body. "Are you still to learn,"
he said, "that the end and perfection of our victories is to
avoid the vices and infirmities of those whom we subdue?" And
to strengthen his precepts by example, he applied himself now more
vigorously than ever to hunting and warlike expeditions, embracing
all opportunities of hardship and danger, insomuch that a Lacedaemonian,
who was there on an embassy to him and chanced to be near when he
encountered and mastered a huge lion, told him he had fought gallantly
with the beast, and wondered which of the two should be king. Craterus
caused a representation to be made of this adventure, consisting of
the lion and the dogs, of the king engaged with the lion, and himself
coming in to his assistance, all expressed in figures of brass, some
of which were by Lysippus, and the rest by Leochares; and had it dedicated
in the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Alexander exposed his person to
danger in this manner, with the object both of inuring himself and
inciting others to the performance of brave and virtuous actions. But his followers,
who had grown rich, and consequently proud, longed to indulge themselves
in pleasure and idleness, and were weary of marches and expeditions,
and at last went so far as to censure and speak ill of him. All which
at first he bore very patiently, saying it became a king well to do
good to others, and be evil spoken of. Meantime, on the smallest occasions
that called for a show of kindness to his friends, there was every
indication on his part of tenderness and respect. Hearing that Peucestes
was bitten by a bear, he wrote to him that he took it unkindly he
should notify others of it and not make him acquainted with it; "But
now," he said, "since it is so, let me know how you do,
and whether any of your companions forsook you when you were in danger,
that I may punish them." He sent Hephaestion,
who was absent about some business, word how, while they were fighting
for their diversion with a stinging insect, Craterus was by chance
run through both thighs with Perdiccas's javelin. And upon Peucestes's
recovery from a fit of sickness, he sent a letter of thanks to his
physician Alexippus. When Craterus was ill, he saw a vision in his
sleep, after which he offered sacrifices for his health, and bade
him do so likewise. He wrote also to Pausanias, the physician, who
was about to purge Craterus with hellebore, partly out of an anxious
concern for him, and partly to give him a caution how he used that
medicine. He was so tender of his friends' reputation that he imprisoned
Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought him the first news of Harpalus's
flight and withdrawal from his service, as if they had falsely accused
him. When he sent the
old and infirm soldiers home, Eurylochus, a citizen of Aegae, got
his name enrolled among the sick, though nothing was wrong with him;
when it was discovered, he confessed he was in love with a young woman
named Telesippa, and wanted to go along with her to the sea-side.
Alexander inquired to whom the woman belonged, and being told she
was a free courtesan, "I will assist you," said he to Eurylochus,
"in your amour if your mistress be to be gained either by presents
or persuasions; but we must use no other means, because she is free-born." It is surprising
to consider upon what slight occasions he would write letters to serve
his friends. As when he wrote one in which he gave order to search
for a youth that belonged to Seleucus, who had run away into Cilicia;
and in another thanked and commanded Peucestes for apprehending Nicon,
a servant of Craterus; and in one to Megabyzus, concerning a slave
that had taken sanctuary in a temple, gave direction that he should
not meddle with him while he was there, but if he could entice him
out by fair means, then he gave him leave to seize him. It is reported
of him that when he first sat in judgment upon capital causes he would
lay his hand upon one of his ears while the accuser spoke, to keep
it free and unprejudiced in behalf of the party accused. But afterwards
such a multitude of accusations were brought before him, and so many
proved true, that he lost his tenderness of heart, and gave credit
to those also that were false; and especially when anybody spoke ill
of him, he would be transported out of his reason, and show himself
cruel and inexorable, valuing his glory and reputation beyond his
life or kingdom. He now, as we said,
set out to seek Darius, expecting he should be put to the risk of
another battle, but then heard he was captured and secured by Bessus,
upon which news he sent home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess
of two thousand talents over and above the pay that was due to them.
This long and painful pursuit of Darius–for in eleven days he marched
thirty-three hundred furlongs–harassed his soldiers so that most of
them were ready to give it up, chiefly for want of water. While they
were in this distress, it happened that some Macedonians who had fetched
water in skins upon their mules from a river they had found came about
noon to the place where Alexander was, and seeing him almost choked
with thirst, presently filled an helmet and offered it him. He asked
them to whom they were carrying the water, they told him to their
children, adding, that if his life were but saved, it was no matter
for them, they should be able well enough to repair that loss, though
they all perished. Then he took the helmet into his hands, and looking
round about, when he saw all those who were near him stretching their
heads out and looking earnestly after the drink, he returned it again
with thanks without tasting a drop of it. "For," he said,
"if I alone drink, the rest will be out of heart." The soldiers no
sooner took notice of his temperance and magnanimity upon this occasion,
but they one and all cried out to him to lead them forward boldly,
and began whipping on their horses. For whilst they had such a king
they said they defied both weariness and thirst, and looked upon themselves
to be little less than immortal. But though they were all equally
cheerful and willing, yet not above three-score horse were able, it
is said, to keep up, and to fall in with Alexander upon the enemy's
camp, where they rode over abundance of gold and silver that lay scattered
about, and passing by a great many chariots full of women that wandered
here and there for want of drivers, they endeavoured to overtake the
first of those that fled, in hopes to meet with Darius among them. At last, after much
trouble, they found Darius lying in a chariot, wounded all over with
darts, just at the point of death. However, he asked them for something
to drink, and when he had drunk a little cold water, he told Polystratus,
who gave it him, that it had become the last extremity of his ill
fortune to receive benefits and not be able to return them. "But
Alexander," he said, "whose kindness to my mother, my wife,
and my children I hope the gods will recompense, will doubtless thank
you for your humanity to me. Tell him, therefore, in token of my acknowledgment,
I give him this right hand," with which words he took hold of
Polystratus's hand and died. When Alexander came
up to them, he showed manifest tokens of sorrow, and taking off his
own cloak, threw it upon the body to cover it. And some time afterwards,
when Bessus was taken, he ordered him to be torn in pieces in this
manner. They fastened him to a couple of trees which were bound down
so as to meet, and then being let loose, with a great force returned
to their places, each of them carrying that part of the body along
with it that was tied to it. Darius's body was laid in state, and
sent to his mother with pomp suitable to his quality. His brother
Exathres, Alexander received into the number of his intimate friends. And now with the
flower of his army he marched into Hyrcania, where he saw a large
bay of an open sea, apparently not much less than the Euxine, with
water, however, sweeter than that of other seas, but could learn nothing
of certainty concerning it, further than that in all probability it
seemed to him to be an arm issuing from the lake of Maeotis. However,
the naturalists were better informed of the truth, and had given an
account of it many years before Alexander's expedition; that of four
gulfs which out of the main sea enter into the continent, this, known
indifferently as the Caspian and as the Hyrcanian Sea, is the most
northern. Here the barbarians, unexpectedly meeting with those who
led Bucephalus, took them prisoners, and carried the horse away with
them. at which Alexander was so much vexed that he sent an herald
to let them know he would put them all to the sword, men, women, and
children, without mercy, if they did not restore him. But on their
doing so, and at the same time surrendering their cities into his
hands, he not only treated them kindly, but also paid a ransom for
his horse to those who took him. From there he marched
into Parthia, where not having much to do, he first put on the barbaric
dress, perhaps with the view of making the work of civilizing them
the easier, as nothing gains more upon men than a conformity to their
fashions and customs. Or it may have been as a first trial, whether
the Macedonians might be brought to adore as the Persians did their
kings, by accustoming them by little and little to bear with the alteration
of his rule and course of life in other things. However, he did not
follow the Median fashion, which was altogether foreign and uncouth,
and adopted neither the trousers nor the sleeved vest, nor the tiara
for the head, but taking a middle way between the Persian mode and
the Macedonian, so contrived his habit that it was not so flaunting
as the one, and yet more pompous and magnificent than the other. At
first he wore this habit only when he conversed with the barbarians,
or within doors, among his intimate friends and companions, but afterwards
he appeared in it abroad, when he rode out, and at public audiences,
a sight which the Macedonians beheld with grief; but they so respected
his other virtues and good qualities that they felt it reasonable
in some things to gratify his fancies and his passion for glory, in
pursuit of which he risked himself so far, that, besides his other
adventures, he had recently been wounded in the leg by an arrow, which
had so shattered the shank-bone that splinters were taken out. And
on another occasion he received a violent blow with a stone upon the
nape of the neck, which dimmed his sight for a good while afterwards.
And still all this could not hinder him from exposing himself freely
to any dangers, insomuch that he passed the river Orexartes, which
he took to be the Tanais, and putting the Scythians to flight, followed
them above a hundred furlongs, though suffering all the time from
diarrhoea. Here many affirm
that the Amazon came to give him a visit. So Clitarchus, Polyclitus,
Onesicritus, Antigenes, and Ister tell us. But Aristobulus and Chares,
who held the office of reporter of requests, Ptolemy and Anticlides,
Philon the Theban, Philip of Theangela, Hecataeus the Eretrian, Philip
the Chalcidian, and Duris the Samian, say it is wholly a fiction.
And truly Alexander himself seems to confirm the latter statement,
for in a letter in which he gives Antipater an account of all that
happened, he tells him that the King of Scythia offered him his daughter
in marriage, but makes no mention at all of the Amazon. And many years
after, when Onesicritus read this story in his fourth book to Lysimachus,
who then reigned, the king laughed quietly and asked, "Where
could I have been at that time?" Alexander persuades his army to march still
further East But it signifies
little to Alexander whether this be credited or not. Certain it is,
that apprehending the Macedonians would be weary of pursuing the war,
he left the greater part of them in their quarters; and having with
him in Hyrcania only the choicest of his men, amounting to twenty
thousand foot and three thousand horse, he spoke to them to this effect:
That hitherto the barbarians had seen them no otherwise than as it
were in a dream, and if they should think of returning when they had
only alarmed Asia, and not conquered it, their enemies would set upon
them as upon so many women. However he told them he would keep none
of them with him against their will, they might go if they pleased;
he should merely enter his protest, that when on his way to make the
Macedonians the masters of the world, he was left alone with a few
friends and volunteers. This is almost word for word as he wrote in
a letter to Antipater, where he adds, that when he had thus spoken
to them, they all cried out, they would go along with him wherever
it was his pleasure to lead them. After succeeding
with these, it was no hard matter for him to bring over the multitude,
which easily followed the example of their betters. Now, also, he
more and more accommodated himself in his way of living to that of
the natives, and tried also to bring them as near as he could to the
Macedonian customs, wisely considering that whilst he was engaged
in an expedition which would carry him far from thence, it would be
wiser to depend upon the good-will which might arise from intermixture
and association as a means of maintaining tranquillity, than upon
force and compulsion. In order to this, he chose out thirty thousand
boys, whom he put under masters to teach them the Greek tongue, and
to train them up to arms in the Macedonian discipline. As for his marriage
with Roxana, whose youthfulness and beauty had charmed him at a drinking
entertainment, where he first happened to see her taking part in a
dance, it was, indeed a love affair, still it seemed at the same time
to be conducive to the object he had in hand. For it gratified the
conquered people to see him choose a wife from among themselves, and
it made them feel the most lively affection for him, to find that
in the only passion which he, the most temperate of men, was overcome
by, he still forbore till he could obtain her in a lawful and honourable
way. Greek customs with the Greeks, Persian customs
with the Persians Noticing also that
among his chief friends and favourites, Hephaestion most approved
all that he did, and complied with and imitated him in his change
of habits, while Craterus continued strict in the observation of the
customs and fashions of his own country, he made it his practice to
employ the first in all transactions with the Persians, and the latter
when he had to do with the Greeks or Macedonians. And in general he
showed more affection for Hephaestion, and more respect for Craterus;
Hephaestion, as he used to say, being Alexander's, and Craterus the
king's friend. And so these two friends always bore in secret a grudge
to each other, and at times quarrelled openly, so much so that once
in India they drew weapons upon each other, and were proceeding in
good earnest, with their friends on each side to second them, when
Alexander rode up and publicly reproved Hephaestion, calling him fool
and madman, not to be aware that without his favour he was nothing.
He also rebuked Craterus in private, severely, and then made them
both to come into his presence, and reconciled them, at the same time
swearing by Ammon and the rest of the gods that he loved them both
above all other men, but if ever he perceived them fall out again
he would surely put both of them to death, or at least the aggressor.
After which they neither ever did or said anything, so much as in
jest, to offend one another. Quarrel with Philotas, the son of Parmenio There was scarcely
anyone who had greater repute among the Macedonians than Philotas,
the son of Parmenio. For along with being valiant and able to endure
any fatigue of war, he was also next to Alexander himself the most
munificent, and the most loving towards his friends. When one of them
asked him for some money, he commanded his steward to give it him;
and when he told him he had none, he asked "Have you not any
plate, then, or any clothes of mine to sell?" But he carried
his arrogance and his pride of wealth and his habits of display and
luxury to a degree of assumption unbecoming a private man; and affecting
all the loftiness without succeeding in showing any of the grace or
gentleness of true greatness, by this mistaken and spurious majesty
he gained so much envy and ill-will, that Parmenio would sometimes
tell him, "My son, to be not quite so great would be better." Philotas had long
before been complained of and accused to Alexander. Particularly when
Darius was defeated in Cilicia, and an immense booty was taken at
Damascus, among the rest of the prisoners who were brought into the
camp, there was one Antigone of Pydna, a very handsome woman, who
fell to Philotas's share. One day in his cups, the young man, in the
vaunting, outspoken, soldier's manner, declared to his mistress that
all the great actions were performed by him and his father, while
the glory and benefit of them, together with the title of king, were
reaped by the boy Alexander. She could not hold this in, but revealed
what he had said to one of her acquaintance, and he, as is usual in
such cases, to another, till at last the story came to the ears of
Craterus, who brought the woman secretly to the king. When Alexander
had heard what she had to say, he commanded her to continue her intrigue
with Philotas, and give him an account from time to time of anything
he should say of this kind. Thus unwittingly caught in a snare, sometimes
to gratify sometimes a fit of anger, or from a love of vainglory,
he let himself utter numerous foolish, indiscreet speeches against
the king in Antigone's hearing. Although Alexander
was informed of this and convinced by strong evidence, still he would
take no notice of it at present, whether it was that he confided in
Parmenio's affection and loyalty, or that he apprehended their authority
and interest in the army. But about this time, one Limnus, a Macedonian
of Chalastra, conspired against Alexander's life, and communicated
his design to Nicomachus, a youth whom he was fond of, inviting him
to join the conspiracy. But not relishing the thing, he revealed it
to his brother Balinus, who immediately addressed himself to Philotas,
requesting him to introduce them both to Alexander, to whom they had
something important to impart which concerned him closely. But he,
for what reason is uncertain, did not go with them, professing that
the king was engaged with Alexander was greatly
incensed, and upon finding that Limnus had defended himself, and had
been killed by the soldier who was sent to seize him, he was still
more discomposed, thinking he had thus lost the means of detecting
the plot. As soon as his displeasure against Philotas began to appear,
presently all his old enemies showed themselves, and said openly,
the king was too easily imposed upon, to imagine that one so inconsiderable
as Limnus, a Chalastrian, should undertake such an enterprise on his
own; that in all likelihood he was only subservient to the design,
an instrument that was moved by some greater spring; that those ought
to be more strictly examined about the matter whose interest it was
so much to conceal it. When they had once gained the king's ear for
insinuations of this sort, they went on to show a thousand grounds
of suspicion against Philotas, till at last they prevailed to have
him seized and put to the torture, which was done in the presence
of the principal officers. When Alexander, who stood behind some tapestry
to hear what passed, heard in what a miserable tone, and with what
abject submissions Philotas applied himself to Hephaestion, he broke
out, it is said, in this manner: "Are you so mean-spirited and
effeminate, Philotas, and yet can engage in so desperate a design?" After Philotas'
death, he presently sent into Media, and put also Parmenio, his father,
to death, who had done brave service under Philip, and was the only
man of his older friends and counsellors who had encouraged Alexander
to invade Asia. Of three sons whom he had had in the army, he had
already lost two, and now was himself put to death with the third.
These actions rendered Alexander an object of terror to many of his
friends, and chiefly to Antipater, who, to strengthen himself, sent
messengers privately to treat for an alliance with the Aetolians,
who stood in fear of Alexander, because they had destroyed the town
of the Oeniadae; on being informed of which, Alexander had said the
children of the Oeniadae need not revenge their father's quarrel,
for he would himself take care to punish the Aetolians. Not long after this,
there occurred the deplorable end of Clitus, which, to those who barely
hear the matter, may seem more inhuman than that of Philotas; but
if we consider the story with its circumstance of time, and weigh
the cause, we shall find it to have occurred rather through a sort
of mischance of the king's, whose anger and over-drinking offered
an occasion to the evil genius of Clitus. The king had a present of
Grecian fruit brought him from the sea-coast, which was so fresh and
beautiful that he was surprised at it, and called Clitus to him to
see it, and to give him a share of it. Clitus was then sacrificing,
but he immediately left off and came, followed by three sheep, on
whom the drink-offering had been already poured preparatory to sacrificing
them. Alexander, hearing this, told his diviners, Aristander and Cleomantis
the Lacedaemonian, and asked them what it meant. When they told him
it was an ill omen, he commanded them to hastily offer sacrifices
for Clitus' safety, forasmuch as three days before he himself had
seen a strange vision in his sleep, of Clitus all in mourning, sitting
beside Parmenio's sons who were dead. Clitus, however, did not stay
to finish his devotions, but came straight to supper with the king,
who had sacrificed to Castor and Pollux. After they had drunk
pretty hard, some of the company fell to singing the verses of one
Pranichus, or as others say of Pierion, which were directed against
those captains who had been lately worsted by the barbarians, in order
to disgrace and turn them to ridicule. This gave offence to the older
men who were there, and they upbraided both the author and the singer
of the verses, though Alexander and the younger men about him were
much amused to hear them, and encouraged them to go on, till at last
Clitus, who had drunk too much, and was besides of an angry and willful
temper, was so nettled that he could hold himself in no longer. He
said it was not well done to shame the Macedonians before the barbarians
and their enemies, since though it was their misfortune to be overcome,
still they were much better men than those who laughed at them. When Alexander remarked,
that Clitus was pleading his own cause, giving cowardice the name
of misfortune, Clitus repliet: "This cowardice, as you are pleased
to term it, saved the life of a son of the gods, when in flight from
Spithridates's sword; it is by the expense of Macedonian blood, and
by these wounds, that you are now raised to such a height as to be
able to disown your father Philip, and call yourself the son of Ammon." "You base fellow,"
said Alexander, who was now thoroughly exasperated, "do you think
to utter these things everywhere of me, and stir up the Macedonians
to sedition, and not be punished for it?" "We are sufficiently
punished already," answered Clitus, "if this be the recompense
of our toils, and we must esteem theirs a happy lot who have not lived
to see their countrymen scourged with Median rods and forced to sue
to the Persians to have access to their king." While he talked
thus at random, and those near Alexander got up from their seats and
began to revile him in turn, the elder men did what they could to
compose the disorder. Alexander, in the meantime turning about to
Xenodochus, the Pardian, and Artemius, the Colophonian, asked him
if they were not of opinion that the Greeks, in comparison with the
Macedonians, behaved themselves like so many demigods among wild beasts. But Clitus would
not give over, desiring Alexander to speak out if he had anything
more to say, or else why did he invite men who were freeborn and accustomed
to speak their minds openly without restraint to sup with him. He
had better live and converse with barbarians and slaves who would
not scruple to bow the knee to his Persian girdle and his white tunic.
Which words so provoked Alexander that, not able to suppress his anger
any longer, he threw one of the apples that lay upon the table at
him, and hit him, and then looked about for his sword. But Aristophanes,
one of his bodyguard, had hid that out of the way, and others came
about him and besought him, but in vain; for, breaking from them,
he called out aloud to his guards in the Macedonian language, which
was a certain sign of some great disturbance in him, and commanded
a trumpeter to sound, giving him a blow with his clenched fist for
not instantly obeying him; though afterwards the same man was commended
for disobeying an order which would have put the whole army into tumult
and confusion. When Clitus still
refused to yield, he was with much trouble forced by his friends out
of the room. But he came in again immediately by another door, very
irreverently and confidently singing the verses out of Euripides's
Andromache,– "In Greece, alas! how ill things ordered are ..." Upon this, at last,
Alexander, snatching a spear from one of the soldiers met Clitus as
he was coming forward and was putting aside the curtain that hung
before the door, and ran him through the body. He fell at once with
a cry and a groan. At this the king's anger immediately vanished,
and he came perfectly to himself, and when he saw his friends about
him all in a profound silence, he pulled the spear out of the dead
body, and would have thrust it into his own throat, if the guards
had not held his hands and by main force carried him away into his
chamber, where all that night and the next day he wept bitterly, till
being quite spent with lamenting and exclaiming, he lay as it were
speechless, only uttering deep sighs. His friends feared
some harm from his silence and broke into the room, but he took no
notice of what any of them said, till Aristander reminded him of the
vision he had seen about Clitus, and the prodigy that followed, as
if all had come to pass by an unavoidable fatality; he then seemed
to moderate his grief. They now brought Callisthenes, the philosopher,
a close friend of Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera, to him. Callisthenes
used moral language, and gentle and soothing means, hoping to find
access for words of reason, and get a hold upon the passion. Anaxarchus, who
had always taken his own line in philosophy, and had a name for despising
and slighting his contemporaries, as soon as he came in, called aloud,
"Is this the Alexander whom the whole world looks to, lying here
weeping like a slave, for fear of the censure and reproach of men,
to whom he himself ought to be a law and measure of equity, if he
would use the right his conquests have given him as supreme lord and
governor of all, and not be the victim of a vain and idle opinion?
Do not you know," he said, "that Jupiter is represented
to have Justice and Law on each hand of him, to signify that all the
actions of a conqueror are lawful and just?" With these and similar
speeches, Anaxarchus indeed allayed the king's grief, but also corrupted
his character, rendering him more audacious and lawless than he had
been. Nor did he fail by these means to insinuate himself into Alexander's
favour, and to make Callisthenes's company, which at all times, because
of his austerity, was not very acceptable, more uneasy and disagreeable
to him. The boldness of the philosopher
Callisthenes, and his ruin It happened that these two philosophers met at an entertainment where
conversation turned on the subject of climate and the temperature
of the air. Callisthenes shared the opinion of those who held that
those countries were colder, and the winter sharper there than in
Greece. Anaxarchus would by no means allow this, but hotly argued
against it. "Surely," said Callisthenes, "you must
admit this country to be colder than Greece, for there you used to
have only one threadbare cloak to keep out the coldest winter, and
here you have three good warm mantles one over another." This
piece of raillery irritated Anaxarchus and the other pretenders to
learning, and the crowd of flatterers in general could not endure
to see Callisthenes so much admired and followed by the youth, and
no less esteemed by the older men for his orderly life and his gravity
and for being contented with his condition; and confirming what he
had professed about the object he had in his journey to Alexander,
that it was only to get his countrymen recalled from banishment, and
to rebuild and repeople his native town. Besides the envy which his
great reputation raised, he also, by his own deportment, gave those
who wished him ill opportunity to do him mischief. For when he was
invited to public entertainments, he would most times refuse to come,
or if he were present at any, he put a constraint upon the company
by his austerity and silence, which seemed to intimate his disapproval
of what he saw. So that Alexander himself said in application to him,– "That
vain pretence to wisdom I detest, Being invited with many more to sup with the king, he was called upon
when the cup came to him, to make an oration extempore in praise of
the Macedonians; and he did it with such a flow of eloquence, that
all who heard it rose from their seats to clap and applaud him, and
threw their garland upon him; only Alexander told him out of Euripides,– "I wonder
not that you have spoke so well, "Therefore," he said, "if you will show the force of your
eloquence, tell my Macedonians their faults, and dispraise them, that
by hearing their errors they may learn to be better for the future."
Callisthenes presently obeyed him, retracting all he had said before,
and, inveighing against the Macedonians with great freedom, added,
that Philip thrived and grew powerful, chiefly by the discord of the
Grecians, applying this verse to him,– "In civil strife e'en villains rise to fame!" This so offended the Macedonians, that he was odious to them ever after.
And Alexander said, that instead of his eloquence, he had only made
his ill-will appear in what he had spoken. Hermippus assures us that
one Stroebus, a servant whom Callisthenes kept to read to him, gave
this account of these passages afterwards to Aristotle; and that when
he perceived the king grow more and more averse to him, two or three
times, as he was going away, he repeated the verses,– "Death
seiz'd at last on great Patroclus too, Not without reason, therefore, did Aristotle give this character of Callisthenes,
that he was, indeed, a powerful speaker, but had no judgment. He acted
certainly a true philosopher's part in positively refusing, as he
did, to pay adoration; and by speaking out openly against that which
the best and gravest of the Macedonians only repined at in secret,
he delivered the Grecians and Alexander himself from a great disgrace,
when the practice was given up. But he ruined himself by it, because
he went too roughly to work, as if he would have forced the king to
that which he should have effected by reason and persuasion. Chares of Mitylene writes, that at a banquet Alexander, after he had
drunk, reached the cup to one of his friends, who, on receiving it,
rose up towards the domestic altar, and when he had drunk, first adored
and then kissed Alexander, and afterwards laid himself down at the
table with the rest. Which they all did one after another, till it
came to Callisthenes's turn, who took the cup and drank, while the
king, who was engaged in conversation with Hephaestion, was not watching,
and then came and offered to kiss him. But Demetrius, surnamed Phidon,
interposed, saying, "Sir, by no means let him kiss you, for only
he of us all has refused to adore you." So the king declined
it, and all the concern Callisthenes showed was, that he said aloud,
"Then I go away with a kiss less than the rest." The displeasure
he incurred by this action procured credit for Hephaestion's declaration
that he had broken his word to him in not paying the king the same
veneration that others did, as he had faithfully promised to do. To finish his disgrace, a number of such men as Lysimachus and Hagnon
now affirmed that the sophist went about everywhere boasting of his
resistance to arbitrary power, and that the young men all ran after
him, and honoured him as the only man among so many thousands who
had the courage to preserve his liberty. Therefore when Hermolaus's
conspiracy came to be discovered, the charges which his enemies brought
against him were the more easily believed, particularly that when
that young man asked him what he should do to be the most illustrious
person on earth, he told him the quickest way was to kill him who
was already so, and that to incite him to commit the deed, he bade
him not be awed by the golden couch, but remember Alexander was a
man equally infirm and vulnerable as another. However, none of Hermolaus's
accomplices, even in the utmost extremity, made any mention of Callisthenes's
being engaged in the plan. Indeed Alexander himself, in the letters
he wrote soon afterwards to Craterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, tells
them that the young men who were put to the torture declared they
had entered into the conspiracy of themselves, without any others
being privy to or guilty of it. But still afterwards, in a letter
to Antipater, he accuses Callisthenes. "The young men,"
he says, "were stoned to death by the Macedonians, but for the
sophist" (meaning Callisthenes), "I will take care to punish
him with them too who sent him to me, and who harbour those in their
cities who conspire against my life," an unequivocal declaration
against Aristotle, in whose house Callisthenes, for family's sake,
being the son of his niece Hero, had been educated. His death is variously related. Some say he was hanged by Alexander's
orders; others, that he died of sickness in prison; but Chares writes
he was kept in chains seven months after he was arrested, with a view
to his being tried in full council, when Aristotle should be present;
but that growing very fat, and contracting a disease of vermin, he
there died, about the time that Alexander was wounded in India, in
the country of the Malli Oxydracae, all which came to pass afterwards. Now, to proceed in order, Demaratus of Corinth, now quite an old man,
had made a great effort, about this time, to pay Alexander a visit;
and when he had seen him, said he pitied the misfortune of those Grecians,
who were so unhappy as to die before they had beheld Alexander seated
on the throne of Darius. But he did not long enjoy the benefit of
the king's kindness for him, except that soon after falling sick and
dying, he had a magnificent funeral, and the army raised him a monument
of earth fourscore cubits high, and of a vast circumference. His ashes
were conveyed in a very rich chariot, drawn by four horses, to the
seaside. Opposition to the expedition into India Alexander, now intent
upon his expedition into India, took notice that his soldiers were
so charged with booty that it hindered their marching. Therefore,
at daybreak, as soon as the baggage wagons were laden first he set
fire to his own, and to those of his friends, and then commanded those
to be burnt which belonged to the rest of the army. This act had seemed
more dangerous and difficult in the planning than it proved in the
execution, since few were dissatisfied with it; for most of the soldiers,
as if they had been inspired, uttering loud outcries and warlike shoutings,
supplied one another with what was absolutely necessary, and burnt
and destroyed all that was superfluous, the sight of which redoubled
Alexander's zeal and eagerness for his design. And, indeed, he had
now grown very severe and inexorable in punishing those who committed
any fault. For he put Menander, one of his friends, to death for deserting
a fortress where he had placed him in garrison, and killed Orsodates,
one of the barbarians who revolted from him, with his own hand. At this time a sheep
happened to yean a lamb, with the perfect shape and colour of a tiara
upon the head, and testicles on each side; which portent Alexander
regarded with such dislike, that he immediately caused his Babylonian
priests, whom he usually carried about with him for such purposes,
to purify him, and told his friends he was not so much concerned for
his own sake as for theirs, out of an apprehension that after his
death the divine power might allow his empire to fall into the hands
of some degenerate, impotent person. But this fear was soon removed
by a wonderful thing that happened not long after, and was thought
to predict better. For Proxenus, a Macedonian, who was the chief of
those who looked to the king's furniture, as he was breaking up the
ground near the river Oxus, to set up the royal pavilion, discovered
a spring of a fat oily liquor, which, after the top was taken off,
ran pure, clear oil, without any difference either of taste or smell,
having exactly the same smoothness and brightness, and that, too,
in a country where no olives grew. The water, indeed, of the river
Oxus, is said to feel the smoothest of all waters, and to leave a
gloss on the skins of those who bathe themselves in it. Whatever might
be the cause, certain it is that Alexander was wonderfully pleased
with it, as appears by his letters to Antipater, where he speaks of
it as one of the most remarkable presages that God had ever favoured
him with. The diviners told him it signified his expedition would
be glorious in the event, but very painful and attended with many
difficulties; for oil, they said, was bestowed on mankind by God as
a refreshment of their labours. Nor did they judge
amiss, for he exposed himself to many hazards in the battles which
he fought, and received very severe wounds, but the greatest loss
in his army was occasioned through the unwholesomeness of the air
and the want of necessary provisions. But he still applied himself
to overcome fortune and whatever opposed him, by resolution and virtue,
and thought nothing impossible to true courage, and on the other hand
nothing secure or strong for cowardice. It is told of him that when
he besieged Sisimithres, who held an inaccessible, impregnable rock
against him, and his soldiers began to despair of taking it, he asked
Oxyartes whether Sisimithres was a man of courage, and was told he
was the greatest coward alive. "Then you tell me," said
Alexander, "that the place may easily be taken, since what is
in command of it is weak." A little time later he so terrified
Sisimithres that he took it without any difficulty. At an attack which
he made upon another such precipitous place with some of his Macedonian
soldiers, he called to one whose name was Alexander, and told him
he at any rate must fight bravely if only for his name's sake. The
youth fought gallantly and was killed in the action, at which he was
visibly afflicted. Another time, seeing his men march slowly and unwillingly
to the siege of the place called Nysa, because of a deep river between
them and the town, he advanced before them, and standing upon the
bank, "What a miserable man," he said, "am I, that
I have not learned to swim!" and then was hardly dissuaded from
endeavouring to cross it upon his shield. Here, after the assault
was over, the ambassadors who from several towns which he had besieged
came to submit to him and make their peace, were surprised to find
him still in his armour, without any one in waiting or attendance
upon him, and when at last some one brought him a cushion, he made
the eldest of them, named Acuphis, take it and sit down upon it. The
old man, marvelling at his magnanimity and courtesy, asked him what
his countrymen should do to merit his friendship. "I would have
them," said Alexander, "choose you to govern them, and send
one hundred of the most worthy men among them to remain with me as
hostages." Acuphis laughed and answered, "I shall govern
them with more ease, sir, if I send you so many of the worst, rather
than the best of my subjects." The power of the Indian king, Taxiles The extent of King
Taxiles's dominions in India was thought to be as large as Egypt,
abounding in good pastures, and producing beautiful fruits. The king
himself had the reputation of a wise man, and at his first interview
with Alexander he spoke to him in these terms: "To what purpose,"
he said, "should we make war upon one another, if the design
of your coming into these parts is not to rob us of our water or our
necessary food, which are the only things that wise men are indispensably
obliged to fight for? As for other riches and possessions, as they
are accounted in the eye of the world, if I am better provided of
them than you, I am ready to let you share with me; but if fortune
has been more liberal to you than me, I have no objection to be obliged
to you." This discourse pleased Alexander so much that, embracing
him, he said, "Do you think your kind words and courteous behaviour
will bring you through this interview without a contest? No, you shall
not escape so. I shall contend and do battle with you so far, that
howsoever obliging you are, you shall not have the better of me."
Then receiving some presents from him, he returned him others of greater
value, and to complete his bounty gave him in money ready coined one
thousand talents. At this his old friends were much displeased, but
it gained him the hearts of many of the barbarians. However, the best
soldiers of the Indians now entered into the pay of several of the
cities, undertaking to defend them, and did it so bravely that they
put Alexander to a great deal of trouble, till at last, after the
surrender of the place, and their capitulation, he attacked them as
they were marching away and put them all to the sword. This one breach
of his word remains as a blemish upon his achievements in war, which
he otherwise had performed throughout with that justice and honour
that became a king. Nor was he less incommoded by the Indian philosophers,
who inveighed against those princes who joined his party, and solicited
the free nations to oppose him. He took several of these also and
caused them to be hanged. Elephants in the battle at the river Hydaspes Alexander, in his
own letters, has given us an account of his war with Porus. He says
the two armies were separated by the river Hydaspes, on whose opposite
bank Porus continually kept his elephants in order of battle, with
their heads towards their enemies, to guard the passage; that he,
on the other hand, made every day a great noise and clamour in his
camp, to dissipate the apprehensions of the barbarians; that one stormy
dark night he passed the river, at a distance from the place where
the enemy lay, into a little island, with part of his foot and the
best of his horse. Here there fell a most violent storm of rain, accompanied
with lightning and whirlwinds, and seeing some of his men burnt and
dying with the lightning, he nevertheless abandoned the island and
made it over to the other side. The Hydaspes, he says, now after the
storm, was so swollen and grown so rapid as to have made a breach
in the bank, and a part of the river was now pouring in here, so that
when he came across it was with difficulty he got a footing on the
land, which was slippery and unsteady, and exposed to the force of
the currents on both sides. This is the occasion
when he is related to have said, "O ye Athenians, will ye believe
what dangers I incur to merit your praise?" This, however, is
Onesicritus's story. Alexander says, here the men left their boats,
and crossed over in their armour, up to their chests in water, and
that then he advanced with his cavalry about twenty furlongs before
his infantry, concluding that if the enemy charged him with their
cavalry he should be too strong for them; if with their infantry,
his own would come up soon enough to his assistance. Nor did he judge
amiss; for being charged by a thousand horse and sixty armed chariots,
which advanced before their main body, he took all the chariots, and
killed four hundred horse upon the place. Porus, by this time, guessing
that Alexander himself had crossed over, came on with his whole army,
except a party which he left behind to hold the rest of the Macedonians
in play, if they should attempt to pass the river. But he, noting
the multitude of the enemy, and to avoid the shock of their elephants,
divided his forces, and attacked their left wing himself, and commanded
Coenus to fall upon the right, which was performed with good success.
For by this means both wings being broken, the enemies fell back in
their retreat upon the centre, and crowded in upon their elephants.
There rallying, they fought a hand-to-hand battle, and it was the
eighth hour of the day before they were entirely defeated. This description
the conqueror himself has left us in his own epistles. Almost all the historians
agree in relating that Porus was four cubits and a span high, and
that when he was upon his elephant, which was of the largest size,
his stature and bulk were so matched, that he appeared to be proportionately
mounted, as a horseman on his horse. This elephant, during the whole
battle, gave many singular proofs of sagacity and of particular care
of the king, whom as long as he was strong and in a condition to fight,
he defended with great courage, repelling those who set upon him;
and as soon as he perceived him overpowered with his numerous wounds
and the multitude of darts that were thrown at him, to prevent his
falling off, he softly knelt down and began to draw out the darts
with his trunk. When Porus was taken prisoner, and Alexander asked
him how he expected to be treated, he answered, "As a king."
That expression, he said, when the same question was put to him a
second time, included everything. And Alexander, accordingly, not
only allowed him to govern his own kingdom as satrap under himself,
but gave him also the additional territory of various independent
tribes whom he subdued, a district which, it is said, contained fifteen
several nations, and five thousand considerable towns, besides abundance
of villages. To another government, three times as large as this,
he appointed Philip, one of his friends. Some little time
after the battle with Porus, Bucephalus died, as most of the authorities
state, as his wounds were being treated, or, as Onesicritus says,
of fatigue and age, being thirty years old. Alexander was no less
concerned at his death than if he had lost an old companion or an
intimate friend, and built a city, which he named Bucephalia, in memory
of him, on the bank of the river Hydaspes. He also, we are told, built
another city, and called it after the name of a favourite dog, Peritas,
which he had brought up himself. So Sotion assures us he was informed
by Potamon of Lesbos. But this last combat
with Porus took off the edge of the Macedonians' courage, and halted
their further progress into India. For having found it hard enough
to defeat an enemy who brought only twenty thousand foot and two thousand
horse into the field, they thought they had reason to oppose Alexander's
design of leading them on to pass over the Ganges, too, which they
were told was thirty-two furlongs broad and a fathoms deep, and the
banks on the further side covered with multitudes of enemies. For
they were told the kings of the Gandaritans and Praesians expected
them there with eighty thousand horse, two hundred thousand foot,
eight thousand armed chariots, and six thousand fighting elephants.
Nor was this a mere vain report, spread to discourage them. For Androcottus,
who not long after reigned in those parts, made a present of five
hundred elephants at once to Seleucus, and with an army of six hundred
thousand men subdued all India. Alexander is enraged at his men's reluctance Alexander at first
was so grieved and enraged at his men's reluctancy that he shut himself
up in his tent and threw himself upon the ground, declaring, if they
would not pass the Ganges, he owed them no thanks for anything they
had hitherto done, and that to retreat now was plainly to confess
himself vanquished. But at last the reasonable persuasions of his
friends and the cries and lamentations of his soldiers, who in a suppliant
manner crowded about the entrance of his tent, prevailed with him
to think of returning. Yet he could not refrain from leaving behind
him various deceptive memorials of his expedition, to impose upon
aftertimes, and to exaggerate his glory with posterity, such as arms
larger than were really worn, and mangers for horses, with bits and
bridles above the usual size, which he set up, and distributed in
several places. He erected altars, also, to the gods, which the kings
of the Praesians even in our time do honour to when they pass the
river, and offer sacrifice upon them after the Grecian manner. Androcottus,
then a boy, saw Alexander there, and is said often afterwards to have
been heard to say, that he barely missed becoming master of those
countries; for their king, who then reigned, was so hated and despised
for the viciousness of his life and the meanness of his extraction. Alexander was now
eager to see the ocean. For this purpose he caused a great many tow-boats
and rafts to be built, in which he flated gently down the rivers at
his leisure, in aBut at a siege of
a town of the Mallians, who have the repute of being the bravest people
of India, he ran in great danger of his life. For having beaten off
the defenders with showers of arrows, he was the first man that mounted
the wall by a scaling-ladder, which, as soon as he was up, broke and
left him almost alone, exposed to the darts which the barbarians threw
at him in great numbers from below. In this distress, turning himself
as well as he could, he leaped down in the midst of his enemies, and
had the good fortune to light upon his feet. The brightness and clattering
of his armour when he came to the ground made the barbarians think
they saw rays of light, or some bright phantom playing before his
body, which at first frightened them so that they ran away and dispersed.
Then seeing him helped by only two of his guards, they fell upon him
hand-to-hand, and some, while he bravely defended himself, tried to
wound him through his armour with their swords and spears. And one
who stood further off drew a bow with such strength that the arrow,
finding its way through his cuirass, stuck in his ribs under the breast.
This stroke was so violent that it made him give way, and set one
knee to the ground, upon which the man ran up with his drawn scimitar,
thinking to despatch him, and would have done it, if Peucestes and
Limnaeus had not interposed. Both were wounded, Limnaeus mortally,
but Peucestes stood his ground, while Alexander killed the barbarians.
Even this did not free him from danger; for, besides many other wounds,
at last he received so weighty a stroke of a club upon his neck that
he was forced to lean his body against the wall, still, however, facing
the enemy. At this extremity,
the Macedonians made their way in and gathered round him. They took
him up, just as he was fainting away, having lost all sense of what
was done near him, and conveyed him to his tent, upon which it was
presently reported all over the camp that he was dead. But when they
had with great difficulty and pains sawed off the shaft of the arrow,
which was of wood, and so with much trouble got off his cuirass, they
came to cut the head of it, which was three fingers broad and four
long, and stuck fast in the bone. During the operation he was taken
with almost mortal swoonings, but when it was out he came to himself
again. Still though all danger was past, he continued very weak, and
confined himself a great while to a regular diet and the method of
his cure, till one day hearing the Macedonians clamouring outside
in their eagerness to see him, he took his cloak and went out. And
having sacrificed to the gods, without more delay he went on board
again, and as he coasted along subdued a great deal of the country
on both sides, and several considerable cities. Interviewing the Indian philosophers In this voyage he
took ten of the Indian philosophers prisoners who had been most active
in persuading Sabbas to revolt, and had caused the Macedonians a great
deal of trouble. These men, called Gymnosophists, were reputed to
be extremely ready and succinct in their answers, which he made trial
of, by putting difficult questions to them, letting them know that
those whose answers were not pertinent should be put to death, on
which he made the eldest of them judge. The first being
asked which he thought the most numerous, the dead or the living,
answered, "The living because those who are dead are not at all."
Of the second, he desired to know whether the earth or the sea produced
the largest beasts; who told him, most "The earth, for the sea
is but a part of it." His question to the third was, Which is
the cunning of beasts? "That," he said, "which men
have not yet found out." He bade the fourth tell him what argument
he used to Sabbas to persuade him to revolt. "No other,"
he said, "than that he should either live or die nobly."
Of the fifth he asked, Which was the eldest, night or day? The philosopher
replied, "Day was eldest, by one day at least." But perceiving
Alexander not well satisfied with that account, he added, that he
ought not to wonder if strange questions had as strange answers made
to them. Then he went on and inquired of the next, what a man should
do to be exceedingly beloved. "He must be very powerful,"
he said, "without making himself too much feared." The answer
of the seventh to his question, how a man might become a god, was,
"By doing that which was impossible for men to do." The
eighth told him, "Life is stronger than death, because it supports
so many miseries." And the last being asked, how long he thought
it decent for a man to live, said, "Till death appeared more
desirable than life." Then Alexander turned
to him whom he had made judge, and commanded him to give sentence.
"All that I can determine," he said, "is, that they
have every one answered worse than another." "Indeed"
said the king, "then you shall die first, for giving such a sentence."
"Not so, O king," replied the gymnosophist, "unless
you said falsely that he should die first who made the worst answer."
In conclusion he gave them presents and dismissed them. But to those who
were in greatest reputation among them, and lived a private quiet
life, he sent Onesicritus, a disciple of Diogenes the Cynic, desiring
them to come to him. Calanus, it is said, very arrogantly and roughly
commanded him to strip himself and hear what he said naked, otherwise
he would not speak a word to him, though he came from Jupiter himself.
But Dandamis received him with more civility, and hearing him discourse
of Socrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes, told him he thought them men
of great parts and to have erred in nothing so much as in having too
great respect for the laws and customs of their country. Others say
Dandamis only asked him the reason why Alexander undertook so long
a journey to come into those parts. Abandoning the campaign in India Taxiles, however,
persuaded Calanus to wait upon Alexander. His proper name was Sphines,
but because he was wont to say Cale, which in the Indian tongue is
a form of salutation to those he met with anywhere, the Greeks called
him Calanus. He is said to have shown Alexander an instructive emblem
of government, which was this. He threw a dry shrivelled hide upon
the ground, and trod upon the edges of it. The skin when it was pressed
in one place still rose up in another, wheresoever he trod round about
it, till he set his foot in the middle, which made all the parts lie
even and quiet. The meaning of this similitude being that he ought
to reside most in the middle of his empire, and not spend too much
time on the borders of it. Return Journey, to Babylon and Persia His voyage down
the rivers took up seven months' time, and when he came to the sea,
he sailed to an island which he himself called Scillustis, others
Psiltucis, and going ashore, he sacrificed, and made what observations
he could as to the nature of the sea and the sea-coast. Then having
besought the gods that no other man might ever go beyond the bounds
of this expedition, he ordered his fleet, of which he made Nearchus
admiral and Onesicritus pilot, to sail round about, keeping the Indian
shore on the right hand, and returned himself by land through the
country of the Orites, where he was reduced to dire straits for want
of provisions, and lost a vast number of his men, so that of an army
of one hundred and twenty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse,
he scarcely brought back a fourth part out of India, they were so
diminished by disease, ill diet, and the scorching heats, but most
by famine. For their march was through an uncultivated country whose
inhabitants fared hardly, possessing only a few sheep, and those of
a wretched kind, whose flesh was rank and unsavoury, by their continual
feeding upon sea-fish. After sixty days'
march he came into Gedrosia, where he found great plenty of all things,
which the neighbouring kings and governors of provinces, hearing of
his approach, had taken care to provide. When he had here refreshed
his army, he continued his march through Carmania, feasting all the
way for seven days together. He with his most intimate friends banqueted
and revelled night and day upon a platform erected on a lofty, conspicuous
scaffold, which was slowly drawn by eight horses. This was followed
by a great many chariots, some covered with purple and embroidered
canopies, and some with green boughs, which were continually supplied
afresh, and in them the rest of his friends and commanders sat drinking,
and crowned with garlands of flowers. There was now no target or helmet
or spear to be seen; instead of armour, the soldiers handled nothing
but cups and goblets and Thericlean drinking vessels, which, along
the whole way, they dipped into large bowls and jars, and drank healths
to one another, some sitting down to it, others doing so as they went
along. All places resounded with music of pipes and flutes, with harping
and singing, and women dancing as in the rites of Bacchus. For this
disorderly, wandering march, besides the drinking part of it, was
accompanied with all the sportiveness and insolence of bacchanals,
as much as if the god himself had been there to countenance and lead
the procession. As soon as he came
to the royal palace of Gedrosia, he again refreshed and feasted his
army; and one day after he had drunk pretty hard, it is said, he went
to see a prize of dancing contended for, in which his favourite Bagoas,
having gained the victory, crossed the theatre in his dancing habit,
and sat down close by him, which so pleased the Macedonians that they
made loud acclamations for him to kiss Bagoas, and never stopped clapping
their hands and shouting till Alexander put his arms round him and
kissed him. Here his admiral,
Nearchus, came to him, and delighted him so with the narrative of
his voyage, that he resolved himself to sail out of the mouth of the
Euphrates with a great fleet, with which he designed to go round by
Arabia and Africa, and so by Hercules's Pillars into the Mediterranean;
in order for which, he directed all sorts of vessels to be built at
Thapsacus, and made great provisions everywhere of seamen and pilots.
But the tidings of the difficulties he had gone through in his Indian
expedition, the danger to his person among the Mallians, the reported
loss of a considerable part of his forces, and a general doubt as
to his own safety, had begun to give occasion for revolt among many
of the conquered nations, and for acts of great injustice, avarice,
and insolence on the part of the satraps and commanders in the provinces,
so that there seemed to be an universal fluctuation and disposition
to change. Even at home, Olympias
and Cleopatra had raised a faction against Antipater, and divided
his government between them, Olympias seizing upon Epirus, and Cleopatra
upon Macedonia. When Alexander was told of it, he said his mother
had made the best choice, for the Macedonians would never endure to
be ruled by a woman. Upon this he despatched Nearchus again to his
fleet, to carry the war into the maritime provinces, and as he marched
that way himself he punished those commanders who had behaved ill,
particularly Oxyartes, one of the sons of Abuletes, whom he killed
with his own hand, thrusting him through the body with his spear.
And when Abuletes, instead of the necessary provisions which he ought
to have furnished, brought him three thousand talents in coined money,
he ordered it to be thrown to his horses, and when they would not
touch it, "What good," he said, "will this provision
do us?" and sent him away to prison. When he came
into Persia, he distributed money among the women, as their own kings
had been wont to do, who as often as they came there gave every one
of them a piece of gold; on account of which custom, some of them,
it is said, had come but seldom, and Ochus was so sordidly covetous
that, to avoid this expense, he never visited his native country once
in all his reign. Then finding Cyrus's sepulchre opened and rifled,
he put Polymachus, who did it, to death, though he was a man of some
distinction, a born Macedonian of Pella. And after he had read the
inscription, he caused it to be cut again below the old one in Greek
characters; the words being these: "O man, whoever you are, The reading of this
visibly touched Alexander, filling him with the thought of the uncertainty
and mutability of human affairs. At the same time Calanus, having
been a little while troubled with a disease in the bowels, requested
that he might have a funeral pile erected, to which he came on horseback,
and, after he had said some prayers and sprinkled himself and cut
off some of his hair to throw into the fire, before he ascended it,
he embraced and took leave of the Macedonians who stood by, desiring
them to pass that day in mirth and good-fellowship with their king,
whom in a little time, he said, he doubted not to see again at Babylon.
Having this said, he lay down, and covering up his face, he stirred
not when the fire came near him, but continued still in the same posture
as at first, and so sacrificed himself, as it was the ancient custom
of the philosophers in those countries to do. The same thing was done
long after by another Indian who came with Caesar to Athens, where
they still show you, "the Indian's monument." At his return
from the funeral pile, Alexander invited a great many of his friends
and principal officers to supper, and proposed a drinking match, in
which the victor should receive a crown. Promachus drank twelve quarts
of wine, and won the prize, which was a talent from them all; but
he survived his victory but three days, and was followed, as Chares
says, by forty-one more, who died of the same debauch, some extremely
cold weather having set in shortly after. Alexander marries Darius's daughter Statira At Susa, he married
Darius's daughter Statira, and celebrated also the nuptials of his
friends, bestowing the noblest of the Persian ladies upon the worthiest
of them, at the same time making it an entertainment in honour of
the other Macedonians whose marriages had already taken place. At
this magnificent festival, it is reported, there were no less than
nine thousand guests, to each of whom he gave a golden cup for the
libations. Apart from other instances of his wonderful magnificence,
he paid the debts of his army, which amounted to nine thousand eight
hundred and seventy talents. But Antigenes, who had lost one of his
eyes, though he owed nothing, got his name set down in the list of
those who were in debt, and bringing with him one who pretended to
be his creditor, and to have supplied him from the bank, received
the money. But when the cheat was found out, the king was so incensed
at it that he banished him from court, and took away his command,
though he was an excellent soldier and a man of great courage. For
when he was only a youth, and serving under Philip at the siege of
Perinthus, he was wounded in the eye by an arrow shot out of an engine,
but he would neither let the arrow be taken out nor be persuaded to
quit the field till he had bravely repulsed the enemy and forced them
to retire into the town. Accordingly he was not able to support the
disgrace of banishment with any patience, and it was plain that grief
and despair would have made him kill himself; but the king fearing
it, not only pardoned him, but let him also enjoy the benefit of his
deceit. The thirty thousand
boys whom he left behind him to be taught and disciplined were so
improved at his return, both in strength and beauty, and performed
their exercises with such dexterity and wonderful agility, that he
was extremely pleased with them, which grieved the Macedonians. And
made them fear he would have the less value for them. And when he
proceeded to send down the infirm and maimed soldiers to the sea,
they said they were unjustly and infamously dealt with, after they
were worn out in his service upon all occasions, now to be turned
away with disgrace and sent home into their country among their friends
and relations in a worse condition than when they came out; therefore
they asked him to dismiss them one and all, and to account his Macedonians
useless, now he was so well furnished with a set of dancing boys,
with whom, if he pleased, he might go on and conquer the world. These
speeches so incensed Alexander that, after he had given them a great
deal of reproachful language in his passion, he drove them away, and
committed the watch to Persians, out of whom he chose his guards and
attendants. Increasing dissatisfaction of his Macedonian soldiers When the Macedonians
saw him escorted by these men, and themselves excluded and shamefully
disgraced, their high spirits fell, and conferring with one another,
they found that jealousy and rage had almost distracted them. But
at last coming to themselves again, they went without their arms,
wearing only their under-garments, crying and weeping to offer themselves
at his tent, and asked him to deal with them as their baseness and
ingratitude deserved. However, this would not prevail; for though
his anger was already something mollified, still he would not admit
them into his presence, nor would they stir from thence, but continued
two days and nights before his tent, bewailing themselves, and imploring
him as their lord to have compassion on them. But the third day he
came out to them, and seeing them very humble and penitent, he wept
himself a great while, after a gentle reproof spoke kindly to them,
and dismissed those who were unserviceable with magnificent rewards,
and with his recommendation to Antipater, that when they came home,
at all public shows and in the theatres, they should sit on the best
and foremost seats, crowned with chaplets of flowers. He ordered,
also, that the children of those who had lost their lives in his service
should have their father's pay continued to them. When he came to
Ecbatana in Media, and had despatched his most urgent affairs, he
began to divert himself again with spectacles and public entertainments,
to carry on which he had a supply of three thousand actors and artists,
newly arrived out of Greece. But they were soon interrupted by Hephaestion's
falling sick of a fever, in which, being a young man and a soldier,
too, he could not confine himself to so exact a diet as was necessary;
for whilst his physician, Glaucus, was gone to the theatre, he ate
a fowl for his dinner, and drank a large draught of wine, upon which
he became very ill, and shortly after died. At this misfortune, Alexander
was so beyond. all reason transported that, to express his sorrow,
he immediately ordered the manes and tails of all his horses and mules
to be cut, and threw down the battlements of the neighbouring cities.
The poor physician he crucified, and forbade playing on the flute
or any other musical instrument in the camp a great while, till directions
came from the oracle of Ammon, and enjoined him to honour Hephaestion,
and sacrifice to him as a hero. Then seeking to
alleviate his grief in war, he set out, as it were, to a hunt and
chase of men, for he fell upon the Cossaeans, and put the whole nation
to the sword. This was called a sacrifice to Hephaestion's ghost.
In his sepulchre and monument and the adorning of them he intended
to bestow ten thousand talents; and designing that the excellence
of the workmanship and the singularity of the design might outdo the
expense, his wishes turned, above all other artists, to Stasicrates,
because he always promised something very bold, unusual, and magnificent
in his projects. Once when they had met before, Stasicrates told him
that, of all the mountains he knew, Mount Athos in Thrace was the
most capable of being moulded to represent the shape and features
of a man; that if he pleased to command him, he would make it the
noblest and most durable statue in the world, which in its left hand
should hold a city of ten thousand inhabitants, and out of its right
should pour a copious river into the sea. Though Alexander declined
this proposal, yet now he spent a great deal of time with workmen
to invent and contrive others even more extravagant and sumptuous. Warnings of his impending death As he was upon his
way to Babylon, Nearchus, who had sailed back out of the ocean up
the mouth of the river Euphrates, came to tell him he had met with
some Chaldaean diviners, who had warned him against Alexander's going
there. Alexander, however, took no thought of it, and went on, and
when he came near the walls of the place, he saw a great many crows
fighting with one another, some of whom fell down just near him. After
this, being privately informed that Apollodorus, governor of Babylon,
had offered sacrifice to find out what would become of him, he sent
for Pythagoras the soothsayer, and on his admitting the thing, asked
him in what condition he found the victim; and when he told him the
liver was defective in its lobe, Alexander said, "A great prediction
indeed! However, he did no injury to Pythagoras but was sorry that
he had neglected Nearchus's advice, and stayed for the most part outside
the city, removing his tent from place to place and sailing up and
down the Euphrates. He was also disturbed
by many other prodigies. A tame ass fell upon the biggest and finest
lion that he kept, and killed him by a kick. And one day after he
had undressed himself to be anointed, and was playing at ball, just
as they were going to bring his clothes again, the young men playing
with him perceived a man clad in the king's robes with a diadem upon
his head, sitting silently upon his throne. They asked the man who
he was, to which he gave no answer a good while, till at last, coming
to himself, he told them his name was Dionysius, that he was from
Messenia, that for some crime of which he was accused he was brought
there from the seaside, and had been kept long in prison; further,
that Serapis appeared to the man and had freed him from his chains,
conducted him to that place, and commanded him to put on the king's
robe and diadem, and to sit where they found him, and to say nothing.
Alexander, when he heard this, put the fellow to death at the advice
of his soothsayers, but he lost his cheerfulness, and grew diffident
of the protection and assistance of the gods, and suspicious of his
friends. His greatest apprehension
was of Antipater and his sons, one of whom, Iolaus, was his chief
cupbearer; and Cassander, who had lately arrived, and had been bred
up in Greek manners. The first time he saw some of the barbarians
adore the king he could not forbear laughing at it aloud, which so
incensed Alexander he took him by the hair with both hands and dashed
his head against the wall. Another time, Cassander would have said
something in defence of Antipater to those who accused him, but Alexander
interrupting him, said, "What is it you say? Do you think people,
if they had received no injury, would come such a journey only to
calumniate your father?" To this Cassander replied that their
coming so far from the evidence was a great proof of the falseness
of their charges. Alexander smiled, and said those were some of Aristotle's
sophisms, which would serve equally on both sides; he added that both
he and his father should be severely punished, if they were found
guilty of the least injustice towards those who complained. All this
made such a deep impression of terror in Cassander's mind that long
after, when he was King of Macedonia and master of Greece, as he was
walking up and down at Delphi, and looking at the statues, the sight
of that of Alexander suddenly struck him with alarm, and he shook
all over, his eyes rolled, his head grew dizzy, and he recovered himself
only after a long while. When Alexander had
once given way to fears of supernatural influence, his mind grew so
disturbed and so easily alarmed that, if the least unusual or extraordinary
thing happened, he thought it a prodigy or a prediction, and his court
was thronged with diviners and priests whose business was to sacrifice
and purify and foretell the future. So miserable a thing is incredulity
and contempt of divine power on the one hand, and so miserable, also,
superstition on the other, which like water, where the level has been
lowered, flowing in and never stopping, fills the mind with slavish
fears and follies, as now in Alexander's case. But upon some answers
which were brought him from the oracle concerning Hephaestion, he
laid aside his sorrow, and fell again to sacrificing and drinking;
and having given Nearchus a splendid entertainment, after he had bathed,
as was his custom, just as he was going to bed, at Medius's request
he went to supper with him. Here he drank all the next day, and was
attacked with a fever, which seized him, not as some write, after
he had drunk of the bowl of Hercules, nor was he taken with any sudden
pain in his back, as if he had been struck with a lance, for these
are the inventions of some authors who thought it their duty to make
the last scene of so great an action as tragical and moving as they
could. Aristobulus tells us, that in the rage of his fever and a violent
thirst, he took a draught of wine, upon which he fell into delirium,
and died on the thirtieth day of the month Daesius. But the journals
give the following record. On the eighteenth day of the month he slept
in the bathing-room on account of his fever. The next day he bathed
and removed into his chamber, and spent his time in playing at dice
with Medius. In the evening he bathed and sacrificed, and ate freely,
and had the fever on him through the night. On the twentieth, after
the usual sacrifices and bathing, he lay in the bathing-room and heard
Nearchus's narrative of his voyage, and the observations he had made
in the great sea. The twenty-first he passed in the same manner, his
fever still increasing, and suffered much during the night. The next
day the fever was very violent, and he had himself removed and his
bed set by the great bath, and discoursed with his principal officers
about finding fit men to fill up the vacant places in the army. On
the twenty-fourth he was much worse, and was carried out of his bed
to assist at the sacrifices, and gave order that the general officers
should wait within the court, whilst the inferior officers kept watch
without doors. On the twenty-fifth he was removed to his palace on
the other side the river, where he slept a little, but his fever did
not abate, and when the generals came into his chamber he was speechless
and continued so the following day. The Macedonians, therefore, supposing
he was dead, came with great clamours to the gates, and menaced his
friends so that they were forced to admit them, and let them all pass
through unarmed by his bedside. The same day Python and Seleucus were
despatched to the temple of Serapis to inquire if they should bring
Alexander there, and were answered by the god that they should not
remove him. On the twenty-eighth, in the evening, he died. This account
is most of it word for word as it is written in the diary. At the time, nobody
had any suspicion of his being poisoned, but upon some information
given six years after, they say Olympias put many to death, and scattered
the ashes of Iolaus, then dead, as if he had given it him. But those
who affirm that Aristotle counselled Antipater to do it, and that
by his means the poison was brought, adduced one Hagnothemis as their
authority, who, they say, heard King Antigonus speak of it, and tell
us that the poison was water, deadly cold as ice, distilled from a
rock in the district of Nonacris, which they gathered like a thin
dew, and kept in an ass's hoof; for it was so very cold and penetrating
that no other vessel would hold it. However, most are of opinion that
all this is a mere made-up story, no slight evidence of which is,
that during the dissensions among the commanders, which lasted several
days, the body continued clear and fresh, without any sign of such
taint or corruption, though it lay neglected in a close sultry place. Roxana murders Statira and her sister Roxana, who was
now with child, and upon that account much honoured by the Macedonians,
being jealous of Statira, sent for her by a counterfeit letter, as
if Alexander had been still alive; and when she had her in her power,
killed her and her sister, and threw their bodies into a well, which
they filled up with earth, not without the privity and assistance
of Perdiccas, who in the time immediately following the king's death,
under cover of the name of Arrhidaeus, whom he brought about with
him as a sort of bodyguard, exercised the chief authority. Arrhidaeus,
who was Philip's son by an obscure woman of the name of Philinna,
was himself of weak intellect, not that he had been originally deficient
either in body or mind, on the contrary, in his childhood, he had
showed a happy and promising character enough. But a diseased habit
of body, caused by drugs which Olympias gave him, had ruined, not
only his health, but his understanding. End. If you have enjoyed this edition
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